| 442 . Jaroszewicz J. Obraz Litwy pod wzgledem jej cywilizacyi, od czasow najdawniejszych do konca wieku XVIII. Wilno, 1844–1845. 3 t. 443 . Joseph Bryennius. Joseph Monachou tou Bryennion ta Heurethenta. Leipzig, 1786. 3 v. 444 . Kojalowicz W. Miscellanea rerum, ad Statum Ecclesiasticum in Magno Lituaniae Ducatupertinentia. Vilnae, 1650. 445 . Kossow 5. Patericon abo Zyvoty ss. ojcow peczersldch. Kijow, 1635. 446 . Kulczynski I. Specimen Ecclesiae Ruthenicae (cum S. sede Apostolica Romana semper unitae) ab origine susceptae fidei ad nostra usque tempora. Romae, 1733–1734. 2 t. 447 . Le Beau Ch. Histoire du Bas-Empire, en commengant a Constantin le Grand. Paris. 29 v. 448 . Lequlen M. Oriens christianus, in quatuor patriarchatus digestus; quo exhibentur ecclesiae, patriarchae, caeterique praesules totius Orientis. Parisiis, 1740. 3 v. 449 . Narbutt Т. Dzieje starozytne narodu litewskiego. Wilno, 1835–1841. 9 v. 450 . Naruszewicz A. S. Historia narodu polskiego. Z rekopisma Biblioteki Putawskiej i Jozefa hrabiego Sierakowskiego. (2-e wyd.). Warszawa, 1803– 1824. 10 t. To же. Wyd. nowe Jana Nep. Bobrowicza. Lipsk, 1836–1837. 10 t. 451 . Rinaldi 0. Annales ecclesiastici ab anno quo definit Card. Caes. Baronius. 1198, usque ad annum 1565 continuati. 2 d ed. Cololniae Agrippinae, 1691–1727.13 v. 452 . Ruysbroek W. van. Voyage remarquable de Guillaume de Rubruquis, envoile en ambassade par le roi Louis IX en differentes parties de Г Orient/Tr. de l " anglois par le s-r. de Bergeron. La Haye, 1735. 453 . Saint-Martin A. J. Histoire d " Armenie par le patriarche Jean VI, dit Jean Catholicos/Traduite de l " armenien en franais par M. J. Saint-Martin. Paris, 1841. 454 . Stebelski I. Dwa wielkie swiatta na horyzoncie Potockim z cieniow zakonnych powstajace. Wilno, 1781–1783. 3 t. 455 . Stryikowski M. Kronika polska, litewska, zmodzka i wszystkiej Rusi. Warszawa, 1846. 2 t. 456 . Syropoulos S. Vera historia unionis non verae inter Graecos et Latinos, sive Concilii florentini exactissima narratio. Hagae-Comitis: Ex typographiae AdrianiVlacqi, MDCLX (1660). |
| 10881 On early Judaism " s antipathy toward nakedness, see, e.g., Gen 3:7,10–11 ; Jub. 3:21–22,30–31; 7:8–10, 20; 1QS 7.12–14; t. Ber. 2:14; Sipre Deut. 320.5.2; Targum Rishon to Esther 1:11; cf. Moon, «Nudity.» Some Gentiles (especially in some periods) also found nudity embarrassing (Juvenal Sat. 1.71; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274A; Diogenes Laertius 2.73; cf. the «buffoon» who lifts his shirt in front of freeborn women, Theophrastus Char. 11.2), but even outside athletic activities, many did not (Plato Rep. 5.452C; Dio Chrysostom Or. 13.24; Arrian Ind. 11.7). 10884 On Greeks stripping for exercise or strenuous activity, see, e.g., Homer 17. 21.50–52; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.364; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.72.2–3; Diogenes Ep. 37. It is not clear if this practice would have appealed to Galilean fishermen. 10885 See in more detail Soards, «πενδτην»; cf. also Morris, John, 864–65. Peter had not been at the cross to witness Jesus» nakedness (19:23–24). 10886 E.g., Longus 1.30. If a Greek with servants (unlike Peter) needed to swim from a boat, he might remove even his short tunic (χιτωνσκον) and give it to a servant to hold (Theophrastus Char. 25.2). 10887 Bruce, John, 400; Carson, John, 671; Quast, Reading, 142; Watkins, John, 411. Laborers often wore loincloths around the hips (leffers, World, 43–44), but it is doubtful Peter would have one available. 10892 E.g., Josephus Life 15; Homer Od. 5.388–389, 399, 438–441; 7.276–277, 280–281; 23.23–38. Earlier Jewish references are rarer because ancient Israel engaged in maritime activity more rarely than Greeks. 10896 Xenophon Hel1. 4.5.3; Anab. 5.4.22, 30; 6.5.21; Polybius 3.71.11–3.72.6; cf. also Xenophon Anab. 4.3.9–10; Cyr. 1.2.11. 10898 It may be significant that «Sea of Tiberias» in 21probably recalls 6:1, its only other occurrence in the NT. 10899 E.g., Bowman, Gospel, 330, albeit contrasting John " s messianic meal with the eating of Leviathan in later Jewish sources. 10900 E.g., Brown, Essays, 104–5 (admitting the lack of wine and the dominance of fish over bread but citing 6:11, which he believes is sacramental). |
| 47-65; Поучение на день храмового праздника в Холмской ДС 9 сент. 1902 г. Варшава, 1902; Краткое извлечение из Отчета ректора Холмской ДС архим. Дионисия о состоянии семинарии за 1902/03 учеб. г. Варшава, 1903; Памяти инспектора Холмской ДС иером. Филиппа. Варшава, 1904; Современное состояние, задачи и нужды правосл. инородческого миссионерства в Сибири. М., 19052; Богословие Иоанново. Холм, 1909; Святыня Барграда. Холм, 1912; На память о 1600-летней годовщине торжества Креста Христова над язычеством при св. равноап. царе Константине Великом (313-1913). Почаев, 1913; Увещание христолюбивым воинам, подвизающимся на поле брани. Кременец, 1915; Пастырское изучение людей и жизни по святоотеческим творениям. Варшава, 1926; Пастырское послание преосвященных епископов Петра и Дионисия. [Б. м.], 1926; Историческое обозрение рус. пасторологической лит-ры в XIX в. Варшава, 1926; Пасторология св. Иоанна Лествичника. Варшава, 1927; Христианская археология, ее характер и ее научный метод. Варшава, 1928; Новейшие раскопки и открытия в рим. катакомбах Св. Каллиста на Аппиевой дороге. Варшава, 1928; Najnowsze wykopaliska i odkrycia w katakumbach rzymskich: Nowe malowido aobnej wieczerzy mioci, czyli agapy w katakumbach ww. Piotra i Marcellina przy Via Labicana. Warsz., 1929; Пасторологическая теология. Варшава, 1929; Pomnikowe dzieo naukowe. Warsz., 1932; Христианство и искусство. Варшава, 1935; Евхаристичний культ на Ykpaïhi. Варшава, 1936; Божественное откровение как источник истинного Богопознания. Варшава, 1937; List do Maksyma abpa Konstantynopola Nowego Rzymu i patr. Ekumenicznego w czerwcu 1946//Wiadomoci Metropolii Prawosawnej w Polsce. 1947. N 3(1-2). S. 5; Gratulacje patr. Moskiewskiemu i Wszechrusi Aleksemu z okazji intronizacji na katedr patriarsz//Ibid. S. 6; List o kociolnych i cywilnych obowizkach obywatela Polski wyznania prawosawnego (Warszawa, stycze 1946 r.)//Ibid. S. 2-6; List s okazji obchodu przez Bugarski Koció Prawosawny tysiclecia od dnia bagosawionego Jana, cudotwórcy Rylskiego (946-1946)//Ibid. |
| 210 D. Bogdanovi, ‘Svetogorska knjievnost kod Srba u XIV veku’, Nauni sastanak u Vukove dane, 8 (Beograd, 1980), 291. 211 Archives de l’Athos XIV, XVI, XVIII, Actes d’Iviron I–III, éd. par J. Lefort, N. Oikonomides, D. Papachrysanthou, V. Kravari, avec la collaboration d’H. Métrévéli (Paris, 1985, 1990, 1994); Iviron I, no 7, l. 18–19. 214 All sources for the early period of Hilandar’s history are in M. ivojinovi, Istorija Hilandara I (Beograd, 1998), pp. 47–53, 96. 215 Domentijan, ivot svetoga Simeuna i svetoga Save, izd. Dj. Danii (Beograd, 1865), pp. 122–7; Teodosije Hilandarac, ivot svetoga Save, izd. Dj. Danii (Beograd, 1860), pp. 9–21. 216 Sveti Sava, ivot svetoga Simeona (Beograd-Sremski Karlovci, 1928), pp. 162–3; Domentijan, op.cit., pp. 154–5; Teodosije Hilandarac, op.cit., pp. 40–3. 217 Archives de l’Athos XX, Actes de Chilandar I, des origines à 1319, éd. par M. ivojinovi, V. Kravari (Paris, 1998), no. 4, 24–5. 223 R. Gruji, ‘Topografija hilandarskih metohija u Solunskoj i Strumskoj oblasti od XII do XIV veka’, Zbornik radova posveen Jovanu Cvijiu (Beograd, 1924), pp. 517–34. 226 The issue is discussed by M. Markovi, ‘Prvobitni ivopis glavne manastirske crkve’, Manastir Hilandar, pp. 221–42. 227 This period is extensively covered in D. Kora, ‘Sveta Gora pod srpskom vlašu (1345–1371)’, Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta, 31 (Beograd, 1992), 9–199. 229 G. Suboti, ‘Obnova manastira Svetog Pavla u XIV veku’, Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta, 22 (Beograd, 1983), 207–58; see also M. Spremi, ‘Brankovii i Sveta Gora’, Druga kazivanja o Svetoj Gori (Beograd, 1997), pp. 81–100. 230 M. ivojinovi, ‘Svetogorci i stonski dohodak’, Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta, 23 (Beograd, 1983), 179–88. 232 R. Gruji, ‘Svetogorski azili za srpske vladare i vlastelu posle kosovske bitke’, Glasnik Skopskog naunog društva, 1 (Skopje, 1932), 69. 233 S. Radoji, ‘Umetniki spomenici manastira Hilandara’, Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta, 3 (Beograd, 1955), 175–6. See also S. Petkovi, ‘Hilandar i Rusija u XVI i XVII veku’, Kazivanja o Svetoj Gori (Beograd, 1995), pp. 143–70. |
| 5619 Mud from cold winter rains (m. Ta c an. 1:3) and inundated creek beds (cf. Homer 77. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Livy 44.8.6–7; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Herodian 3.3.7), as well as cold and rains (Hesiod Op. 450, 494) lasting through early February (Hesiod Op. 504–505), deterred travelers. See further comment on John 10:22 . 5620 E.g., Dodd, Tradition, 395–96; ÓDay, «John,» 569; on proverbs in John, see Collins, Written, 128–50; on the use of gnomes (truisms or maxims) in ancient rhetoric, see Heath, Hermogenes, 13–14; Rowe, «Style,» 148 (citing as examples Isocrates Archidamus 6.101–102; Cicero Mi1. 4.10–11). Ensor, « John 4.35 ,» finds 4consistent with other extant Jesus tradition and hence likely authentic. 5622 Ellis, Genius, 73. Dodd, Tradition, 394–95, notes that the Greeks reckoned a six-month interim and argues that the proverb makes better sense in Semitic form than as a rough Greek iambic trimeter (cf. November plowing in Hesiod Op. 383–384,448–450, and May harvest, 383–384). 5624 Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.2.6; 3.23.2; Xenophon Oec. 16.10–12; 17.2. For details, see Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 108–9. 5625 Thucydides 3.1.1 (on Greece); in May (Hesiod Op. 383–384; also on Greece). One kind of wheat that grew particularly quickly was called the three-months kind (Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.2). 5626 Stauffer, Jesus, 69, points out that the barley harvest, due in March (or April), was white (some soils make it whiter–Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.3; cf. 2.13.2), not the wheat harvest of April (or May, as in the tenth-century B.C.E. Gezer calendar; it occurs in summer in Italy, [Virgil] Priap. 1.1–2); he accordingly dates the encounter to November of 29. But «whiteness» may mean simply «brightness» in the Mediterranean sun (Sanders, John, 151 n. 7); some kinds of wheat are also called «white» (p. Péah 2:5; others are red; the «white» field of m. 2is probably irrelevant here). Different soils favor barley or wheat (Plutarch Nat. Q. 15, Mor. 915D; Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.4; 4.13.4), and many rabbis prohibited sowing them together (m. Ki1. 1:9). |
| Radost’ ispolennogo dolga, in: МР1983,9,72–73. “Pravednyj veroju iv budet» , in: МР1984,7 ,44–45. Literatur: I. Lagovskij, Bor " ba mitropolita Sergija za pravoslavnuju veru protiv bezbonikov (oblienie klevety), in: Cerk.Vest.Zap. Ev.Ep. 17(1928)21–28; 18(1928)14–15. K. Ševi, Religioznoe poloenie v Rossii za istekšij god (19291930), in: Cerk.Vest.Zap.Ev.Ep. 6/7(1930)22–46, bes. 30–35. Iz perepiski medu Vysokopreosv. Mitropolitom Sergiem i Vysokopreosv. Mitropolitom Evlogiem, in: Cerk.Vest.Zap.Ev.Ep. 3(1931)3–18. I. Stratonov, Russkaja Cerkovnaja smuta 1921–1931 gg. (Berlin 1932). P.N., Velikij Svjatitel’, in: МР 1949 ,5 ,43–46. E.L., Episkopy-ispovedniki i Patriarch Sergij, in: Cerk.Vest. Zap.Ev.Ekz. 32(1951)11–23; 33(1951)3–8; 34(1952)3; 36(1952) 5–13. Ι.Μ. Andreev, izn’ i dejatei’nos‘ sovetskago Patriarcha Sergija, in: Kratkij obzor istorii Russkoj Cerkvi od revoljucii do našych dnej. Jordanville 1952, S.72–77. Patriarch Sergius und sein geistiges Erbe. Berlin 1952, 148 S. Desjatiletije koniny Svjatejšego Patriarcha Sergija, in: Vest. Ekzarchata 19(1954)98–105. Le Patriarche Serge (1867–1944). Note bibliographique, in: Vest. Ekzarchata 20(1954)212–213. W. Alexeev, Russian Orthodox Bishops in the Soviet Union, 1941–1953 (New York 1954), hier bes. 65–97. M. Spinka, The Church in Soviet Russia (New York 1956), 51–100. R. Jakovlevi, Grechopadenie v ponimanii Patriarcha Sergija, in: Prav. Mysl’ 3(1958)152–159. R. Jakovlevi, Pravoslavnoe ponimanie blaenstva po trudam Patriarcha Sergija, in: Prav. Mysl’ 4(1959)189–198. G. Grabbe,Pravda о russkoj Cerkvi na Rodine i za Rubefcom (Jordanville 1961), 75ff. J. Jakovlévitch, Mon programme: le programme de l’ Esprit-Saint (Notice sur la vie et 1‘ouevre théologique de 1‘ancien patriarche de Moscou, Serge Stragorodsky, pour le centenaire de sa naissance), in: Annuaire de l’Eglise orthodoxe de Tchéchoslovaquie, 1966, 97–106 (tschech.). I. Gluchov, Patriarch Sergij i ego dejatel’nost’, in: МР 1967, 3,59–70. Sakarpatski, Dem großen Hierarchen, Patriarch Sergius, zum Gedächtnis, in: StdO 1967,5,20–28. |
| 3238 Wis 8:3. Cf. the close relationship between Isis and Osiris, Isis being mediator (Plutarch Mor. 352A in Betz and Smith, «De Iside,» 41). 3239 Gen. Rab. 1:1, using language from Prov. 8:30 . Freedman and Simon observe (Midrash Rabbah 1n. 1) that here «the Torah was with God as with a tutor, reared, as it were, by the Almighty.» Cf. Burkitt, Gnosis, 95, who suggests that John here echoes Genesis, which pictures God «producing the creation by consulting with Himself.» 3240 Pollard, «Relationships,» 364–65 (all six instances outside John connote «active relationship or intercourse «with»»); cf. Carson, Discourse, 92. The construction here represents neither movement toward God (Ellis, John, 21; Stevens, Theology, 90; cf. Morris, John, 76) nor an Aramaism; by this period, prepositions were becoming more ambiguous (cf., e.g., μετ» αλλλων in 6and προς αλλλους in 6:52). 3241 E.g., Pereira, «Word,» 182, citing 7:29. On relations among Father, Son, and Spirit in this Gospel, see more fully Harner, Analysis, 1–43; cf. also Gruenler, Trinity. 3249 E.g., Euripides E1. 1298–1300; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.245; cf. Homer Il. 18.94–96; Ovid Metam. 4.234–244. Most deities could not restore life once it was gone (Ovid Metam. 2.612–613). 3250 E.g., Homer Od. 4.459–461; Apollodorus 2.5.11 (cf. magical papyri for the manipulation of demons). 3251 E.g., 2Macc 6:26; 3Macc 5:7; Wis 7:25; Let. Arts. 185; Sib. Or. 1.66; T. Ab. 8:3; 15:12A; b. Šabb. 88b; Yebam. 105b; Yoma 12a; cf. Goodenough, Symbols, 2:179. 3252 E.g., Virgil Aen. 1.60; 3.251; 4.25, 206, 220; 6.592; 7.141, 770; 8.398; 9.625; 10.100, 668; 12.178,791; Georg. 2.325; Ovid Metam. 1.154; 2.304,401,505; 3.336; 9.271; 14.816; Valerius Flaccus 3.249; Plutarch Isis 2, Mor. 352A; Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 232, also cites Macrobius Sat. 1.23.21. But Juno might be omnipotens (Virgil Aen. 7.428) yet prove unable to prevail against Fate (7.314); other deities appear as omnipotent, e.g., Pluto in Orphic Hymns 18.17 (but perhaps as the «chthonic Zeus,» 18.3). In unrelated religious traditions, see, e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 40–41. |
| 8639 This image also occurs elsewhere in early Christian literature; cf. Longenecker, Christol-ogy, 26ff. 8643 Johnston, Parables, 592. In Amoraic texts, see, e.g., Deut. Rab. 3:11; in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, see Hafemann, «Moses.» 8646 Holwerda, Spirit, i, 64; Price, «Light,» 23; Hasitschka, «Parakletworte»; Turner, Spirit, 85–87; cf. Porsch, Wort, 324 (the revelation is «in einer forensischen Situation»). 8648 Franck, Revelation, 9–10, who argues (17–21) that the macrostructure context is what provides the forensic meaning. 8649 Shafaat, «Geber,» 267. Isaacs, Spirit, 95, sees the Paraclete not as an advocate before God but as a helper to the disciples. 8651 Harris, Prologue, 38, especially dealing with the Pleroma of sapiential traditions, though he does not develop it sufficiently in pre-Christian texts. 8653 Riesenfeld, «Paraclete,» 272. Franck, Revelation, 130–31, accepts it as part of the background, but not the whole. 8657 Bürge, Community, 142; Quispel, «Qumran,» 147; Barrett, John, 91; so also Crane, Spirit. Berg, «Pneumatology,» 214, thinks that the masculine in 16may presume that the fourth Paraclete saying originally immediately preceded the fifth; but this assumes an editorial ineptness not characteristic of John " s relatively consistent style. For εκενος as «he» in John, even when referred back to an immediate antecedent, see Arndt and Gingrich, Lexicon, 239. 8658 In Gnosticism, see Irenaeus Haer. 1.2.5; Gospel of Philip 70–71 (NHL 136); Wilson, «Spirit,» 352; Pagels, Gospels, 52–53; Daniélou, Theology, 81. In Mandean texts, Wilson, «Spirit,» 355; in Elkesite tradition, see Hippolytus Haer. 9.8; Daniélou, Theology, 140 (despite the gnostic formulation in Hippolytus, however, a feminine interpretation of the Spirit is natural from a Hebrew reading). 8660 There are some indications of feminine imagery for God already in the biblical tradition (De Boer, Fatherhood, passim), developed further in the second-century Christian text Odes So1. 19:1–7, and Jesus could be portrayed in feminine terms in Odes So1. 8(though cf. similarly 1Cor 3for Paul; Homer I1. 8.271–272; Od. 20.14–16), and perhaps less self-consciously in Matt 23:37; Luke 13:34. A late Amora observes that «the Holy Spirit ... is sometimes used as masculine and sometimes as feminine» (Ecc1. Rab. 7:27, §1). |
| 5134 Brown, John, 1:151, notes that Eusebius placed it eight miles south of Scythopolis (Beth Shean) and that the Madaba map places it just northeast of the Dead Sea; but he prefers Ainun (cf. Ridderbos, John, 144). 5135 E.g., Bruce, History, 159; Brown, John, 1:151; Kysar, John, 57; Hunter, John, 43, following Albright. Boismard, «Aenon,» identifies it with Ain Far " ah, in the heart of Samaria. John " s geographical notes (1:28; 3:23; 5:2; 9:7; 11:54) are generally accepted as reliable (Dunn, «John,» 299). 5138 Freed, «Samaritan Influence,» 580–81, lists Aenon and Salim (3:23), Sychar (4:5), and Ephraim (11:54) as probably Samaritan. 5140 See Josephus Ant. 18.113–114,124–125; Kraeling, Jonh, 85,90–91,143–45. For Nabatean relations with neighbors, see Matthiae, «Nabatäer.» John " s attraction to influential supporters of Antipas such as soldiers and tax gatherers (Luke 3:10–14) may also have suggested a political threat (Meier, «John,» 226–27). 5141 See Negev, «Nabateans.» For Nabatean technology in the building of Petra, see Hammond, «Settlement»; for their sculpture style, McKenzie, «Sculpture»; for their religion, see Lindner, «Heiligtum»; Jones, «Inscription.» 5142 Kraeling, John, 92–93, noting that he was safe in Judea or Samaria but on the eastern bank of the Jordan was in Antipas " s territory. 5147 Cf. how Agamemnon " s death at his return home provides suspense concerning what Odysseus could have faced on his return home had he not avoided it (Homer Od. 13.383–385). 5148 Dodd, Tradition, 280–81, may be correct that the record of this controversy is a historical reminiscence, but he errs in failing to see the Gospel " s theological reason for recording it. 5153 Cf. Stauffer, Jesus, 65. The lack of water in many places in Galilee could explain its absence in much of his itinerant ministry (cf. Kraeling, John, 174), though not around the lake of Galilee. 5154 «Coming» was salvific (6:35); those who plotted Jesus» execution to prevent «all» from coming (11:48–50) would actually bring about what they hoped to avoid (12:32). |
| 6346 Cf. Michaels, John, 114, denying a double entendre. 6347 Hunter, John, 79; Brown, John, lxxxxv. Given the significance of Galilee in the Gospel, his «remaining» in 7could also then be a double entrendre (cf. 1:38–39; 2:12; 4:40; 10:40; 11:6, 54). 6348 This might be especially the case if the first «yet» (οπω) in 7is a scribal addition (missing in and the easier reading); arguments for this variant " s originality, however, are stronger than often noticed (see Caragounis, «Journey to Feast»). 6349 Essenes vowed not to conceal any secrets from one another (Josephus War 2.141), behavior Josephus regarded as ideal (Ag. Ap. 2.207). 6350 E.g.,Tob 7:10–11; 1Macc 7:18; 1QS 10.22; Let. Aris. 206,252; Josephus Ag.Ap. 2.79; Ps.-Phoc. 7; Sib. Or. 3.38,498–503; Γ. Dan 3:6; 5:1–2; Eph 4:25 . 6351 E.g., Plutarch Educ. 14, Mor. 11C; frg. 87 (in LCL 15:190–191); Diogenes Laertius 1.60; Phaedrus 4.13; Cornelius Nepos 25 (Atticus), 15.1. 6352 E.g., Quintilian 2.17.27; 12.1.38–39; T. Jos. 11:2; 13:7–9; 15:3; 17:1; for war or the service of the state in Xenophon Mem. 4.2.14–15; Seneca Controv. 10.6.2. In the epic period, deception for useful purposes could indicate cleverness (Homer Od. 19.164–203, esp. 19.203; Gen 27:19, 24; 30:31–43 ), though Odysseus " s cleverness (e.g., Sophocles Phi1. 54–55, 107–109, called «wisdom» in 119,431) appears unscrupulous to some (Sophocles Phi1. 1228). 6353 E.g., Exod 1:19; 1Sam 16:2–3; 21:2,5,8,13 ; 2Sam 12:1–7; 17:14; 1 Kgs 20:39–41; 22:22; 2 Kgs 8:10; 2 Chr 18:22; 1er 38:27; probably 2 Kgs 10:19; probably not acceptable in 1 Kgs 13:18. 6354 E.g., t. Ta c an. 3:7–8. 6355 " Abot R. Nat 45, §§125–126 B. 6356 E.g., Phaedrus 4.pro1.8–9; 2Cor 1:17–18 ; on fickleness, Virgil Aen. 4.569–570 (applied to women); Cicero Fam. 5.2.10; Marshall, Enmity, 318–19. 6357 Carson, John, 309, citing Porphyry C. Chr. in Jerome Pelag. 2.17. 6358 E.g., P.Ry1. 174.6–7; P.Lond. 334.6; P.Oxy. 494.31. 6359 Stanton, Jesus, 124; Aune, Environment, 32; e.g., Plutarch Marcus Cato 1.3; Sulla 2.1; Philostratus Hrk. 10.1–5; 34.5; 48.1 (cf. Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xlix). For handsomeness listed as a virtue in biographies, see, e.g., Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 1.2. |
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