| 39 Несмотря на победу над Маврозомом, Феодор I был вынужден добровольно уступить по договору с султаном часть своих владе ний (города Хоны, Лаодокию и местности по течению Меандра) Мануилу ради безопасности на востоке и помощи от Иконии (Nic. Chon. Historia. P. 638. 65—69). 40 Намек на: Пс. 76:11. 41 Намек на: Втор. 14:2. 42 T. e. Никеи. 43 Давид Комнин, владевший всей Пафлагонией. Поход начался летом-осенью 1206 г 44 Пс. 97, 8 и намек на Пс. 113:3. 45 Имеется в виду река Сангарий. 46 Пандар был лучшим лучником в воине троянцев. См.: Homer. Il. 5, 95—289. 47 Гектор — сын Приама и Гекубы — был главным защитником Трои. О искусстве обороняться щитом см.: Homer. Il. 7. 237—238. 48 Лк. 23:30. Речь здесь, вероятно, идет о взятии Плусиады. 49 Неточная цитата из Мф. 27:42. 50 Хониат имеет в виду Давида, праотца Христа. 51 Там же. 143, 2; 15, 5. 52 Об алтаре Милосердия в Афинах см.: Pausan. I. 17, 1; Apollod. 2, 8, 1. Едва ли речь здесь идет о строительстве храма Феодо ром I. Вероятно, Хониат употребляет этот термин аллегорически. 53 Намек на: Рим. II:24. 54 Ираклия Понтийская была «столицей» владений Давида Комиина. 55 Сражение с латинянами под Никомидией. 56 Пословица. Ср.: Иероним. Против Иоанна Иерусалимского/PL. Т. 23, 407В, 14—15. 57 Пословица. 58 Союз между Давидом и латинянами был, вероятно, заключен вскоре после разгрома Синадина (см. примеч. 50), т. е. в конце 1205 — первой половине 1206 г. См.: Карпов С. П. Сочинения Никиты Хониата как источник по истории Трапезундской импе рии/Проблемы всеобщей истории. МГУ. 1971. С. 148. 59 Намек на: Пс. 26:12. 60 Император Генрих послал отряд латинян под командованием сенешаля Романии Тьери де Лоос в тыл Феодору I, угрожая Никее. См.: Виллардуэн Ж. Взятие Константинополя, 455; Nic. Chon. Historia. 640. 15—24. 61 Nic. Chon. Historia. P. 640, 24—26. 62 Давид Комнин в благодарность за помощь послал в латинский Константинополь несколько кораблей с хлебом, получив взамен 300 рыцарей, с помощью которых вернул Плусиаду и напал на владения Феодора I (Nic. Chon. Historia. P. 640, 30—42). Это произошло уже после возвращения Ласкаря в Никею и по этому в «Речи» об этом ничего не говорится. |
| 9298 Bultmann, John, 575; Tasker, John, 181; Isaacs, «Spirit,» 398; Holwerda, Spirit, 62. For a critique of Bultmann " s total exclusion of eschatology from the Fourth Gospel, see, e.g., Brown, «Paraclete,» 130–31. 9299 Hunter, John, 155. Westcott, John, 231, sees it as the church. «Coming One» also functioned as a title for the Messiah in the Johannine community (e.g., 6:14, 11:27; cf. 2 John 2 ). Berg. «Pneumatology,» 217–18, shows the weaknesses of the view that the text here means Jesus as the one to come, or the new reality or age initiated in Jesus, but nonetheless concludes (p. 236) that «the things of Jesus,» rather than apocalyptic secrets of the end, are in view. 9302 Lutkemeyer, «Paraclete,» 228; cf. Swete, Discourse, 123; the Roman Catholic position of Gabriel Moran in Toon, Development, 99–103. 9303 Forestell, «Paraclete,» 173–74. Cody, «Paraclete,» 174, suggests that the Spirit indicates which things of the present will be of ultimate significance in the future. 9304 Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 137–41; Boring, Sayings, 102; Bürge, Community, 215. The phrase is normally futuristic (Bauer, Gingrich, and Danker, Lexicon, 311 ; Black, Approach, 132, finds here an Aramaism), but cf. 14:2–3. Cf. Berg, «Pneumatology,» 216–18, 235–36, who suggests tha; John is correcting this eschatological interpretation by placing it in a different sort of context; and Hamilton, Spirit, 38, who speaks of the future benefits revealed in the present in the exalted Lord Jesus. In Wis 8:8, Wisdom knows both ancient things and τα μλλοντα (cf. the same phrase for things in the near future signified by an omen, in Philostratus Hrk. 33.5). 9305 4Q268 frg. 1, lines 3, 8. Many ancient writings spoke of divine knowledge of what was, is. and is coming, the last naturally being the most difficult (Homer II. 1.70; Plutarch Ε at Delphi 6. Mor. 387B; Egyptian Book of the Dead spell 172.S-3; Jub. 1:4; Sib. Or. 1.3–4; 11.319–320; Barn. 1.7: see Keener, Revelation, 98, on Rev 1:19). 9307 Bengel, Gnomen, 2:454; Lenski, John, 1092. Cf. Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 139; Boring, Sayings, 102. Later writers could also take prophecies unfulfilled in earlier works» accounts as points of departure for their own (compare, e.g., Troy " s Aeneas in Virgil Aeneid with Homer I1. 20.303–308). |
| 5619 Mud from cold winter rains (m. Ta c an. 1:3) and inundated creek beds (cf. Homer 77. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Livy 44.8.6–7; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Herodian 3.3.7), as well as cold and rains (Hesiod Op. 450, 494) lasting through early February (Hesiod Op. 504–505), deterred travelers. See further comment on John 10:22 . 5620 E.g., Dodd, Tradition, 395–96; ÓDay, «John,» 569; on proverbs in John, see Collins, Written, 128–50; on the use of gnomes (truisms or maxims) in ancient rhetoric, see Heath, Hermogenes, 13–14; Rowe, «Style,» 148 (citing as examples Isocrates Archidamus 6.101–102; Cicero Mi1. 4.10–11). Ensor, « John 4.35 ,» finds 4consistent with other extant Jesus tradition and hence likely authentic. 5622 Ellis, Genius, 73. Dodd, Tradition, 394–95, notes that the Greeks reckoned a six-month interim and argues that the proverb makes better sense in Semitic form than as a rough Greek iambic trimeter (cf. November plowing in Hesiod Op. 383–384,448–450, and May harvest, 383–384). 5624 Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.2.6; 3.23.2; Xenophon Oec. 16.10–12; 17.2. For details, see Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 108–9. 5625 Thucydides 3.1.1 (on Greece); in May (Hesiod Op. 383–384; also on Greece). One kind of wheat that grew particularly quickly was called the three-months kind (Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.2). 5626 Stauffer, Jesus, 69, points out that the barley harvest, due in March (or April), was white (some soils make it whiter–Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.3; cf. 2.13.2), not the wheat harvest of April (or May, as in the tenth-century B.C.E. Gezer calendar; it occurs in summer in Italy, [Virgil] Priap. 1.1–2); he accordingly dates the encounter to November of 29. But «whiteness» may mean simply «brightness» in the Mediterranean sun (Sanders, John, 151 n. 7); some kinds of wheat are also called «white» (p. Péah 2:5; others are red; the «white» field of m. 2is probably irrelevant here). Different soils favor barley or wheat (Plutarch Nat. Q. 15, Mor. 915D; Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.4; 4.13.4), and many rabbis prohibited sowing them together (m. Ki1. 1:9). |
| 8639 This image also occurs elsewhere in early Christian literature; cf. Longenecker, Christol-ogy, 26ff. 8643 Johnston, Parables, 592. In Amoraic texts, see, e.g., Deut. Rab. 3:11; in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, see Hafemann, «Moses.» 8646 Holwerda, Spirit, i, 64; Price, «Light,» 23; Hasitschka, «Parakletworte»; Turner, Spirit, 85–87; cf. Porsch, Wort, 324 (the revelation is «in einer forensischen Situation»). 8648 Franck, Revelation, 9–10, who argues (17–21) that the macrostructure context is what provides the forensic meaning. 8649 Shafaat, «Geber,» 267. Isaacs, Spirit, 95, sees the Paraclete not as an advocate before God but as a helper to the disciples. 8651 Harris, Prologue, 38, especially dealing with the Pleroma of sapiential traditions, though he does not develop it sufficiently in pre-Christian texts. 8653 Riesenfeld, «Paraclete,» 272. Franck, Revelation, 130–31, accepts it as part of the background, but not the whole. 8657 Bürge, Community, 142; Quispel, «Qumran,» 147; Barrett, John, 91; so also Crane, Spirit. Berg, «Pneumatology,» 214, thinks that the masculine in 16may presume that the fourth Paraclete saying originally immediately preceded the fifth; but this assumes an editorial ineptness not characteristic of John " s relatively consistent style. For εκενος as «he» in John, even when referred back to an immediate antecedent, see Arndt and Gingrich, Lexicon, 239. 8658 In Gnosticism, see Irenaeus Haer. 1.2.5; Gospel of Philip 70–71 (NHL 136); Wilson, «Spirit,» 352; Pagels, Gospels, 52–53; Daniélou, Theology, 81. In Mandean texts, Wilson, «Spirit,» 355; in Elkesite tradition, see Hippolytus Haer. 9.8; Daniélou, Theology, 140 (despite the gnostic formulation in Hippolytus, however, a feminine interpretation of the Spirit is natural from a Hebrew reading). 8660 There are some indications of feminine imagery for God already in the biblical tradition (De Boer, Fatherhood, passim), developed further in the second-century Christian text Odes So1. 19:1–7, and Jesus could be portrayed in feminine terms in Odes So1. 8(though cf. similarly 1Cor 3for Paul; Homer I1. 8.271–272; Od. 20.14–16), and perhaps less self-consciously in Matt 23:37; Luke 13:34. A late Amora observes that «the Holy Spirit ... is sometimes used as masculine and sometimes as feminine» (Ecc1. Rab. 7:27, §1). |
| When Jesus connects obedience with love, biblically literate Jewish hearers would immediately think of the associations between obeying God " s commandments and loving God (Exod 20:6; Deut 5:10; 7:9; 10:12; 11:1, 13, 22; 19:9; 30:16 ; Neh 1:5; Dan 9:4 ; Sir 2:15 ; 4Q176 frg. 16, line 4). Some might also recall wisdom tradition: love (αγπη) is the keeping (τρησις) of Wisdom " s laws (νμων; Wis 6:18). 8736 Jesus speaks of «having» and «keeping» the commandments. Jewish teachers debated whether knowing or doing Torah took precedence, but all agreed that both were necessary (see comment on 7:17). Given the abundance of ancient literature, it is not difficult to find other examples of selective revelation (14:21; cf. Acts 10:41). Thus, for example, Odysseus and the dogs witnessed Athene, but Telemachus could not (Homer Od. 16.159–163); perhaps more relevant, Apollo appears only to the good (who must also be great, not lowly; Callimachus Hymns 2 [to Apollo], 9–10); likewise, on his peoplés behalf, God reveals his glory to all except his people (3Macc 6:18). Some teachers also warned that their most special teachings were only for a select group, like initiates in the Mysteries. 8737 Nevertheless, Jesus» selective revelation (14:21) has roots in the historical Jesus tradition (e.g., Acts 10:41; cf. Mark 8:11–12 ; Matt 16:1, 21). The world is skeptical because Jesus does not manifest himself or his Father to the world (7:4) but only to his own (17:6); this takes the idea of a messianic or kingdom secret to a new (and more chronologically extended) leve1. But on the theological level, Jesus» selective revelation especially conforms to his identity in this Gospel; Wisdom was not manifest (φανερ) to the masses (Wis 6:22); likewise, in wisdom tradition, God becomes manifest (εμφανζεται) to those who do not disbelieve in her (Wis 1:2). 8738 Another allusion might have impressed itself more quickly on John " s first audience, however; as 14echoed Moses» request to be shown the Father, so might Judas " s desire to understand how only the disciples would receive the revelation in 14:22. 8739 |
| 9571 For bibliography on the Sanhedrin, see Saffai, «Self-Government,» 418 (the section on the Sanhédrin is pp. 379–400). Josephus generally prefers the term συνδριον, «sanhedrin,» «assembly,» in the Jewish Antiquities, and βουλ, «council,» in the Jewish War. The rabbis believed that God supported the decrees of the rabbinic Beth din hagadol, great assembly (Exod. Rab. 15:20), on which Israel rightly depended (Song Rab. 7:3, §1; Lam. Rab. 2:4, §8). 9573 E.g., b. Ber. 3b; Gen. Rab. 74:15; Exod. Rab. 1:13; Pesiq. Rab. 11:3. Some of the «scribes» may have been Pharisees, but Pharisees were not dominant in the Sanhedrin (Brown, Death, 350–52), despite Josephus " s possible favoritism toward them (Josephus Ant. 18.15, 17; cf. Life 1, 12 and Ant. passim; Brown, Death, 353–56). 9575 Cf. Sanders, Figure, 484–87; Josephus War 2.331,336; Ant. 17.160,164; 20.216–217; probably the municipal aristocracy in Ant. 14.91, 163, 167, 180; Life 62. 9580 Brown, Death, 342–43. Levine, Hellenism, 88–90, argues that the Jerusalem Sanhedrin was probably simply an ad hoc group in some texts. 9581 Yamauchi, Stones, 106. Stauffer, Jesus, 118, overestimates their sense of threat at this point when he proposes that the disciples may have gone by different roads to prevent notice (Luke 22:39). 9583 Brown, John, 2:806. Many rivers and wadis in the East fill or overflow during the rainy winter or (sometimes) when winter snows melt in spring (Homer 17. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Livy 44.8.6–7; Herodian 3.3.7; 8.4.2–3; Arrian Alex. 7.21.2). 9588 Lane, Mark, 515. If the press originally belonged to an individual estate rather than a local village, the estate must have been sizeable (cf. Lewis, Life, 127). On the question of the Gethsemane tradition " s historicity, see Green, «Gethsemane,» 268. 9589 Cohn, Trial, 83, though citing a rabbinic tradition that «high priests were wont to engage in undercover activity.» 9592 Passover was a night «watch» (; προφυλακ) for the Lord (Exod 12:42); cf. t. Ketub. 5:5; Lane, Mark, 509; Keener, Matthew, 637. |
| 8521 Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 129; cf. also Plutarch Cor. 25.3; Camillus 5.7 (concerning Roman rituals); Jeffers, World, 90; Aune, «Religion,» 919–20,923; in the rabbis, cf. p. Her. 1:5, §5. 8522 E.g., Homer II. 1.39–41; 10.291–294; Od. 1.61–62, 66–67; 4.762–764; 17.240–242; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.417–419; Virgil Aen. 12.778; cf. also Maximus of Tyre, who reports the first Iliad example (Or. 5.2) but rejects its literal plausibility (5.3). When sacrifices did not achieve their effect, people might complain they were in vain (Alciphron Farmers 33 [Thalliscus to Petraeus], 3.35, par. 1); Zeus was too busy elsewhere (par. 2). 8523 See comments on John 8:33–39 ; for the efficacy of Abraham " s intercessory prayer, see T. Ab. 14:8; 18:10–11A; lQapGen 20:16,28–29, though many religious figures shared this power (Harrington, «Abraham Traditions,» 171). 8525 E.g., Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 80; Dowd, «Theology,» 333, because believers are «in the Father and the Son.» Compare «in the name» with being «in» Jesus (Westcott, John, 204, citing 6:56; 14:20; 15:4–7; 16:33; 1 John 5:20 ). 8527 Xenophon Cyr. 1.4.1; cf. Apol1. Κ. Tyre 17; a member of the household normally had special access ( John 8:35 ). Alexander reportedly encouraged people to ask boldly, depending on his generosity (Plutarch Alex. 39.3–4; cf. Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 2.21; 3.6). Objects of such favor were always selective; e.g., people might grant any special requests to heroes (Hermogenes Issues 81.5–23; Libanius Declamation 36.13); one ruler invited his teacher to request whatever he wished (Musonius Rufus 8, p. 66.28–29). 8528 1 En. 6(if Semyaza means «he sees the Name»); perhaps 1 Chr 13LXX; Jeremias, Theology, 10; Longenecker, Christology, 43; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 268–69. Bonsirven, Judaism, 7, cites m. Ber. 4:4; Yoma 3:8. 8529 Sanders, John, 324, comparing also Acts 3:6,16; 4:10; 16:18; also Schnackenburg, John, 3:73; Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 247–48. 8530 Whitacre, John, 355, citing Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 73.3. Augustine also notes that one receives what one asks only if one does not ask wrongly (Tr. Ev. Jo. 73.1.1, citing Jas 4:3). |
| 7658 Cf, e.g., m. Sank 6:6; Móed Qat. 1:5; Pesah. 8:8; b. Sank 47b; p. Móed Qat. 1:5, §§4–5; Hachlili and Killebrew, «Necropolis,» 172. One year was also a traditional Greek period for mourning (Euripides Alc. 336; cf. 430–431; Roman women for a brother or father ten months, Plutarch Cor. 39.5; but cf. in unrelated cultures as well, e.g., Gelfand, «Disorders,» 160). 7659 According to R. Johanan (third century C.E.), even God says prayers (b. Ber. 7a); but such a view was not likely widespread in the first century. 7660 Theissen, Stories, 65, citing, e.g., 1 Kgs 17:21; b. Ber. 34b; Hag. 3a. Like speeches, prayers could be inserted into preexisting historical narratives even if the narrator had no access to the actual speech (1Macc 7:36–38). Opposition to petitionary prayer (cf. Van der Horst, «Maximus») must have been exceptiona1. 7661 Healings in the setting of the believing community may have differed from apostolic and prophetic healings in this respect (Jas 5:14). 7665 A corpse is resuscitated in 4 Bar. 7:19–20 «in order that they might believe» (να πιστεσωσιν). Other texts are more frivolous, e.g., raising a person one had earlier struck dead (Γ. Ab. 14:14A; b. B. Qam. 117a). Greco-Roman tradition also reported both speech (Xenophon Cyr. 6.3.10; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 2.21) and signs (Eunapius Lives 459) for the sake of bystanders. 7666 For an emphasis on loud speech so the crowds could hear, see Josephus Ant. 4.40. One mortal " s prayer could divinely constitute a sign to another (Homer Od. 20.111, 120). 7667 Fenton, John, 125. One might compare the sort of story in which witches would seek to summon a corpse by name (but could accidentally procure someone else of the same name lying nearby; Apuleius Metam. 2.30), but John does not seek to evoke magic (magical texts usually designate which person of a particular parentage, e.g., PCM 36.82–83), nor is recuscitation the same as stealing a corpse. 7670 Safrai, «Home,» 777, citing m. Ki1. 9:4; Μα " α. S. 5:12; t. Ned. 2:7; Sem. 12:10. Amoraim also understood m. Naz. 9as requiring burials with limbs unbent (Safrai, «Home,» 780–81). |
| 5359 M. Nid. 4:1; t. Nid. 5(though this reference might be construed to suggest Samaritan strictness). The tradition allegedly derives from the end of the first century, disputes from R. Tarfon and R. Akiba (b. Šabb. 17a); Daube, Judaism, 373, dates it earlier and suspects that the custom predates the ruling. The strictest Pharisees might not even eat with a menstruating woman (early tradition in t. Šabb. 1:14). 5363 See comments above. Cf. also, e.g., Josephus Ant. 1.285, 288, in which Jacob at a well was overcome by Rachel " s beauty. 5364 See also Beck, Paradigm, 72, following Robert Alter " s treatment of a «betrothal-type» scene (Art, 51–62); Zimmermann, «Brautwerbung.» Ska, «Samaritaine,» adds a less likely allusion to Hos 2 to the well meeting scenes. 5365 Intermarriage with Samaritans was, naturally, prohibited (m. Qidd. 4:3; Anderson, «Samaritan Literature,» 1053). 5366 Strachan, Gospel, 102, sees her comment as «banter,» teasing «a thirsty man.» Perhaps she is returning some Jewish spite, as perhaps in the aorist of 4:20; but the πς of 4recalls the questioning of Nicodemus (3:4). 5367 On the positive virtue of bold speech for men, see comment on 7:4; on the usual valuing of women " s meekness (except under extraordinary circumstances; cf. comment on 2:3), see Homer Od. 1.356–361; 19.91; Demosthenes Against Meidias 79; Livy 34.1.5; Valerius Maximus 3.8.6; 7.1.1; 8.3.2; Aulus Gellius 10.6; Heliodorus Aeth. 1.21; Sir 22:5 ; Num. Rab. 9:12; Delaney, «Seeds,» 40. 5369 The text specifies Shechem, the leading Samaritan city, and in the LXX replaces the Hebrew " s «Mount Seir» with «Mountain of Samaria» (cf. Spencer, Philip, 78–79, for early Jewish texts applying Shechem passages in anti-Samaritan ways); 4Q372 frg. 1, lines 11–12 (as reconstructed in Wise, Scrolls, 333) probably echoes the same idea. Cf. Jeremias, Jerusalem, 352–58, for a catalogue of examples of hatred between many Jews and Samaritans. 5370 P. Ta c an. 4:5, §10. On Samaritans and early Judaism, see generally Purvis, «Samaritans and Judaism»; bibliography in Mor, «Bibliography.» 5371 E.g., p. |
| 10013 With Blinzler, Trial, 231. See, e.g., Homer Od. 17.484–487; Ovid Metam. 5.451–461; 8.618–724. 10015 See most usefully Zeller, «Philosophen.» Boring et a1., Commentary, 304, cite Maximus of Tyre Lectures 3; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 8.2; for Socrates, see also Xenophon Mem. 4.8.4. 10020 Some philosophers were even known to end their own lives, sometimes following an Indian tradition (Cicero Div. 1.23.47; Arrian Alex. 7.3.1–6; Lucian Dialogues of the Dead 416–417; Peregr. 36–38; Greek Anth. 7.123). 10022 Brown, Death, 841. Neyrey, «Shame of Cross,» 128–29, argues that Jesus» silence challenges Pilatés honor, but Jesus in 19acknowledges the honor of Pilatés office, securing more of his favor (19:12). 10023 Pilate held legal authority to both condemn and acquit (Justinian Digest 50.17.37; Whitacre, John, 451). 10027 E.g., Jub. 49:2–4; 3 En. 26:12; 30:2; Sipre Deut. 315.2.1. Cf. further references in Keener, Paul, 41,64–65. 10028 Most commentators recognize God as the source of Pilatés authority here, e.g., Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 15; Pancaro, Law, 323. 10029 Cf. accounts of Socrates» martyrdom (e.g., Maximus of Tyre Or. 3.2) and Jewish martyr stories. 10036 See Jones, History, 192–95, citing Pliny Ep. 2.11 (on executions of innocent people, especially Roman citizens). This may also help explain Pilatés reluctance to prosecute Jesus if he thought the prosecution might yield complaints. 10041 This is pointed out by Brown (Death, 843), but he warns that the connection with Sejanus is here uncertain (p. 844). 10045 E.g., Thompson, Archaeology, 278; Yamauchi, Stones, 108, following Albright. Cf. Josephus War 2.328–231. 10048 See Wilkinson, Jerusalem, 141; Brown, Death, 705–10; Strachan, Gospel, 212; Blinzler, Trial, 173–76; Reicke, Era, 140; Benoit, Jesus, 1:167–88; Benoit, «Reconstitution.» 10049 E.g., tentatively, MacRae, Invitation, 210. Manns, «Encore,» thinks he seated him «toward» (ες) the «pavement» of the old temple; but cf. comment on «pavement» above. 10055 |
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