| Pedeset legendi o Svetom Savi izbor, sa predgovorom Vladimira orovia Скачать epub pdf Vladimir orovi: Sveti Sava u narodnom predanju ...Kult Svetoga Save u staroj srpskoj dravi bio je vrlo veliki. Njegov otac, Stevan, poznatiji po kaluerskom imenu, Simeon Nemanja bio je osniva dinastije Nemanjia i kao takav predmet njenog posebnog pijateta. Sveti Sava je nastavljao njegova dela u sreivanju prilika u Srbiji; prvi srpski arhiepiskop i organizator narodne pravoslavne crkve; prvi predstavnik knjievnosti u Srbiji, osniva i pomaga nekoliko najvanijih manastira, kao Hilandara, ie, Studenice i moda Mileševa, koji su kroz ceo srednji vek glavni rasadnici srpske kulture; i Savin znaaj, prema tome, bio je višestruk I naglašavan od krugova, koji su vaili kao najverniji predstavnici našeg duhovnog ivota i najdosledniji u radu za nekoliko stolea. Ve prenos njegovog tela iz Trnova u Mileševo, 1237., bio je akt, koji je davao povoda posebnoj glorifikaciji, a malo posle toga Sava je, kao pravi dinastijski, crkveni, pa najzad kao narodni svetitelj, postao predmet posebnih prikaza i pohvala. Ve sredinom HŠ veka on dobija jedno s patosom i s mnogo retorske hagiografske veštine pisano itije, koje poetkom XIV veka nalazi jednog darovitog preraivaa i popularizatora. Teodosijevo itije Svetog Save ušlo je u sve naše oblasti, i prešlo je ak i u rusku knjievnost; od njega je danas doznato 19 srpskih i pet ruskih prepisa, i nekoliko prerada raznoga oblika. U kraljevskom krugu raške drave Simeon i Sava oglašavani su kao zaštitnici celog naroda i zemlje i pominjani su vrlo esto u mnogim dravnim aktima. Taj kult su posle primili i vladari iz sporedne nemanjike linije, kao bosansko-srpski kralj Tvrtko I, koji se baš u Mileševu, nad grobom Svetog Save,. dao krunisati za kralja; i posle Stepan Vuki, koji se proglasio «hercegom od Svetog Save». U Mileševu je, nesumnjivo radi znaaja Svetog Save, bilo jedno vreme i sedište hercegovakog mitropolita. U XVI veku kult Svetoga Save uvao je i dobar deo muslimana, moda još od svoje hrišanske starine. |
| Дева Мария – единственное человеческое существо, удостоившееся послужить тайне нашего спасения. В этом Ее неповторимое величие. Она единственная восприяла высочайший дар благодатного обожения, пройдя путь постепенного неуклонного возвышения к Богу. В Пресвятой Деве олицетворилось человечество в истинной своей сущности, каким было замыслено Творцом. Мария явила красоту Божьего образа в человеке и показала, что «житие наше на небесех есть». Своей совершеннейшей преданностью Богу, примером всей Своей жизни Она учит человечество, как жить с Богом и в Боге на радость жизни. Ее жизнь для нас – свидетельство и удостоверение о спасительном пути в Царство Небесное. Шестьдесят два года освящала Богородица землю Своим житием на ней. Милостивая же власть Ее, и слава, и сила простираются на вечность. Только прииди к Ней, припади с молитвой, любовью и покаянием, и Она – Мать всех скорбящих, Нечаянная Радость и Заступница Усердная – вразумит, утешит и поможет идти по пути спасения к вечной радости, к Богу. Дорогие наши, будем же постоянно носить в сердцах своих благоговейную молитвенную память о присутствии в нашей жизни Матери Небесной, совершенно покоясь в Ее материнской любви и заботе. Ежедневно, утром и вечером, обращаясь к Ней с молитвой благовестия: «Богородице Дево, радуйся, Благодатная Марие…» – и мы, как многие божии и святые люди, почувствуем Ее милость и Ее покров над собой. Почувствуем себя малыми детьми Ее. «Радуйся, обрадованная, во Успении Твоем нас не оставляющая». Аминь. Архимандрит Иоанн (Крестьянкин) Комментарии Всего комментариев: 3 2011/08/29, 09:19:29 Presveta,kon kogo da povikam ,koga mojata dusa e zalosna ,navlecena od necastiviot da se prognevi,da se rasprava i da se kara so najbliznite,ako ne kon Tebe Nebesna Secarica,koja si brza utesitelka i pomosnicka na nas gresnite.Mojata grhovna gusa e vozbudena od gresni misli,a jas zabludenata ne znam sto da pravam,zivotot si pominuva kako son,pagam od grev vo grev, a nikako da se osvestam deka seto toa e od necestiviot ,koj mi pravi sprepki i me tera da pagam,so sekoj grev se podolu i podolu po skalite -koi sto zivot znacat vo idniot vek .Kon kogo da povikam,Vladicice,kon kogo da pribegnam vo mojata maka ,ako ne kon Tebe,Nebeska Carice?Koj ke go primi placot i mojata vozdiska i skoroposlusno ke gi cue moite molitvi,ako ne Ti,Seblaga Poracitelke ,Radost na site nasi radosti!Cuj gi site ovie molitvi i pesnopeenja ,prinesuvani i za mene gresnata.Bidi mi Majka i Pokrovitelka,i Podatelka na Tvojata radost za site nas.Ustroj go mojot zivot,kako sto sakas i kako sto znaes.Se doveruvam na Tvojot pokrov i griza,ta sekoga da Ti peam radosno zaedno sos site:RADUVAJ SE BLAGODATAN,RADUVAJ SE ZARADUVANA,RADUVAJ SE PREBLAGOSLOVENA VO VEK I VEKOV.AMIN!!!(molitva kon Majkata Bozja i kon ikonata " Poracitelka na gresnite) |
| 9474 The emphasis throughout this prayer on the unity of believers probably points to a need for unity among believers in, and in the proximity of, John " s audience (cf. Käsemann, Testament, 57). 9475 Cf. Minear, «Audience,» 345, 348. 9476 Robinson, Coming, 179, thinks this the Johannine equivalent of worldwide evangelism in Mark 13:10 ; Matt 24:14. 9477 Sectarian groups tend to be cohesive; for comparison and contrast between unity here and that in the Qumran Scrolls, see de Wet, «Unity.» 9478 This is not to attribute to Greeks an individualistic concept that transcended group loyalties; see Martin, «Ideology.» 9479 Heraclitus Ep. 9; Babrius 15.5–9; Herodian 3.2.7–8; Yamauchi, Archaeology, 164–65; Ramsay, Cities, 115; cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 1.36.2–3; Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.4; Gen. Rah. 34:15. 9480 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.53.1; Livy 2.33.1; 5.7.10; 24.22.1, 13, 17; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.46; Musonius Rufus 8, p. 64.13; Maximus of Tyre Or. 16.3; Menander Rhetor 2.3, 384.23–25; some thinkers even applied this globally (cf. Whitacre, John, 417; Keener, Revelation, 341). In early Christianity, cf. 1Cor 1:10; 11:18–19 ; Phil 2:1–2; 4:2 . 9481 Babrius 85. 9482 Valerius Maximus 2.6.8 (spoken to children and grandchildren by one about to die, as in testaments). 9483 E.g., Homer I1. 1.255–258; Livy 2.60.4; 3.66.4; Sallust Jug. 73.5; Herodian 8.8.5; Babrius 44.7–8; 47. 9484 E.g., Homer Od. 1.369–371; Iamblichus V.P. 7.34; 9.45. 9485 E.g., Sallust Jug. 73.5; Plutarch Sulla 4.4; 7.1; Aulus Gellius 6.19.6; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 4.1; 25 (Atticus), 7.1–11.6. 9486 See esp. Winter, Philo and Paul, passim. 9487 E.g., Aulus Gellius 17.4.3–6; Plutarch Cimon 8.7. Note the need for self-defense in most of Terencés prologues (e.g., Lady of Andros 1–27; Self-Tormentor 16–52; Eunuch 1–45; Phormio 1–23; Mother-in-Law 1–57; Brothers 1–25) and in Phaedrus 2.9.7–11; 3.pro1.23; 4.pro1.l5–16. 9488 See Valerius Maximus 4.2 passim. 9489 For the parallelism, see, e.g., Brown, John, 2:769; Appold, Motif, 157, though the alleged parallel between 17and 17is unconvincing. |
| 10881 On early Judaism " s antipathy toward nakedness, see, e.g., Gen 3:7,10–11 ; Jub. 3:21–22,30–31; 7:8–10, 20; 1QS 7.12–14; t. Ber. 2:14; Sipre Deut. 320.5.2; Targum Rishon to Esther 1:11; cf. Moon, «Nudity.» Some Gentiles (especially in some periods) also found nudity embarrassing (Juvenal Sat. 1.71; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274A; Diogenes Laertius 2.73; cf. the «buffoon» who lifts his shirt in front of freeborn women, Theophrastus Char. 11.2), but even outside athletic activities, many did not (Plato Rep. 5.452C; Dio Chrysostom Or. 13.24; Arrian Ind. 11.7). 10884 On Greeks stripping for exercise or strenuous activity, see, e.g., Homer 17. 21.50–52; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.364; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.72.2–3; Diogenes Ep. 37. It is not clear if this practice would have appealed to Galilean fishermen. 10885 See in more detail Soards, «πενδτην»; cf. also Morris, John, 864–65. Peter had not been at the cross to witness Jesus» nakedness (19:23–24). 10886 E.g., Longus 1.30. If a Greek with servants (unlike Peter) needed to swim from a boat, he might remove even his short tunic (χιτωνσκον) and give it to a servant to hold (Theophrastus Char. 25.2). 10887 Bruce, John, 400; Carson, John, 671; Quast, Reading, 142; Watkins, John, 411. Laborers often wore loincloths around the hips (leffers, World, 43–44), but it is doubtful Peter would have one available. 10892 E.g., Josephus Life 15; Homer Od. 5.388–389, 399, 438–441; 7.276–277, 280–281; 23.23–38. Earlier Jewish references are rarer because ancient Israel engaged in maritime activity more rarely than Greeks. 10896 Xenophon Hel1. 4.5.3; Anab. 5.4.22, 30; 6.5.21; Polybius 3.71.11–3.72.6; cf. also Xenophon Anab. 4.3.9–10; Cyr. 1.2.11. 10898 It may be significant that «Sea of Tiberias» in 21probably recalls 6:1, its only other occurrence in the NT. 10899 E.g., Bowman, Gospel, 330, albeit contrasting John " s messianic meal with the eating of Leviathan in later Jewish sources. 10900 E.g., Brown, Essays, 104–5 (admitting the lack of wine and the dominance of fish over bread but citing 6:11, which he believes is sacramental). |
| 9399 Also Painter, John, 59. 9400 Appold, Motif, 199, suggests connections «with the worship experiences of the Johannine church» (cf. 4:23–24); but the hymns in Revelation, which differ considerably from this prayer, may be more revealing. 9401 Also Tob 3:11–12; 4Q213 frg. 1, co1. 1, line 8; 4 Bar. 6:5; Jos. Asen. 11:19/12:1; f. Ber. 3:14; Pesiq. Rab. 3:5; p. Ber. 4:6; Carson, Discourse, 175; see comment on 4:35. Prayer toward Jerusalem was, however, normative as we11: 1 Kgs 8:44; Dan 6:10; 1 Esd 4:58; m. Ber. 4:5–6; t. Ber. 3:14; for standing in prayer, see, e.g., Matt 6:5; Luke 18:11; p. Ber. 1:1, §8; Lachs, Commentary, 210. 9402 Homer/. 7.178, 201; Xenophon Cyr. 6.4.9; Virgil Aen. 2.405–406 (because she could not lift her hands); 12.195; Silius Italicus 1.508; Chariton 8.7.2; cf. some (albeit only some) traditional cultures in Mbiti, Religions, 84. PGM 4.585 reports closing eyes for prayer, but some parts require the eyes to be open (PGM 4.625; cf. Iamblichus V.P. 28.156); the magical papyri require many different magical gestures. 9403 E.g., Judaism frequently associates God with «heaven» (e.g. 1 Esd 4:58; Tob 10:13; Jdt 6:19; 1Macc 3:18, 50, 60; 4:24; 3Macc 7:6; 1 En. 83:9; 91:7). Greeks also sometimes located Zeus in heaven (Achilles Tatius 5.2.2; cf. Seneca Dia1. 12.8.5). As a circumlocution for God, see comment on John 3:3 . 9404 Ezra 9:5; Lam 2:19; 3:41 ; Isa 1:15; 1 En. 84:1; Jub. 25:11; Ps 155:2; 1 Esd 9:47; 2Macc 3:20; 14:34; 15:12, 21; 3Macc 5:25; 4 Macc 4:11; Sib. Or. 3.559–560, 591–593; 4.162–170; Josephus Ant. 3.26,53; 4.40; Ag. Ap. 1.209; 3.26; T. Mos. 4:1; Mek. Pisha 1.38; t. Móed Qat. 2:17. Cf. also 1Tim 2:8 ; 1 Clem. 29.1; Acts John 43. 9405 E.g., Homer I1. 1.450; 3.275, 318; 5.174; 6.257; 7.130; 8.347; 15.368–372; 19.254; Od. 9.294, 527; 17.239; 20.97; Euripides E1. 592–593; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.248; 4.593,1702; Virgil Aen. 1.93; 4.205; 9.16; 12.195; Ovid Metam. 2.477, 580; 6.261–262; 9.702–703; 11.131; 13.410–411; Diodorus Siculus 14.29.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.17.5; 15.9.2; Appian C.W. 2.12.85; R.H. 2.5.5; Livy 7.6.4; Suetonius Nero 41; Arrian Alex. 4.20.3 (a Persian); Epictetus Diatr. 4.10.14; Plutarch Cleverness 17, Mor. 972B; Chariton 3.1.8. |
| 3238 Wis 8:3. Cf. the close relationship between Isis and Osiris, Isis being mediator (Plutarch Mor. 352A in Betz and Smith, «De Iside,» 41). 3239 Gen. Rab. 1:1, using language from Prov. 8:30 . Freedman and Simon observe (Midrash Rabbah 1n. 1) that here «the Torah was with God as with a tutor, reared, as it were, by the Almighty.» Cf. Burkitt, Gnosis, 95, who suggests that John here echoes Genesis, which pictures God «producing the creation by consulting with Himself.» 3240 Pollard, «Relationships,» 364–65 (all six instances outside John connote «active relationship or intercourse «with»»); cf. Carson, Discourse, 92. The construction here represents neither movement toward God (Ellis, John, 21; Stevens, Theology, 90; cf. Morris, John, 76) nor an Aramaism; by this period, prepositions were becoming more ambiguous (cf., e.g., μετ» αλλλων in 6and προς αλλλους in 6:52). 3241 E.g., Pereira, «Word,» 182, citing 7:29. On relations among Father, Son, and Spirit in this Gospel, see more fully Harner, Analysis, 1–43; cf. also Gruenler, Trinity. 3249 E.g., Euripides E1. 1298–1300; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.245; cf. Homer Il. 18.94–96; Ovid Metam. 4.234–244. Most deities could not restore life once it was gone (Ovid Metam. 2.612–613). 3250 E.g., Homer Od. 4.459–461; Apollodorus 2.5.11 (cf. magical papyri for the manipulation of demons). 3251 E.g., 2Macc 6:26; 3Macc 5:7; Wis 7:25; Let. Arts. 185; Sib. Or. 1.66; T. Ab. 8:3; 15:12A; b. Šabb. 88b; Yebam. 105b; Yoma 12a; cf. Goodenough, Symbols, 2:179. 3252 E.g., Virgil Aen. 1.60; 3.251; 4.25, 206, 220; 6.592; 7.141, 770; 8.398; 9.625; 10.100, 668; 12.178,791; Georg. 2.325; Ovid Metam. 1.154; 2.304,401,505; 3.336; 9.271; 14.816; Valerius Flaccus 3.249; Plutarch Isis 2, Mor. 352A; Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 232, also cites Macrobius Sat. 1.23.21. But Juno might be omnipotens (Virgil Aen. 7.428) yet prove unable to prevail against Fate (7.314); other deities appear as omnipotent, e.g., Pluto in Orphic Hymns 18.17 (but perhaps as the «chthonic Zeus,» 18.3). In unrelated religious traditions, see, e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 40–41. |
| 2657 The inclusio of 2:5,16 dominates the section (Lane, Hebrews, 2,44), as a similar inclusio contrasting Christ and angels in 1:5,13 (Lane, Hebrews, 2,24). The writer thus emphasizes Christ " s superiority over the agents who mediated the law (cf. 2:1–4; Manson, Hebrews, 50; Hughes, Hebrews, 7–8), but does so at the expense of any angelic Christology, by which his Jewish-Christian readers may have been tempted to make peace with their Jewish opposition (Montefiore, Hebrews, 41–42). 2658 Against those who have disputed the authenticity of the passion predictions in Mark 8:31, 9:31 , and 10(e.g., Wrede, Secret, 82–92; Robinson, Problem, 51; cf. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 15, 358 n. 47), see Jeremias, Theology, 277–86; Stauffer, Jesus, 171–73; Hill, Prophecy, 61; Dodd, Parables, 57 (all pointing to what Jesus could have known simply from his situation and mission); more recently, Keener, Matthew, 431–33; Brown, Death, 1468–91. 2659 Harris, Jesus as God, 282–83. Explicit application of the title to Jesus is at least as early as Paul, although rare in Paul as well ( Rom 9:5 ); it may be earlier (see Harris, Jesus as God, 276–78). 2660 Horsley, Documents, 1:19–20, compares many «I am» statements of one Isis aretalogy with the Fourth Gospe1. Yet these represent a few «I am " s» (e.g., «I am the eldest daughter of Kronos .… I am the mother of King Horos») in a long list of Ts» followed by oher verbs; the self-praise may be relevant, but the «I am» form is not centra1. 2661 Bruce, Documents, 59. 2662 Witherington, Christology, 276, citing Brown, «Know,» 77–78. 2663 Readers of Isa 52LXX, which influenced early Christian usage of «good news,» may have envisioned the image of «herald» (though κρυξ appears in the LXX only at Gen 41:43; 4 Macc 6:4; Sir 20:15 ; Dan 3:4 ). Heralds traveled in pairs (Homer I1. 1.320; even when others joined them, as in Homer I1. 9.168–170, the report might employ the dual: Homer I1. 9.182), as in Mark 6:7 ; Luke 10:1; Acts 13:2. 2664 Cf., e.g., Iliad passim. |
| 7867 John may place the ειμ before the γ to avoid inadvertently introducing christological connotations from other contexts (such as 8:58) where they are not the issue (Bernard, John, 2:435). 7868 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.68.2–3; Josephus Ant. 3.208; 4.322; 6.126–127; Xenophon Mem. 4.8.2; Lysias Or. 2.25, §193; 2.78–79, §198; Epameinondas 2 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 192C; cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isoc. 5. 7872 Neither, however, are they antiheroic, like Abraham " s unwillingness to die in T. Ab. passim. 7876 From Epicurus (ταραξ,αν in Diogenes Laertius 10.85; cf. 10.144.17) to Stoics (ατραχος in Epictetus Diatr. 4.8.27). 7879 With, e.g., Jeremias, Prayers, 98; Smith, Parallels, 136; Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 43; Davies and Allison, Matthew, 1:595; Luz, Matthew, 371; pace, e.g., Meier, Marginal Jew, 1:361–62 n. 36. 7882 Josephus Ant. 13.282–283; Artapanus in Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.27.36; Sib. Or. 1.127, 267, 275; outside early Judaism, Plutarch Isis 12, Mor. 355E; Mart. Po1. 9.1; from terrestrial locations in Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 1.56.3; 5.16.2–3; 8.56.2–3; Valerius Maximus 1.8.5; 2.4.5; 7.1.2; Lucan C.W. 1.569–570; Plutarch Camillus 6.1; 14.2; Philostratus Hrk. 18.4; cf. talking serpents in Arrian Alex. 3.3.5. Cf. Johnson, Prayer, 62–63. 7887 As Baal was the thunderer of Canaanite faith, Zeus was «the high-thunderer» (ψιβρεμτης) of the Greek pantheon (e.g., Homer Od. 5.4; Pausanias 10.9.11; Pindar O1. 8.44), who produced thunder and lightning (Homer I1. 7.443,454; 8.2–3, 75–77, 133; 9.236–237; 10.5; 13.624; Aristophanes Lys. 773; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.510–511, 730–731; Pausanias 5.22.5; 5.24.9; Apollodorus 1.2.1; Pindar Pyth. 4.23; 6.24; O1. 4.1; 9.7; 13.77; Plutarch Alex. 28.2; Silius Italicus 17.474–478; differently, Pausanias 8.29.1; Pliny Nat. 2.18.82). Greeks and Romans shared with Jews the conception of the highest deity ruling storms (Brown, «Elements»); but for naturalistic explanations, cf., e.g., Pliny Nat. 2.18.82; Plutarch Nat. Q. 4, Mor. 912F-913A. |
| 10146 See Jeffers, World, 43–44; Watkins, John, 388. John leaves unstated the irony of a soldier afterward wearing (or perhaps selling) the very tunic Jesus had worn. 10153 Schnackenburg, John, 3:274; Beasley-Murray, John, 347. An allegorical application of νωθεν as a play on the tradition ( Mark 15:38 ) or more likely on John " s vertical dualism (3:3, 7, 31; 19:11) is plausible but difficult to make sense of. 10157 E.g., Homer Od. 11.432–434, 436–439 (even though Clytemnestra also slew Cassandra in 11.422); Euripides Orest. 1153–1154. (The subtext of the Iliad was that male warriors were fighting because of women, such as Helen and Briseis; cf. esp. I1. 9.339–342.) 10159 Pace Barrett, John, 551. Women relatives were typically allowed, e.g, to visit a man in prison (e.g., Lysias Or. 13.39–40, §133). 10162 See, e.g., Josephus Ant. 4.320 (Israelite society); Homer I1. 18.30–31, 50–51; 19.284–285; Sophocles Ajax 580; Euripides Here. fur. 536; Thucydides 2.34.4; Cicero Fam. 5.16.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; Livy 26.9.7; Valerius Maximus 2.6.13; Pomeroy, Women, 44; Dupont, Life, 115. Ancients did, however, expect both parents of a crucified person to mourn (Sipre Deut. 308.2.1). 10163 Cf., e.g., Valerius Maximus 5.4.7 (cited in Rapske, Custody, 247); 9.2.1; Polybius 5.56.15 (mob action); Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.267 (on Athenian execution of women); Ovid Metam. 13.497 (among captives; cf. Polybius 5.111.6, in a camp). 10168 Ilan, Women, 53, following Hallett, Fathers, 77–81. «Mary» (and variations) was «easily the most popular woman " s name in lst-century Palestine» (Williams, «Personal Names,» 90–91, 107). If one sister had two names, perhaps she came to use the shared name after marriage removed her from her original home? 10169 One could argue that one Mary in Mark 15is Jesus» mother ( Mark 6:3 ; cf. Matt 13:55; 27:56), but if Jesus was the eldest (or even if he was not), one would expect «mother of Jesus» there unless the passion had somehow terminated that relationship (certainly not Lukés view, Luke 24:10: Acts 1:14). |
| 3596 John Chrysostom Hom. Jo. 11 (antidocetic); Strachan, Gospel, 18–19; Argyle, «Incarnation,» 137; Barclay, «Themes,» 115–16; Ellis, World, 36; Lohse, Environment, 274; Schnelle, Christology; for the view that Cerinthianism is here opposed, see Stuart, «Examination,» 38; Harrison, « John 1:14 ,» 26; Talbert, John, 73–74 (cf. Irenaeus Haer. 3.11.1). For attitude of gnostics toward «flesh,» see Schmithals, Gnosticism, 155–66. Various religious traditions have «incarnations» of various sorts (see, e.g., Hoynacki, «Flesh»), but Christianity is the only monotheistic religion that has one. 3597 Lutz, «Musonius,» 64–65, cites parallels in Xenophon Cyr. 8.1.22; Philo Moses 2.1.4; Clement of Alexandria Strom. 2.438). 3598 Homer Il. 4.86–87, 121–124; 13.43–45, 69, 215–216, 356–357; 14.136; 16.715–720; 17.71–73, 322–326, 333, 554–555, 582–583; 20.79–81; 21.284–286, 599–611; 22.7–11; 24.354–458; Od. 1.105, 420; 2.267–268,382–387,399–401; 6.21–22; 7.19–20; 8.8,193–194; 10.277–279; 13.221–222,288–289; 22.205–206,239–240; 24.502–505, 548; Virgil Aen. 12.784–785; Ovid Metam. 1.676; 6.26–27. 3600 E.g., Homer Il. 22.224–231 (which Hector realizes too late, 22.298–299); Ovid Metam. 3.275–277. 3603 Käsemann, Testament, 65, 76–77. Noting that the emphasis of 1is not flesh, Käsemann wrongly ignores the statement altogether (p. 9), citing Johannine miracles to prove that Jesus was not human (though many of these are paralleled in the Synoptics!). Bultmann, John, 61, reads John " s language here as mythological, analogous to the gnostic Redeemer myth (on which see comments in our introduction). For developed docetism, see Hippolytus Haer. 8.2; 10.12. 3604 E.g., Bornkamm, «Interpretation,» 94 notes that it anachronistically reads later categories into the first century. On Jesus» humanity in the Fourth Gospel, see, e.g., ÓGrady, «Human Jesus»; Kysar, «Contributions,» 354; Smith, Theology, 166–68; and esp. Thompson, Humanity. 3605 Gilbert, «Notes,» 45; Cranfield, « " Became,»» 215; Sanders, John, 79), in contrast to texts merely postulating préexistent souls (e.g., Plato Phaedo 76CD; Meno 81 BD; Epictetus Diatr. 2.1.17; Wis 8:20; cf. 3 En. 43:3; h. Hag. 12b; Gen. Rab. 8:7; Dillon, Platonists, 177). ÓNeill, «Flesh,» thinks εγνετο here means «born»; but while this was the means (18:37), it is not the specific sense of the term here (cf. 1:3,6, 10, 17). |
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