| e tego nauczai Oycowie Koscioa aciskiego: Hilariusz, Ambroy, Augustyn, Leon i inni, znaiomo iest Rossyanóm. Dla czegó wic Koseio Rossyiski miaby brydzi si iednosci z tymi, kfóry tego nauczai i wyznai, co przyiy i pochwaliy powszechne zbory i Oycowie, od obydwoch Koscioów szanowani? Któ moe wzbroni wyznawa ustami, co sercem wieremy? zwaszcza i i aciski Koseio Grekóm, z sob poczonym i iednego z nim wzgldem tego artykuu rozumienia bdcym, czyta symbou podug swoiego zwyczaiu bez sowa i Syna nie przeszkadza. Potrzecie: Rozczenie si Greckiego i aciskiego Koscioów nie od tego artykuu ma swóy pocztek – w listach Michaa Cerulariusza, Leona Akridana i Leona IX., ani iednego o pochodzeniu Ducha S. nie znayduie si sowa – nawet Piotr, patryarcha Antyocheski, w liscie do Dominika Gradeskiego, nie t wspomnionego rozczenia si kadzie przyczyn, lecz wyraa, i Cerulariusz nagania iedynie u acinników nauk o przasnikach – i w reczy samey Cerulariusz, takowego rozczenia naczelnik, zaruca iedynie acinnikóm nauk o przasnym Chlebie, niespiewanie w wielkim poscie Alleluia i inne tym podobne rzeczy. – Na takto maym fundamencie Cerulariusz, bez wszelkiego processu, bez suchania stron, bez wadzy zboru, sam z niewiel podrdnemi sobie biskupami, osmieli si odczy od iednosci koseielney Rymskiego biskupa i cay Zachód, iednego z nim zwyczaiu trzymaicy si! Pisze o tem ze skromnosci sam Rymski biskup Leon IX, wystawuic przykad owey prawdziwey u Salomona matki, która syna swoiego rosci nie dozwolia, i dodaic: e rozmaito zwyczaiów, podug rozmaitosci micysc i czasu, nic do zbawienia wiernych nie przeszkadza, ieeli iedna wiara w miosci dobre uczynki ile moe petnica, przed iedynym ich zaleca Bogiem. I takowy by pocztek rozdziau Greków iako i Rossyan od aciskiego Koscioa. Z owych smutnych czasów, wielka i ciga bole o braci naszey serca nasze drczy. Nie wspominaic o tych staraniach, które Koscio Rymski w rozmaitych czasach podeymowa ku zniszczeniu takowego lubo nie od niego pochodzcego rozdziau, to iedynie wyzna naley, i nic bardziey nie damy iako ziednoczenia, i niczem bardziey si nie brydziemy iak rozdziaem. |
| Na czem e wic zaley nasza w tem yciu szczsliwo? – Zaiste, czowiek iako istota zmyslna, bez zaspokoienia nieuchronnych potrzeb ciaa obey si nie moe; inaczey cierpia by, a cierpic nieszczsliwym bydz by musia. – Lecz iako przymioty ciaa nieskczenie s nisze od przymiotów duszy; tak te powinnismy naybardziey stara si o ukrztacenie wadz naszjch umysowych, o ukrztacenie rozumu. Przez rozum wznosiemy si nad zwierta, a przez iego ukrztacenie nad podobnych sobie ludzi. Zayrzyimy tylko do dzieiów swiata, a zobaezemy t nieskczon rónic, ktora oddziela grubych barbaryców od oswieconych ludów, dawnych i teraznieyszych czasów. Porównaymy skutki ciemnoty ze skutkami podniesioney Edukacyi, a przystaniemy, e ukrztacenie rozumu, do Szczsliwosci naszey koniecznie iest potrzebnym. Jeeli iednak co przyczynia si do dobra naszego; ieeli co iest srodkiem prowadzcym do tego podanego od wszystkich celu; ieeli co moe nas doprowadzi do Szczsliwosci: Spokoyno umysu iest caem dobrem, iest ca szczsliwosci, którey czowiek w tem yciu dostpi moe. Ona iest czyst roskosz, duszy prawdziwie cnotliwey; ona iest iakby zwierciadem owego szczscia, które w przyszosci iest dla nas przeznaczonym. Mie wic zaspokoione konieczne potrzeby ciaa; bydz uwolnionym od dolgliwosci cigle ludzi trapicych; ukrztaci rozum stosownie do iego wielkiego przeznaczenia; stara si nakoniec o spokoyno umysu, wypenieniem obowizków woonych na nas przez Religi i przyzwoit Zwierzchno; oto iest czego powinna da istota rozumem obdarona, oto iest za czem prawdziwy Chrzescianin w tem yciu ubiega si powinien! W reczy samey,iest to obraz zupeny doczesney szczsliwosci: wicey nadto pragn, byoby raczey znakiem skaonego namitnosciami serca, iak rozumu przez natur prowadzonego. – Lecz moe czowiek nawet co do tych reczy bydz zupenie zaspokoionym; moe si ktokolwiek z nas pochlubi e iest zupenie szczsliwym? O! zacni Suchacze, iak daleko iestesmy od tego celu za którym cigle si ubiegamy! Serce nam to powiada, a doswiadczenie niezliczonymi stwierdza przykadami. |
| 10172 4 Macc 15:30; Aristotle Po1. 3.2.10, 1277b; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 4.82.3; 6.92.6; Diodorus Siculus 5.32.2; 10.24.2; Livy 2.13.6; 28.19.13; Appian R.H. 2.5.3; 7.5.29; Iamblichus V.P. 31.194. Some philosophers held that women were capable of courage (Musonius Rufus 4, p. 48.8 and that philosophy improved women " s courage (3, p. 40.33–35). 10173 2Macc 7:21; 4 Macc 15:23; 16:14; Diodorus Siculus 17.77.1; 32.10.9; Apuleius Metam. 5.22. «Courage» is literally «manliness» (e.g., 1Macc 2:64; Aristotle E.E. 3.1.2–4, 1228ab; Dio Cassius 58.4.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.45.6; 40.3.6; Theon Progymn. 9.22; Crates Ep. 19; Chariton 7.1.8). 10174 E.g., Homer I1. 7.96; 8.163; 11.389; 16.7–8; Virgil Aen. 9.617; 12.52–53; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.7.2; 10.28.3; Diodorus Siculus 12.16.1; 34/35.2.22; Aulus Gellius 17.21.33; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.46; cf. an unarmed man in Homer I1. 22.124–125; an effeminate man in Aristophanes Lys. 98. 10176 Mothers (Homer I1. 22.79–90,405–407; Euripides Supp1. 1114–1164) mourned sons; see especially a mother " s mourning the death of the son who would have solaced her in old age (e.g., Virgil Aen. 9.481–484; Luke 7:12–13). 10177 It may support an identification with the disciple of 18:15–16. The disciple perhaps departs in 19:27, «to his own» (Michaels, John, 319). 10178 Hoskyns, «Genesis,» 211–13; Ellis, Genius, 271; cf. Peretto, «Maria.» The specific meaning in Rev 12 is clearer, but even there the mariological reading is unclear unless one resorts to subsequent tradition; cf., e.g., Keener, Revelation, 313–14, 325–27. 10180 Cf. Moloney, «Mary.» Boguslawski, «Mother,» sees this new «eschatological family» confirmed by the coming of the Spirit in 19:30. 10183 Witherington, Women, 95. Cf. Jesus» mother as an example of discipleship also in Seckel, «Mère.» 10184 For care of parents in their old age, see P.Enteux. 26 (220 B.C.E.); Hierocles Parents 4.25.53; Diogenes Laertius 1.37; Quintilian 7.6.5; Sir 3:16 ; Gen. Rab. 100:2. Some texts view such care as «repayment» of parents (Homer Ii. 4.477–478; 17.302; 1Tim 5:4 ; possibly Christian interpolation in Sib. Or. 2.273–275). More generally on honor of parents, see comment on 2:4. |
| 10305 E.g., Polybius 6.53; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.96.1; Apuleius Metam. 2.27; Herodian 4.2.2; Philostratus Hrk. 51.13; 1Macc 2:70; Josephus Ant. 9.166; 13.406; Mart. Po1. 17. 10306 Theon Progymn. 9.4–5; cf. Josephus Ant. 4.320; b. Sabb. 153a; Gen. Rab. 100:2; Ecc1. Rab. 7:12, §1; 9:10, §3. 10307 E.g., Homer I1. 23.65–71; Od. 11.71–76; 21.363–364; 22.476; Euripides Herac1. 588–590; Hec. 47–50; Phoen. 1447–1450; Supp1. passim; Diodorus Siculus 15.35.1; Philostratus Hrk. 19.7; it was necessary to enter the netherworld (Homer I1. 23.71; Virgil Aen. 6.365–366; Heliodorus Aeth. 6.15). Many Greek philosophers constituted notable exceptions (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 92.35; Epictetus Diatr. 4.7.31; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.79; Stowers, Letter Writing, 142–43), though even their own disciples often disobeyed their instructions (Socratics Ep. 14; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.78). 10312 Requesting an official for a burial place, because the official controls the land (4 Bar. 7:14), is not an adequate analogy. 10313 E.g., Homer I1. 17.126–127, 255, 272; Sophocles Ant. 21–30, 697; Euripides Phoen. 1627–1630, 1650; Virgil Aen. 9.485; Diodorus Siculus 16.16.4; 18.67.6; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.21.8; 4.40.5–6; 6.9.4; 20.16.2; Appian R.H. 12.8.52; 12.16.107; C.W. 1.8.73; Lucan C.W. 2.166–168; 7.825–835; Lysias Or. 19.7, §152; Thucydides 1.138.6; Seneca Controv. 1.7.2; 8.4.intr.; Suetonius Aug. 13; Valerius Maximus 1.4.2; Apol1. Κ. Tyre 50; Iamblichus V.P. 35.252; Philostratus Hrk. 21.6; Herodian 1.13.6; 8.8.7; Chariton 1.5.25; 1 En. 98:13; 2Macc 13:7; for executions in Rome, see sources in Rapske, Custody, 14. Sometimes the prohibition of honorable burial by free persons did not exclude burial altogether (carried out by slaves; Cornelius Nepos 19 [Phocion],4.4). 10314 Euripides Phoen. 1631–1634; m. Sanh. 6:6; cf. Josephus Ant. 9.104. Jewish aristocrats apparently felt that even relatives should withhold mourning when those destroyed were wicked (Josephus Ant. 4.53); but it was normally considered heartless to forbid mourning (Cicero Pis. 8.18), and to die unmourned was a cruel fate (Ovid Tristia 3.3.45–46). Contrast public mourning for heroes (e.g., Lysias Or. 2.66, §196; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.1.565) and expenses lavished for an official or person of wealth (Cicero Fam. 4.12.3; Statius Silvae 2.1.157–162; Alex. K. Tyre 26; disapproved in Iamblichus V.P. 27.122–123). |
| Some models of treachery (cf. Homer I1. 10.383,446–459) may have been understood favorably (though Odysseus offered no oath). Even betrayal of friendship occurred in the hostile world of Roman partisan politics (e.g., in Stowers, Letter Writing, 63). 8205 E.g., Lysias Or. 6.23, §105; 8.5–6, §112; Chariton 5.6.2 (φλος); Cornelius Nepos 14 (Datâmes), 6.3; 11.5; Sir 22:21–22 ; T. Jud. 23:3; cf. Derrett, Audience, 69. This remained true even if onés life were at stake (Babrius 138.7–8); refusing to betray a friend or husband was honorable (Athenaeus Deipn. 15.965F, item 25; Seneca Controv. 2.5.intro.). Treachery and betrayal warranted death (Valerius Maximus 9.6). 8208 Cf., e.g., disgust for traitors against their peoples in Xenophon Hel1. 1.7.22; Cicero Fin. 3.9.32; Virgil Aen. 6.621; Livy 1.11.6–7; 5.27.6–10 (though cf. Livy 4.61.8–10); Valerius Maximus 1.1.13; Seneca Controv. 7.7.intro.; such behavior invited the hatred of even onés family (Livy 2.5.7–8; Cornelius Nepos 4 [Pausanias], 5.3). Loyalty to country might take precedence even over hospitality friendship (Xenophon Hel1. 4.1.34; Cornelius Nepos 13 [Timotheus], 4.4), but disloyalty to friends remained despicable (e.g., Rhet. Alex. 36, 1442.13–14). 8212 E.g., Lysias Or. 12.14, §121; 18.10, §150; Plutarch Cor. 10.3; Cicero Fam. 13.19.1; 13.25.1; 13.36.1; Cornelius Nepos 5 (Cimon), 3.3; Exod. Rab. 28:1. This was true even over several generations (Homer I1. 6.212–231; Cicero Fam. 13.34.1) and could require the guest-friend to avenge his host (Philostratus Hrk. 46.2–3). Still, though it could be inherited, it could shift along with political interests (Marshall, Enmity, 18–21, 39–42). 8214 E.g., Homer I1. 21.76; Od. 4.534–535; 11.414–420; 14.404–495; Hesiod Op. 327; Euripides Cyc1. 126–128; Hec. 25–26,710–720,850–856; Apollonius of Rhodes 3.377–380; Ovid Metam. 1.144; 10.225–228; Livy 25.16.6. This principle included providing protection from other enemies (Ovid Metam. 5.44–45; Cornelius Nepos 2 [Themistocles], 8.3). |
| 10669 Freyne, Galilee, 195. He attributes the lack of early Roman persecution of Jesus» followers to Galilean-Judean differences (p. 196), but is it not possible that they simply did not view Jesus» disciples as a threat (18:36–38)? 10670 Safrai, «Home,» 734; cf. Aristophanes Wasps 154–155. 10671 Cf. different views on the nature of the resurrection body in early Judaism (Ferguson, Backgrounds, 439–40). 10672 Cook, «Exegesis,» 4. 10673 E.g., Homer Od. 4.795–803, 838–839; Boring et a1., Commentary, 306, cites Hom. Hymn, Hymn to Hermes 145–146. Laurin, John, 258, speculates on «molecular displacement,» an image not likely to have crossed the minds of John " s audience. 10674 Cf. Tholuck, John, 452–53. 10675 Witherington, Wisdom, 342. 10676 Cook, «Exegesis,» 4. 10677 E.g., Jub. 12:29; 18:16; 19:29; 21:25; Gen. Rab. 100:7. It appears commonly in tomb inscriptions as well (Goodenough, Symbols, 2:108). 10678 For situation-appropriate words of «peace,» see, e.g., Tob 12(at an angelophany). On the efficacy of such words, cf. 1QS 2.9 10679 Mbiti, Religions, 85. 10680 So also others, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 335; Haenchen, John, 2:210; Cook, «Exegesis,» 5. 10681 Also Cicero Verr. 2.5.1.3; Seneca Controv. 1.4.2. Likewise, wounds could be displayed in corpses to stir indignation (Ovid Fasti 2.849; Plutarch Caesar 68.1). 10682 E.g., Ovid Metam. 13.262–267; Fasti 2.696–699 (in this case deceptively); Plutarch Alex. 50.6; Arrian Alex. 7.10.1–3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.62.3; Livy 45.39.17; Valerius Maximus 7.7.1; cf. Sallust Letter of Gnaeus Pompeius 1–2; Caesar C.W. 1.72; Silius Italicus 9.350–351; Valerius Maximus 3.2.24; or citing dangers one had faced, e.g., Aeschines False Embassy 168–169; Cicero Cat. 4.1.2; 1Cor 15:30 . Cf. also bruises as marks of athletic exertion (Maximus of Tyre Or. 3.4). 10683 E.g., Homer Od. 19.467–473; P.Ry1. 174.6–7; P.Lond. 334.6; P.Oxy. 494.31; Philostratus Hrk. 12.4. 10684 E.g., 2 Bar. 50:2–4; Gen. Rab. 95:1; Ecc1. Rab. 1:4, §2; for very literalistic understandings of the resurrection, Osborne, «Resurrection,» 933, cites 2Macc 7:10–11; 14:46; Sib. Or. 4.176–82. This idea probably is assumed in Matt 5but appears less probable in 1Cor 15:35–44, 50 . |
| 10621 Schnackenburg, John, 3:318; Brown, John, 2:992; McPolin, John, 255; Morris, John, 841; Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644; Whitacre, John, 476; Smith, John (1999), 377. 10622 One could try to distinguish the prohibition for Mary from the invitation to Thomas by suggesting that Mary as a woman might be impure ( Lev 15:19–30 ), but apart from lacking clues in the text, this position would violate Johannine thought about purity as well as about gender (e.g., 2:6; 4:9). 10623 One might sever the first imperative grammatically from the following statement if one could take 20:17 " s γρ as anticipatory («since,» for the following clause) rather than causal (for the preceding; McGehee, «Reading»), but Johannine style makes that suggestion less likely. 10624 Bruce, John, 389; Carson, John, 644. 10625 Cf. McPolin, John, 255. 10626 Schneiders, «Encounter,» 165. 10627 Witherington, Acts, 112–13. 10628 This real presence was, however, stronger than the mere epistolary presence that such language conventions as «absent in body, present in spirit» could imply ( 1Cor 5:3 ; Col 2:5; 1 Thess 2:17; Isocrates Nic. 51–52, Or. 3.37; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 32.1; Achilles Tatius 5.20.5; Stowers, Letter Writing, 60; Funk, «Parousia» 264; cf. Diogenes Laertius 7.1.24; contrast Diogenes Ep. 17). 10629 E.g., Homer I1. 12.15. The Iliad regularly predicts (e.g., I1. 21.110; 23.80–81) but does not narrate Achilles» death. 10630 Homer Il. 6.403; 22.506–507. 10631 E.g., Homer Od. 23.266–284. 10632 Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64, 75, 1135; 4.241–245. Writing after Euripides, this must be expected. 10633 E.g., Ovid Metam. 14.824–828; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.68; Phaedrus 4.12.3; cf. Euripides Iph. au1. 1608, 1614,1622. See more fully Talbert, «Immortals.» 10634 See also 2 En. 67:1–3; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 5:7; more fully, Palatty, «Ascension»; Luke, «Ascension»; Tabor, «Divinity»; Begg, «Disappearance.» 10635 Seealso Jos. Asen. 17:8, MSS; T. Ab. 4:5; 8:1; 15:11; 20:12A; 4:4; 8:1; 10:2B; cf. Jub. 32:20–21. 10636 Because of Heracles» apotheosis, people searched only vainly for his corpse (Diodorus Siculus 4.38.3–5); Romulus «vanished» (Plutarch Camillus 33.7); other deified persons, such as Aeneas, also «disappeared» (φανσθη, Diodorus Siculus 7.5.2; the term applies to Heracles in Lysias Or. 2.11, §191), as did Moses in Josephus Ant. 4.326. Boring et a1., Commentary, 163–64, also compare the first-century B.C.E. traditions of Romulus " s ascension (Livy 1.16.2–8; Ovid Metam. 14.805–851; Vir. illustr. 2.13; Plutarch Numa 11.2–3), even by horses and carriage (Ovid Fasti 2.475–510; cf. 2 Kgs 2:11–18), and Job " s children in T. Job 39:8–40:4. |
| 3255 E.g., Sophocles Searchers 212–215 (Sei. Pap. 3:44–45); Euripides Antiope 69–71; Pirithous 22–24 (Sei. Pap. 3:124–125); Virgil Aen. 1.28; Ovid Metam. 2.714–747; 3.1–2, 260–261; 4.234–244; 5.391–408; 10.155–219; 14.765–771; Achilles Tatius 1.5.5–7; Apuleius Metam. 6.22; Apollodorus 3.8.2. On very rare occasions a mortal escaped, outwitting the deity (Apollonius of Rhodes 2.946–954). 3257 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.244–246,275; Athenagoras 20–22; Theophilus 1.9; Ps.-Clem. 15.1–19.3. 3258 E.g., Euripides Bacch. 94–98; Appian R.H 12.15.101; Ovid Metam. 3.261–272, 280–309; 4.416–530. 3259 E.g., Euripides Hipp. 1–28,1400–1403 (because deities desire honor, Hipp. 8); Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64–65. 3263 E.g., Ovid Tristia 1.2.4–5. Even if Homer authored both the Iliad and the Odyssey, it remains noteworthy that the former portrays a much less harmonious pantheon; later Roman sources (e.g., the Aeneid) also portray their deities more favorably than the Iliad. 3264 Odysseus in Euripides Cyc1. 606–607. In prayer, pagans often piled up as many names of the deity they were entreating as possible (e.g., Homer I1. 1.37–38, 451–452; 2.412; PGM 4.2916–2927; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus; more restrained, ILS 190) and reminded a deity of favors owed, seeking an answer on contractual grounds, as many ancient texts attest (e.g., Homer Il. 1.39–41; 10.291–294; Od. 1.61–62,66–67; 4.762–764; 17.240–242; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.417–419; Virgil Aen. 12.778). 3265 E.g., Pliny Nat. 2.5.17; Seneca Dia1. 7.26.6; Nat. 2.44.1–2.45.1; Maximus of Tyre Or. 5.1; 35.1. 3268 Cf., e.g., Diogenes Laertius 7.1.134, 148; Seneca Nat. 1.pref.13. Pantheism was also more widespread (cf. Virgil Georg. 4.221–222, 225; Aeschylus frg. 34, from Clement of Alexandria Stromata 5.14, p. 718; Aeschylus LCL 2adds Philodemus On Piety 22). 3270 Frequently, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 2.1.25; cf. the identification also in Ps-Aristotle De mundo (according to Grant, Gods, 78). 3271 E.g., Chariton 3.3.16; Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351DE; T. T. 8.2.4, Mor. 720A. Cf. Plato Alcib. 1.124C: Socrates spoke of his guardian (επτροπος) as θες. |
| 6/19 мая 1900 г. В субботу пароход «Homer» с епископом Тихоном на борту отправился из Сан-Франциско к Прибыловым островам в Беринговом море. «Северная Компания отвела для Владыки на Homer-e отдельную каюту: каюта очень маленькая, в ней помещаются только висячая кровать, умывальник да табурет. Вообще устройство парохода не комфортабельное. В столовую спускаются прямо по каким-то крюкам, вбитым в наружные стены кают. Владыке, впрочем, носили пищу в его каюту. Начальство и прислуга были внимательны и обязательны. Тотчас по выходе из С.-Франциско поднялся сильный ветер и качка. Пришлось Преосвященному целые сутки пролежать и поболеть. «Чистило даже желчью; неприятно, конечно, но, говорят, небесполезно», – замечает Его Преосвященство. Потом попривыкли все, и желудки путешествующих выдерживали всякие штормы. Погода по большей части стояла ветреная. Большую часть времени приходилось Владыке читать. Его Преосвященством было взято много книг, думалось, что хватит на всю дорогу, а оказалось, что их едва хватило до Уналашки» 247 . 20 мая/2 июня 1900 г. «Homer» пришел в Уналашку в 8 часов утра. 21 мая/3 июня 1900 г. В воскресенье Тихон отслужил литургию в Вознесенской церкви и сказал поучение о послушании пастырям, также посетил миссионерскую школу «Священника О. Иоанна Вениаминова». 24 мая/6 июня 1900 г. В 11 ч. утра «Homer» пошел к острову Св. Георгия (сутки хода от Уналашки). «Селение 248 на острове св. Георгия ранее было приписано к Уналашкинскому приходу, а здесь была часовня. Теперешняя церковь построена в 1875 г.; ныне она отремонтирована и высматривает чисто и красиво. Священником (третьим по счету с 1882 года) состоит с 1898 года о. Петр Кашеваров, получает 452 дол. 249 и паек 1-го класса от промыслов котикового и песцового (дол. 150), также несколько тонн угля, от Правительства обещано на несколько долларов в месяц провизии (на о«строве». Павла она уже выдается). О. Кашеваров усердно относится к своему делу; он имеет влияние на прихожан, и они им очень довольны. Владыка наградил его набедренником за заботы о благоустроении прихода и за научение детей Закону Божию» 250 . |
| 4472 So nicknamed for his refusal to step outside a circle until God sent rain; such circle-drawing implied forceful demands (e.g., Livy 45.12.5). 4473 Young, Theologian, 171–80, associates rabbinic chutzpah with the Gospel tradition in further detai1. Independently, I thought «chutzpah» the most apt description of this boldness (Keener, «Pneumatology,» 138–39; idem, Background Commentary, 154). 4476 Dixon, Mother, 179; Simon, «Women» (on Valerius Maximus 8.3); cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.44.1–8.54.1; Tacitus Ann. 16.10; Plutarch Cor. 34.1–2; Alex. 12.3; 21.1–3. Cf. also appeals to prefects with special concern for women " s powerlesness (e.g., P.Sakaon 36 in Horsley, Documents, 4:132–33; Lysias Or. 32.11–18, §§506–511). 4477 Plutarch Alex. 39.7. For ancient expectations of honoring and obeying parents and for stereotypical images of parents, see Keener, «Family,» 354–58. 4478 Diogenes Laertius 9.7.42 (the differentiation from κρη does not make it any less standard for general usage); Achilles Tatius 4.15.2; Jdt 11(Holofernes to Judith); cf. 4 Macc 15:17; 16:14; p. Nid. 1:4, §2. 4479 E.g., Haenchen, John, 1:173; Beck, Paradigm, 55. In earlier custom, it could apply affectionately to onés wife (Homer Od. 4.266; 8.424; 23.350; cf. perhaps Homer Od. 19.555, though Odysseus here acts as a beggar) but could also be curt (Sophocles Ajax 293). Colwell and Titus, Spirit, 113, wrongly suppose that she is no longer Jesus» mother because of his adoption by God in ch. 1, but this makes little sense of our passagés preference for her relational title over her name. 4480 Maccini, Testimony, 101 notes that Jesus never uses this of a woman he knows except his mother; but the data pool is small, since the only remaining use in this Gospel is the Samaritan. 4481 E.g., Sei. Pap. 1:318–19, lines 2, 21. For onés sister (probably wife), see P.Oxy. 528.2; P.S.I. 209.1. 4486 Feuillet, Studies, 35; Brodie, Gospel, 174–75. Culpepper, Anatomy, 134, regards this as possible but uncertain. Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 32, thinks the woman is an allegorical symbol for sensation, as in Philo (Creation 59; Alleg. Interp. 2.12)! |
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