| 5644 Homer I1. 13.624–625; Od. 6.207–208; 14.57–58; Euripides Cyc1. 355; Apollonius of Rhodes 2.1131–1133; 3.193; Greek Anth. 7.516. 5645 Tob 5:10–15; 7:8–9; 10:6–10; Ps.-Phoc. 24; m. " Abot 1:5, 15; 3:12; t. Demai 3:9; b. Ber. 63b; Luke 7:36; Acts 16:15; see further Koenig, Hospitality, 16. For lodging in synagogues or school-houses, cf. b. Qidd. 29b; p. Meg. 3:3, §5. Abraham provided the supreme example (Gen. Rab. 48:9; 50:4; Num. Rab. 10:5; Song Rab. 1:3, §3), though sometimes transferred to other figures (T. Job 10:1–4). Among early Christians, e.g., Rom 12:13 ; 1Tim 3:2 ; 1Pet 4:9 ; Heb 13:2. 5649 Talbert, John, 118, citing especially Josephus War 3.459; 7.70–71; cf. War 4.112–113; 7.100–103,119. 5651 E.g., Aeschylus Supp1. 26; Euripides Herc. fur. 48; Aristophanes Frogs 738, 1433; Epictetus Diatr. 1.22.16; Plutarch Borr. 7, Mor. 830B; Arrian Ind. 21.2; 36.3; Pausanias 2.20.6; 4.34.6; 9.26.8; Athenaeus Deipn. 7.288f. 5652 Pausanias 1.40.3 (Artemis); 8.31.2 (Kore); the mother goddess in Orphic Hymns 14.8; 27.12; 74.4. 5653 Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 12.1.8; Josephus Life 244,259; OGIS 90; CPJ 1:185–86, §38; 2:31, §151. Especially Heracles (Demosthenes Or. 60, Funeral Speech §8). 5657 See more fully Longenecker, Christology, 142–43. The title may function in something of a messianic sense in Isa 19:20; cf. «the Lord " s salvation» in Τ Dan 5:10; human deliverers in Judg 3:9, 15 ; 1Sam 10LXX; Neh 9:27. 5658 For special love for onés native land, see also, e.g., Seneca Ep. Lucil 66.26; Menander Rhetor 2.4, 392.8–9; Iamblichus V.P. 32.214. 5659 Davies, Land, 329; Brown, Community, 39; Schnackenburg, John, 1:462; Van Belle, «Faith.» The term applies most easily to onés place of origin, not onés citizenship (Philostratus Hrk. 44.1). 5661 More peripheral, first-time readers might have taken such language philosophically (Anaxagoras called heaven his «fatherland» in Diogenes Laertius 2.7; cf. the world in Musonius Rufus 9, p. 68.15–16, 25; citizenship in the world, ibid. 68.21–22; Diogenes Laertius 2.99; 6.2.63, 72; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 28.4; Marcus Aurelius 12.36), but the sense is clear after reading the Gospel as a whole. |
| 7046 On «God " s works,» cf. comment on 6:28; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 415, on 1QS 4.4. John 3also speaks of «manifesting works,» but the parallel is primarily one of idiom rather than of theology (cf. 1 John 3:8 ; Johannine literature employs φανερω frequently: 1:31; 2:11; 7:4; 17:6; 21:1, 14; 1 John 1:2; 2:19, 28; 3:2, 5, 8; 4:9; Rev 3:18; 15:4); the idea in 2is closer. 7049 E.g., Chrysippus contended that Providence did not make sickness but in making good had to allow the bad to be produced (Aulus Gellius 7.1.7–13). 7051 Sipre Deut. 306.30.2, 5, 6. God " s mighty acts could be said to be predestined before creation (Gen. Rab. 5:5). 7052 Martyn, Theology, 28. For the verb «working» with the noun «works,» see also 6:28; Philostratus Hrk. 17.6. 7053 E.g., Homer Il. 2.387; 7.282; 8.529–530; 11.209; 14.259–261; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1059; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.48.3; Arrian Alex. 1.19.2; Polybius 5.86.1–2; Caesar Alex. W. 1.11; Gallic W. 2.11; Apollodorus Epitome 4.2; Silius Italicus 5.678; 13.254–255; Philostratus Hrk. 58.4; their uncommonness made night attacks all the more devastating (Homer II. 10.100–101; Arrian Alex. 1.4.1); forced dismissal of the Senate (Cicero Earn. 1.2.3). Augustinés interpretation of «night» here as hell (Tract. Ev. Jo. 44.6) is fanciful (Whitacre, John, 238). 7054 Including for the eyes (Tob 11:11–13; CIG 5980, in Deissmann, Light, 135–36; cf. commentaries on Rev 3:18). Proper use of eye salve could help (Epictetus Diatr. 2.21.20; 3.21.21), but use of the wrong substance could produce blindness instead (Diodorus Siculus 22.1.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 20.5.2–3; Appian R.H. 3.9.2). 7056 E.g., Theophrastus Char. 16.14. For magical uses, see esp. Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 8–11 (forwarded to me by Daniel Wallace). 7057 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 170, e.g., cite Pliny Nat. 27.75; 28.5,48,61,77; 29.12,32; 32.39; Boring et a1., Commentary, 284, cite SIG 1173 (138 C.E.; magical). On therapeutic uses, see further Galen N.F. 3.7.163 (for skin diseases); Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 11–16. |
| 2703 P. Git. 1:1, §1. For discussion of how a sender could nullify an agent " s task, see p. Git. 4:1, §1; the stricter rule required speaking to the agent (see m. Git. 4:1). 2704 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.88.2; Diodorus Siculus 40.1.1; Josephus Life 65, 72–73, 196–198; 2Macc 1:20. Cf. Zenós dispatch of two fellow scholars in his place in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.9. 2705 Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Josephus Ant. 8.220–221. 2706 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 272; Xenophon Anab. 5.7.18–19, 34; Apollodorus Epitome 3.28–29: Polybius 15.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.43.4; Diodorus Siculus 36.15.1–2; Dio Cassius 19.61; Appian R.H. 3.6.1–2; 3.7.2–3; 4.11; 8.8.53; Valerius Maximus 6.6.3–4. This was important, since receivers of news sometimes responded positively or negatively to messengers depending on the news they received (e.g., Homer Il. 17.694–696; 18.15–21; Euripides Medea 1125–1129; Appian R.H. 12.12.84; Arrian Ind. 34.4; 35.1; 2Sam 1:15; 18:20, 22 ; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.35, 37). 2707 Homer Il. 1.334; 7.274–282; 8.517; Aeschines Timarchus 21; Cicero Phi1. 13.21.47; Herodian 6.4.6. Ambassadors who risked their lives merited special honor ( Phil 2:25–30 ; Cicero Phi1. 9.1.2). 2708 M. Demai 4:5; t. Demai 2:20; cf. also Aeschines Timarchus 21. 2709 B. B. Qam. 102ab. 2710 Wenham, Bible, 114–15. In the broader Mediterranean culture, cf., e.g., Demosthenes Or the Embassy 4–5. 2711 E.g., Appian R.H. 9.9.3 (196 B.C.E.). 2712 E.g., the ideal herald Aethalides in Apollonius of Rhodes 1.640–648. 2713 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 292–293. 2714 The sense of a cognate noun and verb need not agree, but given the noun " s absence in the LXX and the verb s prominence there in a manner analogous to early Christian usage, it seems likelv that the noun here reflects a Christian usage coined to match the cognate LXX verb (albeit in less technical use in secular vocabulary). 2715 Joshua by Moses (Josh 14:7; cf. Josh 11:15); Barak by Deborah ( Judg 4:6 ); Saul " s messenger? ( 1Sam 19:20 ); David (allegedly) by Saul ( 1Sam 21:2 ); angels from God (e.g., Judg 13:8 ; Tob 12cf. Gen 24:7 ); cf. messengers in 1 Kgs 18:10; 19:2;2Kgs 1:2,6,9,11,13; etc. A disciple may be " sent» as his master " s representative (the false but believable claim in 2 Kgs 5:22; cf. 2 Kgs 9:1–4). |
| 6346 Cf. Michaels, John, 114, denying a double entendre. 6347 Hunter, John, 79; Brown, John, lxxxxv. Given the significance of Galilee in the Gospel, his «remaining» in 7could also then be a double entrendre (cf. 1:38–39; 2:12; 4:40; 10:40; 11:6, 54). 6348 This might be especially the case if the first «yet» (οπω) in 7is a scribal addition (missing in and the easier reading); arguments for this variant " s originality, however, are stronger than often noticed (see Caragounis, «Journey to Feast»). 6349 Essenes vowed not to conceal any secrets from one another (Josephus War 2.141), behavior Josephus regarded as ideal (Ag. Ap. 2.207). 6350 E.g.,Tob 7:10–11; 1Macc 7:18; 1QS 10.22; Let. Aris. 206,252; Josephus Ag.Ap. 2.79; Ps.-Phoc. 7; Sib. Or. 3.38,498–503; Γ. Dan 3:6; 5:1–2; Eph 4:25 . 6351 E.g., Plutarch Educ. 14, Mor. 11C; frg. 87 (in LCL 15:190–191); Diogenes Laertius 1.60; Phaedrus 4.13; Cornelius Nepos 25 (Atticus), 15.1. 6352 E.g., Quintilian 2.17.27; 12.1.38–39; T. Jos. 11:2; 13:7–9; 15:3; 17:1; for war or the service of the state in Xenophon Mem. 4.2.14–15; Seneca Controv. 10.6.2. In the epic period, deception for useful purposes could indicate cleverness (Homer Od. 19.164–203, esp. 19.203; Gen 27:19, 24; 30:31–43 ), though Odysseus " s cleverness (e.g., Sophocles Phi1. 54–55, 107–109, called «wisdom» in 119,431) appears unscrupulous to some (Sophocles Phi1. 1228). 6353 E.g., Exod 1:19; 1Sam 16:2–3; 21:2,5,8,13 ; 2Sam 12:1–7; 17:14; 1 Kgs 20:39–41; 22:22; 2 Kgs 8:10; 2 Chr 18:22; 1er 38:27; probably 2 Kgs 10:19; probably not acceptable in 1 Kgs 13:18. 6354 E.g., t. Ta c an. 3:7–8. 6355 " Abot R. Nat 45, §§125–126 B. 6356 E.g., Phaedrus 4.pro1.8–9; 2Cor 1:17–18 ; on fickleness, Virgil Aen. 4.569–570 (applied to women); Cicero Fam. 5.2.10; Marshall, Enmity, 318–19. 6357 Carson, John, 309, citing Porphyry C. Chr. in Jerome Pelag. 2.17. 6358 E.g., P.Ry1. 174.6–7; P.Lond. 334.6; P.Oxy. 494.31. 6359 Stanton, Jesus, 124; Aune, Environment, 32; e.g., Plutarch Marcus Cato 1.3; Sulla 2.1; Philostratus Hrk. 10.1–5; 34.5; 48.1 (cf. Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xlix). For handsomeness listed as a virtue in biographies, see, e.g., Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 1.2. |
| 4430 Apollonius of Rhodes 1.473; Diogenes Laertius 7.7.184; 10.1.15; Apuleius Metam. 7.12; Plutarch Poetry 1, Mor. 15E; T.T. 1.4.3, Mor. 62ICD; Diodorus Siculus 4.4.6; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.10.588; Athenaeus Deipn. 10.427AB, 432A; cf. Wasson, Hofmann, Ruck, Eleusis, 90. Though one might devote undiluted wine to Dionysus, one might dilute wine dedicated to Zeus (as in Diodorus Siculus 4.3.4). 4431 Plutarch Alex. 70.1; 75.3–4; less disastrously, Alciphron Farmers 30 (Scopiades to Cotion), 3.32; cf. Isa 5:22. 4437 P Ha1. 1.193–195; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.473; Menander maxims 2, 5 in Sei. Pap. 3:260–61; Demosthenes Against Conon 7; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 83.19–20; Plutarch Isis 6, Mor. 353C; Statecraft 3, Mor. 799B; T.T. 3, introduction, Mor. 645A; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.109; Anacharsis Ep. 3.1–3; Crates Ep. 10; Chariton 4.3.8; Phaedrus 4.16; cf. L.A.B. 43:6. For further references, see Keener, Paul, 261–63. 4438 See, e.g., Euripides Cyc1. 488–494,678; Isocrates Demon. 32; Horace Sat. 1.3.90–91; Polybius II. 3; Livy 33.28.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.11.3; Diodorus Siculus 15.74.2; Athenaeus Deipn. 1.10e; cf. 1 Esd 3:17–24; Jdt 13:15; Josephus Life 225, 338. 4440 Alciphron Farmers 15 (Eustachys to Pithacnion), 3.18, par. 2, also emphasizing that they would sing and dance a lot. Cf. Athenaeus Deipn. 9.377AB. 4441 On varieties of wine (including some made without vines), see Pliny Nat. 14.6.53–14.22.118. Egyptian social clubs employed plenty of wine (P.Tebt. 118). 4444 E.g., t. Ber. 3:8; b. B. Qam. 69b (R. Meir); Pesah. 102a, bar.; Šabb. 23b; cf. perhaps Jub. 2:21. For regular blessings of wine at meals, cf. b. Ber. 33a; 51a; in much earlier Qumran texts, cf. firstfruits in 1QS 6.4–5. 4445 In general, see Safrai, «Home,» 747; Let. Arts. 274; among Greeks, see Menander Rhetor 2.7, 408.32–409.1. 4446 Homer Od. 18.304–305; Euripides Herac1. 892–893; Babrius 80.1–2; L.A.B. 51:7; p. Hag. 2:1, §9; Ecc1. Rab. 10:19, §1; Luke 15:25. In religious celebrations, see the discussion of dancing at Sukkoth under John 8:12–20 . |
| »Κα πρθουν ατν» – русск. «опустошал», вернее – «преследовал», т. е. словом и делом принимал участие в подавлении зарождающейся христианской церкви, принимал участие в убийстве напр. Стефана и других иудеев подстрекал к убийству и преследованию христиан (Деан. 22:4; 26:10–11; 9:1). У класс. писателей глагол πορθεν или πρθειν употребляется и в отношении к вещам и в отношении к людям. Homer, Od. ξ. 264: γρους πρθεον; Ilias d. 308: «πλιας κα τεχε’ πρθουν». S. Heind. ad Plat. Prot. p. 340. A Lobeck ad Soph. Af. 1187; cm. Sieffert, стр. 51. Стих 14. Слово ουδασμς как здесь, так и в 13 ст. не указывает на иудейскую теологию, вопреки мнению Grotius’a и Rückert’a. Этим словом ап. Павел назвал современное ему иудейство, имевшее вид религиозной и национальной секты, исказившее закон и жившее преданиями старцев. Это было уже не то иудейство, которое во времена Маккавеев (2 Макк. 8:1; 14:38) с одушевлением отстаивало свою религию и закон против иноземных гонений и языческого влияния. Слово συνηλικιτης встречаетсяи только здесь из всего Нового Завета. Оно позднейшего происхождения. Древние классич. писатели употребляли – λικιτης (Plat. Apolog. p. 33). Τν πατρικν μου παραδσεων. Под παρδοσις нужно разуметь не закон Моисеев смешанный с фарисейскими традициями вопреки мнению протест. богословов: Erasm, Luther, Calvin, Estius, Grotius, Morus, Koppe, Flatt, Winer, Usteri, Kückert, Schott, Olshaus., Wieseler, Hilgenf. и др., так как закон Моисеев у ап. Павла везде называется νμος. Здесь разумеются одни фарисейские традиции ( Мф.15:2 ; Марк. 7:3 ), которые нужно отличать от закона. Mejer, de-Wette, Hofman и др. полагают, что под отеческими преданиями апост. Павел не разумеет собственно предания секты фарисеев, но вообще всю совокупность национальных, удейских преданий (ν τ γνει μου), так как предания ве были исключительной принадлежностью фарисейской секты, но вообще иудейства, как нации. Слово πατρικς – отеческий в Новом Завете употреблено только здесь. В В. Зав.: Быт.50:8 ; Лев. 22:13 ; Сир. 42:10 ; 2Ездр. 1:5,31 . |
| Материал из Православной Энциклопедии под редакцией Патриарха Московского и всея Руси Кирилла Содержание ЛАВРА [Греч. λαρα, в нек-рых поздних источниках λβρα, в первоначальном значении - «узкий проход», «городская улочка»], тип монастыря в вост. христ. традиции, возникший в IV в., сочетающий элементы организации общежительных мон-рей и отшельнической практики (см. в ст. Монашество ); в наст. время почетное наименование некоторых крупных общежительных монастырей, имеющих особое историческое значение. Терминология В изначальном смысле слово «лавра» присутствовало в древнегреч. языке уже во времена Гомера ( Homer. Od. XXII 128, 137), употреблялось также у христ. писателей ( Athanas. Alex. Hist. arian. 58; Epiph. Ancor./Ed. K. Holl. 1933. Vol. 3. P. 152); соответствует лат. vicus (ср.: Arnob. Adv. nat. 3. 41). С кон. IV в. слово «лавра» приобрело более широкое значение - «многолюдное поселение». Специфическое монашеское употребление этого слова возникло, вероятно, в Палестине и не отмечено в ранних егип. памятниках монашеской лит-ры. Существует версия происхождения слова «лавра» от λας - камень, скала, согласно к-рой λαρα может означать «проход, выдолбленный в скале», или «мостовая» ( Chantraine P. Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque: Histoire des mots. P., 1974. T. 3. P. 623). Хотя данная этимология не имеет надежных оснований, она в большей степени соответствует географическому своеобразию первых палестинских Л., которые представляли собой ряд пещер или келий , расположенных на крутом склоне горы и выходивших на тропу вдоль ущелья. Вместе с тем ни одна из Л. Палестины не имела улицы правильной формы, по сторонам которой располагались бы ровные ряды келий. Насельники Л. в источниках обычно называются лавриотами (λαυρτης - Ioan. Mosch. Prat. spirit. 4). Иногда использовались составные наименования, указывавшие на конкретную Л., напр. новолавриот (νεολαυρτης - монах Новой Л.; Cyr. Scyth. Vita Sabae. 36). Сир. эквивалентом греч. λαρα является термин ( ), означающий «улица, небольшое селение» (ср. |
| 6372 Homer Od. 18.196; Euripides Medea 300, 923; Virgil Aen. 12.67–69; Ovid Metam. 1.743; 2.607; 13.789; Plutarch Theseus 23.2; Longus 1.18; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3; Chariton 2.2.2. They also preferred thick, dark eyebrows (Artemidorus Onir. 1.25; Achilles Tatius 1.4.3) and full cheeks (Artemidorus Onir. 1.28). 6373 Virgil Aen. 10.137; Ovid Metam. 2.852; 3.423; 4.354–355; Longus 1.16; Babrius 141.7. For exceptions, see Snowden, Blacks, 105,154,178–79. 6374 See Stauffer, Jesus, 59. 6375 Cf. Lev. 19:27 ; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:3. Evidence for the Diaspora suggests that Jews, like most of their contemporaries, were usually clean-shaven or short-bearded before Hadrian (Sanders, Judaism, 123–24); but coins from 54 and 37 B.C.E. and 70 C.E. all present Jewish captives with «shoulder-length hair and full beards» (Stauffer, Jesus, 60; significant unless their hair simply grew out in captivity on all these occasions). 6376 Stauffer, Jesus, 59. Black hair was common (see Matt 5and sources cited in Keener, Matthew, 194–95). 6377 See, e.g., Luke, «Society»; see comments in our introduction, ch. 5. On «murmuring» in 7:12, see the verb cognate in 6:41–42 (with comment), 61; 7:32. 6378 Jurors in politically sensitive situations had been known to avoid publishing their opinions (Plutarch Caesar 10.7). Rhetoricians practiced presenting various sides of a debate, and historians developed this skill in seeking to detail what each side in a conflict would have felt; the negative characters here tend to be flatter, however, serving John " s overall purpose (see our introduction, pp. 216–17). Cf. the use of λλοωσις described in Rutilius Lupus 2.2; Quintilian 9.3.93 (Anderson, Glossary, 16–17), undoubtedly related to σγκρισις and perhaps to διαρεσις (in the sense of distributio in Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.47; Anderson, Glossary, 32–33); also επνοδος in Anderson, Glossary, 49–50; for an example of presenting various views about a person, see Iamblichus V.P. 6.30. 6379 Meeks, Prophet-King, 47–52, 56; Stauffer, Jesus, 206; Hill, «Sanhédrin:» Cf. 1Q29 frg. 1 (as reconstructed in Wise, Scrolls, 178–79, using 4Q376) for discerning false prophets; and more clearly from Deut 18 , 4Q375 1 1.1–4 (a true prophet) vs. 4–5 (a false one), on which see further Brin, «Prophets.» |
| 4926 The conjoining of antonyms resembles some forms of rhetorical antithesis (on which see Rhet. Alex. 26,1435b.25–39; Rowe, «Style,» 142; Anderson, Glossary, 21–22). 4927 Bürge, Community, 157,170. Baptism without the Spirit is worthless (White, Initiation, 254, 262; Culpepper, Anatomy, 193; cf. Ellis, World, 64; Ladd, Theology, 285). 4931 E.g., Sent. Sext. 139a-139b. Contrast the evil of matter in some forms of gnostic and later Hellenistic philosophic systems (Plotinus Enn. 1.8), and in tamer systems the worthlessness (Plotinus Enn. 2.4; cf. Marcus Aurelius 2.2) or lesser reality (Plotinus Enn. 3.6) of matter; cf. Flusser, Judaism, 62. 4933 Gentiles could relate the body to passions (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.52.6; Seneca Dia1. 2.16.1; Plutarch Reply to Colotes 27, Mor. 1122D), or contrast flesh with soul (e.g., Plutarch Isis 78, Mor. 382F; Pleas. L. 14, Mor. 1096E), or note its weakness (Plutarch Pleas. L. 6, Mor. 1090EF). 4934 For the body and passions, see, e.g., T. Jud. 14:3; for contrast with the soul, see, e.g., Philo Giants 29–31; for the earthly body vs. the heavenly soul, e.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.2. Cf. later rabbinic comments on bodily members and the evil impulse (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 3:2). 4935 E.g., Aristotle N.E. 1.12.6,1102a; Lucretius Nat. 3.370–395; Marcus Aurelius 5.13; 6.32; Diogenes Laertius 3.63; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Diogenes Ep. 39; Plutarch Plat. Q. 3.1, Mor. 1002B; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.79; Greek Anth. 7.109. Some allowed the distinction only for humans (Sallust Cati1. 1.2, 7), others also for animals (Aristotle Po1. 1.2.10, 1254a; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.28). 4936 Plato Laws 8.828D; Phaedo 64CE; Phaedrus 245C; Rep. 10.611BC; Aristotle Soul 1.4, 408b; Herodotus Hist. 2.123; Cicero Sen. 20.78; Tusc. 1.14.31; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.62.1; Seneca Dia1. 12.11.7; Ep. Luci1. 57.9; Plutarch D.V. 17, Mor. 560B; Diogenes Laertius 8.5.83; Plotinus Enn. 4.7–8; Philo Virtues 67. 4937 Most notably, Epicureans viewed the soul as mortal (Lucretius Nat. 3.417–829; Diogenes Laertius 10.124–125); Stoics also came to accommodate their view of the soul to their view of the cosmic conflaguration (Seneca Dia1. 6.26.7). Popular thought drew also from the «shades» of earlier myth (Homer Od. 11.204–224, 487–491). |
| 5796 One reason listed by ancients for (human) punishment was to teach a criminal not to repeat his crime (Aulus Gellius 7.14.2). Enduring a present evil was also better than facing a worse one (Phaedrus 1.2.30–31), which might be threatened (Homer Od. 18.107). On lameness as a judgment, see t. Ber. 6:3; p. Ber. 9:1, §16; cf. comment on John 9:2 . 5797 Theissen, Stories, 110, cites Epid. inscr. 7. 5798 Cf. Sir 19:13 . One who repents but sins again has not truly repented ( Sir 34:26 ; cf. m. Yoma 8:8–9). 5799 Whitacre, Polemic, 115; pace Bernard, John, 2:402, who wrongly regards the intention as benign in both instances; Beck, Paradigm, 90, sees him as a positive witness, but Metzner, «Geheilte,» is correct that he must be a witness against Jesus (in contrast to the man in John 9 ). Ancient ethics despised ingratitude (e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 81.1,28; Rom 1:21 ; 2Tim 3:2 ; " Abot R. Nat. 46, §128 B). 5800 E.g., p. Meg. 1:6, §2. 5801 Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 18–19. 5802 See CD 10.14–11.18, prohibiting talk of work (10.19) and the lifting of dust (11.10–11); cf. Josephus War 2.147–149, prohibiting even defecation; Jub. 50:1–13 and comments in Finkelstein, Making, 205–11; 4Q251 frg. 1; 4Q265 frg. 7, 1.6–9); those who forgot the Sabbath were apostate (1Q22 7–8; Jub. 1:10). Some argue the Scrolls represent broader Jewish tradition before Akiba (Kimbrough, «Sabbath»), but parallels in Philo may suggest that the more lenient customs, while not universal, predate the Tannaim (see Belkin, Philo, 192–203). 5803 Contrast pagans who associated the Sabbath and fasting (e.g., Martial Epigr. 4.4.7; Suetonius Aug. 76; Strabo 16.2.40), perhaps confusing the Sabbath with Yom Kippur. 5804 See Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 18; idem, Judaism, 367, citing CD 12.3–6. 5805 See Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 22–23,90; idem, Jesus and Judaism, 266. Even among the rabbis, divergent opinions flourished (e.g., t. Šabb. 16:22; b. Šabb. 5b, bar., early second century), including in probably first-century houses-debates (r. Šabb. 16:21; cf. b. Šabb. 18b). |
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