| 10576 Also 1 En. 87:2; 90:31–33; 2Macc 3:26; 11:8; Jannes and Jambres fragments in P.Beatty 16; cf. the exception in late Pesiq. Rab. 20:4. 10577 Also 1 En. 71:1; cf. Adam in Gen. Rab. 20:12. For angels» beauty, see also Liv. Pro. 16.2 (Malachi) (Greek §23: ed. Schermann, 73). 10578 Jos. Asen. 10:8–9/10; 14:12; Isaeus Estate of Nicostratus 7; Lysias Or. 13.40, §133; Euripides Alc. 216, 427; Aristophanes Frogs 1337; Ovid Metam. 8.777–778; Valerius Maximus 1.7.7; Seneca Controv. 10.1.1, 4; Plutarch Alex. 49.3; Apollodorus Epitome 1.7, 10; Silius Italicus 11.257–258; Valerius Maximus 2.4.5; Philostratus Hrk. 31.9; 53.9, 11, 17; Herodian 4.2.3; Dupont, Life, 260; death is regularly dark (e.g., Homer I1. 5.22, 47, 310; cf. Homer Od. 11.32–33; death as «black» in Statius Thebaid 4.528; the Styx in Lycophron Alex. 705; see further the comment on 1:4–5). 10579 E.g., p. Roš Haš. 1:3, §27; Ovid Tristia 5.5.8; hence the burial clothes of the righteous (L.A.B. 64:6; cf. T. Ab. 20:10A; L.A.E. 48.1; Apoc. Mos. 40.1–3; b. Ber. 18b; cf. Plutarch R.Q. 26, Mor. 270DE). Gregory the Great Homilies 21 opined that the angel came in white because of joy (Oden and Hall, Mark, 243). But people might prefer either white or dark wool (Seneca Nat. 3.25.4). 10580 Culpepper, John, 85 (on the scenes in ancient literature, see 72–77; in lohn " s Gospel, 77–86). 10581 Homer I1. 4.86–87, 121–124; 5.127–128, 177, 183, 191, 461–162; 5.604, 784–785; 7.58–59; 13.43–45, 69, 215–216, 356–357; 14.136; 16.715–720, 788–789; 17.71–73, 322–326, 551–555, 582–583; 20.79–81; 21.284–286, 599–611; Od. 1.420; 2.267–268, 382–387, 399–401; 4.417–18; 6.21–22; 7.19–20; 8.8, 193–194; Virgil Aen. 1.314–315, 402–406, 657–660; 5.618–620, 645–652; 7.415–416; 9.646–652, 657–658; 12.784–785; Georg. 4.405–414, 440–442; Ovid Metam. 1.676; 11.241–246, 633–643; 14.765–771; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Achilles Tatius 2.15.4; Apollodorus 2.4.8; 3.8.2; 3.10.7; 3.12.6; 3.13.5; Silius Italicus 7.422–425,435; Eunapius Lives 468; for ghosts, cf. Philostratus Hrk. 21.1 (the closest parallel to lohn 20:14–16 is Hrk. 21.5–6, it but may be derivative). They could also disguise the appearance of mortals (e.g., Homer Od. 13.397–399) and become invisible (Homer II. 5.845). |
| 6993 Stibbe, «Elusive,» finds sources for Jesus» escapes, linguistic elusiveness, etc., in Wisdom, Isaian, and Markan traditions. 6994 Cf.,e.g., Appian R.H. 4.6. 6995 E.g., Aristophanes Ach. 390; Sophocles frg. of Inachus 8, 26 (Sei. Pap. 3:24–25); Apollo-dorus 2.4.2. 6996 E.g., Homer I1. 16.788–789; 17.551–552; Ovid Metam. 12.598–599; Silius Italicus 9.488. They could also escape by flying over walls (Euripides Bacch. 655, reflecting staging limitations). 6997 E.g., Homer I1. 3.381; 5.23, 344–345; 20.321,443–446; 21.597–598; 24.334–338; Od. 7.14–17, 41–42; 13.189–193; Sophocles Ajax 70, 83–85; Euripides Helen 44–45; Iph. taur. 27–30; Orest. 1629–1636; Apollonius of Rhodes 3.210–213; 4.647–648; Virgil Aen. 1.411–414,439–440; 12.52–53, 416; Ovid Metam. 5.621–624; 12.32–34; 15.538–539; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 4.16; Apollodorus 3.6.8; Silius Italicus 9.484–485. Mist was also used to conceal horses (Homer Il. 5.776; 8.50) or to rape mortals (Apollonius of Rhodes 1.218; cf. Ovid Metam. 1.601–606); transformations also concealed mortals (Homer Od. 16.454–459; Ovid Metam. 8.851–854, 872–874); cf. temporary invulnerability (Apollodorus 1.9.23). 6998 Mortals could not even render themselves visible again until the deities wished (Virgil Aen. 1.579–581, 586–587; cf. Homer Od. 7.143; 13.352; 16.167–179). 6999 Virgil Aen. 9.657–658. 7000 As in b. Sanh. 98a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:8; Num. Rab. 11:2; Ruth Rab, 5:6; Song Rab. 2:9, §3; Pesiq. Rab. 15:10; Tg. Mic. on 4:8. Also note the more general hidden Messiah expectation in 1 En. 62:7; 4 Ezra 13:52; Justin Dia1. 8.4; cf. Barnard, Justin, 46–47; Shotwell, Exegesis, 72; Higgins, «Belief,» 300; Ford, Revelation, 191: See also comment on 7:27. 7001 Rabbis understood the tabernacles celebrated at this feast as recalling the clouds of glory (Rubenstein, «Sukkah»). 7002 Though Jer 43LXX prefers a more ambiguous passive κατεκρβησαν, perhaps allowing construal as a divine passive but also allowing readers to avoid the Hellenistic connotations with regard to deities or magicians more widely circulated in the time of this translation. |
| 6741 T. Mos. 3:14. 6742 E.g., Sipre Deut. 305.2.1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2(Tannaitic tradition); 12:25; 15:5. Cf. traditions on the four kingdoms ( Dan 2; 2 Bar. 39:7; 5/7?. Or. 8.6–11; Midr. Pss. 40, §4; cf. Lucas, «Origin»). 6743 Philo Rewards 137; Good Person 36. One enslaved might be said to have lost half onés worth (Homer Od. 17.322–323), and the impoverished free, as much as aristocrats, resented treatment as slaves (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 19.9.4; Livy 4.3.7; Dio Cassius 8.36.3; Chariton 1.11.3). Although high-status slaves existed (e.g., Herodian 1.12.3; see our comment on 1:27), a slavés position was otherwise socially low (e.g., Cicero Acad. 2.47.144; Num. Rab. 6:1). 6744 Homer Od. 17.320–321; Sir 33:24–30 ; b. Qidd. 49b. 6745 Lucian [Asin.] 5. 6746 Terence Self-Tormentor 668–678; Lady of Andros 495; Chariton 2.10.7; Apuleius Metam. 10.7,10; cf. MacMullen, Relations, 116. 6747 Plato Ale. 1.135C; Achilles Tatius 7.10.5; Chariton 6.5.5; Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Sotah 1:6; b. Menah. 43b-44a, bar.; Syr. Men. 154–67. 6748 Homer Od. 24.252–253; Chariton 1.10.7; 2.1.5; T. Jos. 11:2–3. 6749 Homer Od. 4.63–64; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Apuleius Metam. 4.23. 6750 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42. For manual labor, see, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.25.2; further Finley, Economy, 40–41; Luwel, «Begrip.» Manual laborers themselves were probably more pleased with their status (Martin, Slavery, 44–46,123–24; Lenski, «Crystallization»). 6751 E.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.30; 1.9.20; 1.12.24; 1.13.3; 1.24.17; 1.29.16; 2.7.13; 2.13.18; 3.24.74; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.33; 6.2.43; probably Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100E. Also Jeremias, Jerusalem, 351, citing a baratta in b. Qidd. 28a. To call one a «son of a slave» was to imply one s illegitimate birth (Josephus Ant. 13.292)–a charge one polemical document, probably from the early first century, levels against the Jerusalem priesthood (T. Mos. 5:5). 6752 M. B. Qam. 8:6; see further development of this idea in texts in Bonsirven, Judaism, 61. Some suggest that even Roman Jewish freedmen omitted mention of their manumission because Judaism acknowledged only God as master (cf. Fuks, «Freedmen»), but this probably assumes too monolithic a view of Roman Judaism. |
| 2501 E.g., Homer Il. 2.512; see esp. Heracles (Epictetus Diatr. 3.26.31; Grant, Gods, 68–69). 2502 E.g., Homer Il. 4.489; 16.49, 126, 707; Od. 10.456 (MSS), 488, 504; 11.60, 92, 405, 473, 617; 13.375; 14.486; 16.167; 18.312; 22.164; 23.305; 24.542. For divinity in this figurative sense, Aeschylus Supp1. 980–982. 2503 E.g., Homer Il. 4.358. 2504 Homer I1. 17.34,238,685,702; 21.75; 23.581; 24.553,635,803; Od. 4.26,44,63,138,156,235, 291, 316, 391, 561; 5.378; 10.266,419; 15.64, 87,155, 167, 199; 24.122. The title was often bestowed cheaply (Od. 22.136), but sometimes applied to a deity (I1. 21.223). 2505 Ramsay, Cities, 143. 2506 Hengel, Son of God, 25. Cf. Dionysus in Euripides Bacch. 417. 2507 Smith, Magician, 101; Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 6,168–69. Smith " s thesis (which may reflect a particular theological bias, as Neusner [New Testament, 5, 173; «Foreword,» xxvii] suggests) would bear more weight were there not so many other uses of the term with significantly better claims. Cf. Diogenes Laertius 8.2.62: Empedocles» healing powers revealed that he was an immortal god. 2508 Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 189; see further on the «divine man,» pp. 268–72, above. 2509 Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.6; cf. Diogenes Laertius 6.2.77, of Diogenes. Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 189 provides a list of Greek men thought to be gods. 2510 E.g., Virgil Aen. 6.792; C7L 11.365; IGRR 3.137; ILS 84; 8781; OGIS 532; SEG 11.923; and other inscriptions in Sherk, Empire, 5, 7, 11, 13, 20, 31, 57–59; inscription in Deissmann, Light, 346–47. 2511 E.g., inscription in Sherk, Empire, 115 (IG II-2, 3277); inscription in Deissmann, Light, 347; cf. the sarcasm in Sib. Or. 5.140. 2512 E.g., inscription in Sherk, Empire, 200 (OGIS 701). 2513 Cf. the popular Germanicus, Se1. Pap. 2.76–77, lines 1–2, 31–32 (19 C.E.). 2514 Arrian Alex. 7.29.3; Diodorus Siculus 17.51.1–2; Dio Chrysostom Or. 32.95; Alexander 15 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 180D (the Loeb note and Aune, Prophecy, 69, also cite Plutarch Alex. 27.5–11); Plutarch Alex. 2.2–3.2; 28.1 (though Plutarch thinks Alexander allowed the belief only as a political tool, 28.3); also known by Egyptian Jewry in the centuries immediately surrounding the birth of Christianity (Sib. Or. 5.7; 11.197–198; 12.7); for the Persian king, see Aeschylus Persians 157. |
| 7902 Homer Il. 8.31; 22.178; 24.473; Od. 1.45, 81; 5.7; 8.306; 12.377; Aristophanes Wasps 652; even those not descended from him, such as his siblings (Homer I1. 5.757,762; 19.121; Od. 13.128). 7903 Homer Il. 2.371; 7.179, 202, 446; 8.236; 12.164; 13.631; 15.372; 17.19, 645; 19.270; 21.273; 24.461; Od. 12.371; Cleanthes Hymn to Zeus in Stobaeus Ee1. 1.1.12; Sophocles Oed. tyr. 202; Aristophanes Ach. 223–225; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1673; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274B; Longinus Sub1. 9.10. 7905 Jub. 1:25, 28; Wis 11:10; Tob 13:4; later, Jos. Asen. 12MSS; T. Job 33MSS, 9; T. Ab. 16:3; 20:13A; cf. Pr. Jos. 1. 7906 Jeremias, Prayers, 15–16; idem, Message, 14. Chilton, Approaches, 59, cites «Father» as a prayer invocation in T. Job and (probably later) the Targumim. Greeks and Romans may have employed the title less pervasively than Judaism and in contrast to Judaism applied the image to the deity " s power rather than to his intimacy with Israel (cf. Johnson, Prayer, 61). 7907 M. Sotah 9:15; t. Ber. 3:14; B. Qam. 7:6; Hag. 2:1; Péah 4:21; Sipra Qed. pq. 9.207.2.13; Behuq.pq. 8.269.2.15; Sipre Deut. 352.1.2; b. Ber. 30a, bar.; p. Sank 10:2, §8; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 24:9; Lev. Rab. 1:3; 7:1; 35:10; SongRab. 7:11, §1. 7908 Marmorstein, Names, 56–60; Moore, Judaism, 2:204–9; McNamara, Targum, 116–18. Jeremias contends that «Father» is rarely attributed to first-century sages (Prayers, 16–17); but this observation omits some evidence (Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 40) and fails to take into account the sparseness of rabbinic attributions in general in the earlier period. 7911 E.g., Sipre Deut. 27.2.1; " AbotR. Nat. 24, §51B; cf. Jub. 25(«Lord of the age»). Satan assumes this role (kosmokratör) only in some later texts (e.g., Hoskyns, Gospel, 426, cites Exod. Rab. on 24:7, following Billerbeck). Some gnostics later argued that the Jewish God was the lord of the world, whom they identified with Satan, inviting apologetic (Marmorstein, Names, 64, 99). 7912 E.g., 3 En. 1:4. Michael regularly appears as αρχιστρτηγος or similar titles ( Dan 10:13,21; 12:1 ; 2 En. 22:6J; 33:10; 3 Bar. 11:4,6–8; T. Ab. 1:13; 2:1A; 14:7B; Jos. Asen. 14:7; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 4:24; cf. Raphael in Gk. Apoc. Ezra 1:4). |
| 941 So also Bruns, Art, 24–25. Bruce, Documents, 55–56, provides suggestions for harmonizing this with the chronology of the Synoptics. We may leave aside from consideration for the moment Eileen Guilding " s proposed liturgical structure based on readings from the triennial cycle, which takes matters too far. 942 Its unity in this sense is accepted even by those who recognize redactions and displacements, e.g., MacGregor, John, xli. Ellis, Genius, develops a unity based on parallelism rather than narrative, following cues from John Gerhard " s dissertation (ix, 12); although his development of chiastic parallelism in the Fourth Gospel is brilliant, it remains more convincing in some texts than in others, and not convincing overal1. 946 Robinson, «Prologue,» 120; Parker " s citation is from «Two Editions of John,» JBL 75 (1956): 304, which Robinson also cites in Trust, 83. 948 E.g., Dunn, «John,» 299; Smith, John 400. Even an unbroken chain of attributable tradition would be viewed as mostly dependable (e.g., Eunapius Lives 458). 953 E.g., Homer I1. 2.484–492; 16.112–113; Od. 1.1; Battle of Frogs and Mice 1; Hesiod Op. 1; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.1,22; 4.1–2; Virgil Aen. 1.8; 9.525–529; [Virgil] Cata1. 9.1–2; Ovid Metam. 1.2–3; Callimachus Aetia 1.1.1–38; Musaeus Hero 1; Statius Achilleid 1.9; Pindar Nem. 3.1–5; frg. 150 (in Eustathios Commentary on Iliad 1.1); Valerius Flaccus 1.5–7; 3.15–17; Philostratus Hrk. 43.5–6; for other deities, e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 19.5D-6D; 20.6D; Philostratus Hrk. 25.18. This may suggest whatever comes to the author in proper meter; see Dimock, «Introduction,» 3; cf. Homer Od. 19.138. Cf. a «divine» (θεος) minstrel (Homer Od. 4.17–19). 955 Callimachus Iambi 3.193 complains that inspiration was not as respected as in earlier days, but this may well function as a plea for greater attention (like a scholar today complaining that no one heeds scholarship). 959 Sanders, Figure, 71, suggests that John wrote his entire Gospel on the premise of divine inspiration. |
| 354 Ibid., 112. To be sure, various written editions are not impossible; the verb tenses in Cornelius Nepos 25 (Atticus), 13–18, may suggest that these chapters are revisions for a second edition. 355 See Feuillet, Studies, 146; Carson, John, 46. Blomberg, Reliability, 45, suggests some «loose weaving together of orally preached material» (following Lindars, Behind; idem, «Discourse and Tradition»; cf. Thatcher, «Riddles in Gospel»). 356 A more reliable indicator would be the different texture of an account, such as perhaps the tragic material about Panthea in Xenophon Cyr. 6.1.31–45; 6.3.11–17; 7.1.29–32; 7.3.3,13–16. 357 More loosely, if one allows for hyperbole and figurative language, one may compare the conflicting claims for Cassandra and Laodice in Homer I1.. 3.124; 13.365–366. Likewise, sleep came on Zeus in Iliad 1.610–611, but 2.2 reports that Zeus could not sleep that night. Cf. perhaps the Muse (Homer Od. 1.1) and Muses (Od. 24.60). 358 Though not completely unheard of. Some ancients also critiqued inconsistencies in Homer; see Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xli-1. 359 Many inconsistencies in Valerius Flaccus " s version of the Argonautica, however, may stem from the work " s unfinished state (Mozley, «Introduction,» viii; the end of book 8 is incomplete). By contrast, Menken, Techniques, 26, 275–77, demands too much precision, as if John counted the number of words or his literary units were always easily discernible; or to a lesser extent, the excessive detection of chiasmus in Ellis, Genius; idem, «Inclusion, Chiasm.» 361 Thus the means of guarding Hector " s body vary between Homer I1. 23.184–191,187 on one hand and 24.18–21 on the other, but they are not beyond harmonization. 362 E.g., Neirynck, «Synoptics»; idem, «Moody Smith»; idem, «Recent Commentaries»; Dowell, «Conflict.» Koester, Introduction 2:178, allows the possibility in the final stage of the Fourth Gospel " s redaction. Cf. Beale, «Daniel,» esp. 144, on evidence for Synoptic as well as pre-Synoptic tradition behind Revelation, the author of which he takes to be John. |
| 7082 E.g., Plato Cratylus 41 ID and passim; Livy 1.43.13; Aulus Gellius 1.25; 2.21; 3.18; 5.7; Apollodorus 1.7.2; 2.5.10; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.15, 31. This continued despite the recognition that words changed in meaning over time (Aulus Gellius 4.9). For plays on peoplés names, see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.62; 5.340, 423; 16.145–147; 19.275, 407–409; Aelian Farmers 7 (Dercyllus to Opora) and 8 (Opora to Dercyllus); Alciphron Fishermen passim; Athenaeus Deipn. 9.380b; Phlm 10–11 . Philós use (sometimes indicating weak knowledge of Hebrew; Hanson, «Etymologies») differed considerably from rabbinic etymologies (Grabbe, Etymology). 7083 E.g., Demosthenes Ep. 3.28; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.55; 6.2.68; for discussion in the rhetorical handbooks, see Anderson, Glossary, 59–60 (cf. also 81–82). Some were intended for amusement (Suetonius Gaius 27). 7086 E.g., lQpHab 12.1–10; see Lim, «Alteration.» Revocalizing the consonants was common (Sipre Deut. 357.5.11; see Jub. 26:30; Brownlee, «Jubilees,» 32); for later rabbis, multiple meanings for single referents were certainly not problematic (b. Ber. 55b; Pesiq. Rab. 14:6; 21:6). 7090 Homer Od. 6.207–208; 14.57–58. For charity among Gentiles, see, e.g., Publilius Syrus 274; Cornelius Nepos 5 (Cimon), 4.1–2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 12.1.7; cf. Hesiod Op. 354 (give to the generous); giving to beggars in Seneca Controv. 10.4.intro. 7092 Hom. Od. 17.347, 578. Few, however, took this practice as far as the Cynics (see, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 3.22.10; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.46, 56, 59; 10.119; cf. 2.82), often to others» disdain (Diogenes Laertius 10.119); for priests of Isis or Cybele, see, e.g., Babrius 141.1–6; Phaedrus 4.1.4–5; Valerius Maximus 7.3.8 (also often to others» disdain, Syr. Men. 262–277). 7095 Cf. perhaps also the implied disgrace in Musonius Rufus 11, p. 80.19, 21. Merely pretending to be in need leads to judgment in Abot R. Nat. 3 A. 7096 E.g., the same epideictic function in Chariton 5.4.1–2 (emphasizing Callirhoés beauty); Xenophon Eph. 1.2. |
| 8127 Josephus Ant. 3.212. Cf. imperial propaganda, originally intended to preserve a veneer of Romés republic, in which the emperor was merely the princeps, the first among many. 8129 E.g., of Alexander (Arrian Alex. 1.17.12; Valerius Maximus 5.1.extla) or others (Appian R.H. 10.4.24; Cornelius Nepos 1 [Miltiades], 8.4; 8 [Thrasybulus], 2.6; Herodian 1.2.4; Valerius Maximus 5.1, passim). Though Achilles slays many suppliants, the gods require his mercy toward Priam near the Iliad " s end (Homer II. 24.507–508, 665–670; though even here cf. his limits in 24.559–570). 8130 One could praise a «meek» ruler, i.e., a «gentle» one (Babrius 102.3; Valerius Maximus 5.1.ext.la; Menander Rhetor 2.4, 389.8); see further Good, King, 47–49. 8131 " Abot R. Nat. 15A; 29, §§60–62B. Rabbis also praised the humility of Simeon b. Shetah (p. Sanh. 6:6, §2) and others. 8138 " Abot R. Nat. 38A; 41, §11 IB. Whoever exalted himself at the expense of another " s humiliation would not inherit the coming world (an early Amora in Gen. Rab. 1:5). 8150 Cf., e.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Chariton 1.11.3. Freedpersons often gained wealth (Petronius Sat. 38; cf. Lopez Barja de Quiroga, «Mobility»), but advancement of rank normally occurred only with their children (MacMullen, Relations, 105; Finley, Economy, 72), and freedpersons retained responsibilities to former holders (ILS 7558, 7580; cf. Horsley, Documents, 4, §24, pp. 102–3; Dupont, Life, 65–66). 8153 Homer Od. 19.386–389. Ancients sometimes used warm water to relax weary limbs (Pindar Nem. 4.4). 8155 Jesus probably poured more water from a pitcher over the feet into the basin, as was practiced in traditional Mediterranean handwashing, sometimes by servants (Homer I1. 9.174; Od. 1.136–138, 146; 2.260–261; 3.338; 4.52–54, 216; 12.336; 21.270; Apollodorus 2.7.6; Athenaeus Deipn. 9.408CD; 2 Kgs 3:11). 8156 Pesce and Destro, «Lavanda,» cite slaves washing guests» feet with a linen cloth (λντιον, as in 13:4–5) in Aesop " s Romance. 8157 Some suggest that the image provides a deliberate contrast to the ancient image of a wrestling belt (Levine, «Symbolism»); a servant does not vie for power but relinquishes it. Beasley-Murray, John, 233, following Billerbeck 2:557, cites evidence for this as a slave posture (Abraham tying Hagar " s shawl around her loins in Genesis Rabbah); more evidence, however, is necessary. |
| 4068 A bat qol was, of course, open to challenge, particularly on halakah: p. Móed Qat. 3:1, §6; Kadushin, Mind, 261–63; texts in Hill, Prophecy, 34 (though cf. p. Sotah 7:5, §5). 4070 Theon Progymn. 5.52–56. This embarrassment is often held as one guarantee of its historicity; see Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 11; Jeremias, Theology, 45; Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:100–5; Stanton, Gospel Truth, 164–66; pace Bultmann, Tradition, 251. 4071 Satterthwaite, «Acts,» 345, cites in this respect Lucian Hist. 56–57; Cicero De or. 3.27.104–105; 3.53.202–203; Quintilian 8.4; Longinus Subi 11–12; cf. Lucian Hist. 6. 4073 Ancient cosmologies differed considerably from our own; many Greeks held the upper heavens to be purer than lower regions (e.g., Plato Phaedrus 248AB; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.27, 31; Philo Flight 62; cf. Aristotle Heav. 1.2, 268bl l-269al9), Romans located gods there (Ovid Metam. 1.168–176), and Jewish apocalypses report God " s throne there (2 En. 20:1–3; 3 En. 1:2; T. Levi 2–3; b. Hag. 12b-13a; Rev 4:2–5; see esp. Lincoln, Paradise). 4074 For their function in Neo-Assyrian treaty making, see Begg, «Doves»; for peace and harmlessness, see, e.g., Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.12.2. 4075 Πελες in Aelian 11.27, perhaps referring to the oracle at Dodona (cf. Dodonás doves in Herodotus Hist. 2.57). A dove functions as a decoy in Aelian 13.17; birds often functioned as omens (e.g., Homer II 10.274–275). Doves could also function as carriers (Homer Od. 12.62–63). 4076 Doves often appear with grapes in Jewish art (Goodenough, Symbols, 1:156–57), but an implicit link with 15on this basis would be extremely improbable. 4077 The dove could represent Aphrodite (Plutarch Isis, Mor. 379D; Ovid Metam. 13.673–674; Statius Thebaid 5.58,63; Helen or her daughters in Lycophron Alex. 86–87,103; for Athene disguising herself as a bird, see Homer Od. 3.371–372; 22.239–240), was sacred in some Syrian religion (Lucian Syr. d. 54, in Grant, Religions, 119), and in artwork often symbolized the realm of a goddess, which was transferred to wisdom and hence to the Spirit in later Christian art (Schroer, «Geist»). For a survey of uses in pagan art, see Goodenough, Symbols, 8:27–37; for Christian material, 8:37–41, and other Jewish material, 8:41–46. |
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