| Because the agent had to be trustworthy to carry out his mission, various teachers ruled on the character the pious should require of such agents; 2708 an agent who fails to carry out his commission is penalized. 2709 This also implies, of course, that a shaliach " s authority was entirely limited to the extent of his commission and the fidelity with which he carried it out. 2710 Granted, high-ranking ambassadors could act in the spirit of their senders, but even in such cases governing bodies could refuse or modify their agents» terms. 2711 (In this Gospel Jesus appears as the Father " s perfect agent, in continual communion with him, rendering such modification unnecessary; cf. 5:19–20; 8:28–29.) In the broader Mediterranean world as well, messengers of all sorts were required to have exceptional memories so as to communicate accurately all they were sent to say, 2712 and any suspicion that they exaggerated a report could be held against them. 2713 The LXX regularly employs ποστλλω and not πμπω with divine sending. 2714 For instance, God sent Joseph (unknown to Joseph; Gen 45:5,7,8 ) and Abigail (unknown to her; 1Sam 25:32 ); the term often applies to one sending another on a mission. 2715 But God particularly sent Moses (Exod 3:10,13–15; 4:28; 7:16; Deut 34:11 ; cf. Exod 4:13; 5:22) and the prophets, whether individually ( 2Sam 12:1; 2 Chr 25:15; cf. 2Sam 12:25 ) or collectively (2 Kgs 17:13; 2 Chr 24:19; Bar 1:21 ). Especially noteworthy here are 2 Chr 36(God sent by his γγλους, the noun cognate of ποστλλω apparently being unavailable), and the language of Jeremiah ( Jer 7:25; 24:4; 26:5; 28:9; 35:15; 44:4 ), where unsent prophets are evil ( Jer 14:14–15; 23:21, 32; 27:15 LXX]). Some later Jewish teachers thus viewed as agents Moses, 2716 Aaron, 2717 the OT prophets 2718 or, most generally, anyone who carried out God " s wil1. 2719 Jewish teachers who saw the prophets as God " s commissioned messengers were consistent with the portrait of prophets in their Scriptures. Israel " s prophetic messenger formulas echo ancient Near Eastern royal messenger formulas such as, «Thus says the great king,» often addressing Israel " s vassal kings for the suzerain king Yahweh. 2720 Old Testament perspectives on prophets inform the early Christian view of apostleship, 2721 although they do not exhaust its meaning; 2722 early Christianity clearly maintained the continuance of the prophetic office, while seeming to apply to apostles the special sort of position accorded only to certain prophets in the OT (such as prophet-judges like Deborah and Samuel, and other leaders of prophetic schools like Elijah and Elisha). 2723 |
| 1765 Martyn, «Glimpses,» 173; for importance of the prayer, see, e.g., Gen. Rab. 69:4; Lev. Rab. 1:8. 1766 E.g., m. Tamid 5:1; the themes appear in many pre-Christian documents (Oesterley, Liturgy, 54–67; Levine, «Synagogue,» 19; cf. Arbel, «Liturgy,» 650–51). Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 72, cites m. Ber. 4as implying that «something close to a set text» existed at Yavneh; cf. idem, Judaism, 203, where he contends instead for basic themes. 1767 For evidence that does not suggest a common liturgy, cf. Levine, «Synagogue,» 19–20; Cohen, «Evidence,» 175; thus Talmon, «Prayer,» 273–74, thinks Qumran " s early institutional prayer (1QS 9.26–10.3; 4Q504; 4Q507–9; see Abegg, «Liturgy,» 648–49) unusua1. For evidence that could favor some common Jewish liturgy, cf. Schiffman, «Scrolls»; Maier, «Kult»; Goodman, State, 86. One can only be sure that the example in Harding, «Prayer,» predates the fifth century C.E. 1768 On the analogy with traditional Greek and Roman prayers, on which see Van der Horst, «Prayer.» 1769 If they did it privately, it was nevertheless in the place of public assembly, large enough to hold Tiberiass citizens (Josephus Life277). 1770 Often estimated ca. 85 C.E.; cf. Herford, Christianity, 125–35; Parkes, Conflict, 77–78; Carroll, «Exclusion,» 21. 1772 Purportedly Tannaitic tradition in b. Ber. 28b; b. Ber. 29a. On Samuel ha-Katon, see Song Rab. 8:9, §3. 1773 His temporal coincidence with Hillel the Elder, as a younger contemporary (p. Sotah 9:16, §2; c Abod. Zar. 3:1, §2; Hor. 3:5, §3) would establish the case (his existence at Yavneh, e.g., Song Rab. 8:9, §3, is not in dispute), but there are enough anachronisms in rabbinic literature to keep the matter from being certain (e.g., Sipre Deut. 343.1.5 attributes the Shemoneh Esreh itself to the former prophets; in Gen. Rab. 69:4, an Amora argues that there are eighteen benedictions because the patriarchs appear eighteen times in the Torah; in Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 18Moses decrees the prayers for the synagogues; p. Ber. 4:3, §1 connects it with the 18 vertabrae of the spinal column; cf. p. Ta c an. 2:2, §2; Lev. Rab. 1:8; Tg. Amos 6:3; Tg. Zechariah 9:17). |
| Selinger R. The Mid-Third Century Persecutions of Decius and Valerian. Frankfurt am Main, 2002. Shaw B. The Passion of Perpetua 11 Past and Present. Vol. 139.1993. P. 3–45. Shotter D. C. A. The trial of Clutorius Priscus//Greece & Rome. Vol. 16.1969. P. 14–16. Simon M. Verus Israel. Etude sur les relations entre chrétiens et juifs dans l’empire romain. Paris, 1964. Simonetti М. Qualche osservazione a proposito dell’origine degli Atti dei martiri//Revue des études augustiniennes. Vol. 2. 1956. P. 39–57. Simonetti M. Studi agiografici. Roma, 1955. Smelik K. A. D. The Witch of Endor: I Samuel 28 in Rabbinic and Christian Exegesis till 800 A. D.//Vigiliae Christianae. Vol. 33. 1979. P. 160–179. Smith J. W. Martyrdom: Self-Denial or Self-Exaltation? Motives for Self-Sacrifice from Homer to Polycarp a Theological Reflection//Modern Theology Vol. 22/2. 2006. P. 169–196. Snyder H. G. “Above the Bath of Myrtinus”. Justin Martyr’s “School” in the City of Rome//Harvard Theological Review. Vol. 100. 2007. P. 335–362. Sordi M. I primi rapporti fra lo stato romano e il christianesimo//Rendiconti delle classe di scienze morali, storichi e filologiche del l’Accademei dei Linceei. Vol. 8.12.1957. P. 58–69. Sordi M. L’apologia del martire romano Apollonio, come fonte dell’ “Apologeticum” di Tertulliano e i rapporti fra Tertulliano e Minucio//Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia. Vol. 18.1964. P. 169–188. Sordi M. La data dei martirio di Policarpo e di Pionio e il rescritto di Antonino Pio//Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia. Vol. 15. 1961. P. 277–285. Sordi M. The Christian and the Roman Empire. London, Sydney. 1983. Sordi M. Un senatore cristiano dell’età di Com modo//Epigraphica. Vol. 17.1955. P. 104–112. Steinhäuser К. В. Augustine’s Reading of the Passio sanctarum Perpetuae et Felicitas 11 Studia Patristica. Vol. 33.1997. P. 244–249. Stewart-Sykes A. Vita Polycarpi//Augustinianum. Vol. 40. 2000. P. 21–33. Streete G. P. C. Buying the Stairway to Heaven: Perpetua and Thecla as Early Christian Heroines//A Feminist Companion to the New Testament Apocrypha/Ed. A.-J. Levine. Cleveland, 2006. P. 186–205. |
| У того же свт. Феофана Затворника есть очень хорошее сравнение. Он говорит, что тот, кто помнит о смерти, похож на ученика, которому предстоит экзамен. Что он ни делает, а экзамен не идет из головы. Для него дорога каждая минута, и все свое время он тратит на подготовку к экзамену. «Вот бы и нам так настроиться», – вздыхает он . И правда, какую почувствовали бы пользу..! Отцы-пустынники смеются. М., 1996, с. 28. Dietrich Walter/Vollenweider Samuel. Tod. II. Altes und Neues Nestament. Theologische Realenzyklopaedie. Band 33. Walter de Gruyter. Berlin-New York, 2002. S. 582-583. Finkenzeller Josef. Tod. Lexikon der katholischen Dogmatik. Herder. Freiburg im Breisgau, 1991. S. 509. См. историческую справку о семействе Маккавеев: Никифор, архимандрит. Маккавеи. Иллюстрированная полная популярная библейская энциклопедия. М., 1891. С. 446-447). Sand A. Tod, Sterben. Biblisch. Lexikon des Mittelalters. Band 8. Verlag J. B. Metzler. Stuttgart; Weimar, 1999. S. 823. Понятие «вторая смерть» встречается во всем Священном Писании только в Откровении св. Иоанна Богослова, причем 4 раза (Откр 2, 11; 20, 6, 14; 21, 8). Оно связывается с огненным озером, куда будут ввергнуты по Божиему суду все, имена которых не обрелись в книге жизни, а также сама смерть и сам ад. Те же, кто сохранил верность Богу, избегут второй смерти. Это выражение предполагает, что первой смертью является естественная смерть человека как конец его телесной жизни. Отождествление второй смерти с огненным озером вписывается в апокалиптическую традицию соотносить последний суд с огнем (Ср. Иез 38, 22; Мф 25, 41; Откр 14, 10). Предположительно, понятие «вторая смерть» являлось достаточно распространенным термином в некоторых кругах древнего иудаизма. Хотя этот термин и не находится в еврейских текстах до Откровения, что-то подобное встречается в Таргумах и в сочинениях ученого раввина Елиезера (Scholer D. M. Death, The Second. Evangelical Dictionary of Theology edited by Walter A. Elwell. Baker Book House, 1992. P. 300-301). |
| — von Rad G. Die falsche Propheten//Zeitschrift f u r alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 10, 1933. P. 109–120. 36 Отец Иоанн Брек замечает, что здесь речь не идет об индивидуальном восстании из мертвых, поэтому термин воскрешение не используется. Однако Православная Церковь признает важность этого пророчества и оно включается в богослужение утрени Великой субботы как предзнаменование всеобщего воскрешения. — Там же. P . 38. 38 Здесь ruach предпочитают переводить как ‘ум’ или ‘рассудок’ ( LXX: noàj ) . — Whybray R. N. The Heavenly Counsellor in Isaiah XL 13–14. Cambridge, 1971. P. 12 . 39 Отрок в современной экзегезе представляется скорее сотериологической, чем политической личностью . — North C. R. The Suffering Servant in Deutero-Isaiah. London, 1956. P. 217. 43 K o hler L. Theologie des ATs. T u bingen, 1936. P . 101. Ñð. “õîæäåíèå ïî âîäå” (Ìê 6:50; Ìô 14:27). 46 Там же. P. 81. — д. Г. З. ; см. Протоиерей Алексий Князев. Понятие и образ Божественной Премудрости в Ветхом Завете // Àëüôà è Îìåãà. 1999. ¹ 3(21). — Ред. 47 Лишь позднее, как пишет отец Иоанн, под греческим влиянием позднего эллинистического периода (преимущественно под влиянием Филона) Премудрость стала описываться в интеллектуальных или рациональных категориях, однако и здесь сохранился Ее этический аспект. — Breck J. Spirit of Truth… P. 84. 50 Jacob E. Wisdom and Religion in Sirach// J. G. Gammie et al. (eds.) Israelite Wisdom: Theological and Literary Essays in Honor of Samuel Terrien. Missoula, 1978. P . 247–260. 56 van Imschoot P. Sagesse et l’Esprit dans l’Ancien Testament//Revue Biblique 47, 1938. P. 46. Поскольку вы здесь... У нас есть небольшая просьба. Эту историю удалось рассказать благодаря поддержке читателей. Даже самое небольшое ежемесячное пожертвование помогает работать редакции и создавать важные материалы для людей. Сейчас ваша помощь нужна как никогда. Поделитесь, это важно Выбор читателей «Правмира» Подпишитесь на самые интересные материалы недели. Материалы по теме 8 июня, 2020 24 июля, 2019 29 июля, 2016 30 марта, 2016 29 марта, 2016 12 апреля, 2015 8 июля, 2013 4 мая, 2013 4 мая, 2013 Лучшие материалы Показать еще Друзья, Правмир уже много лет вместе с вами. |
| 983 Boring, Sayings, 49, citing also Jeremias, Michaels, Gaston, Wilkens, and Leroy. The poetic patterns of the Johannine discourses may be paralleled by early Christian prophecy (Boring, Sayings, 127), but they are also paralleled by much of Jesus» teaching in the Synoptics, as Jeremias has shown. While we cannot here investigate the question of the prophetic character of Q, it should be pointed out that Jesus» teaching may have prophetic rhythms because he was himself a prophet as well as a teacher. 986 Bürge, Community, 218. One may compare Paul " s distinction between the Lord " s words ( 1Cor. 7:10 ) and his own words (7:12), though he believes the latter to be inspired by the Spirit (7:40; cf. 14:37). Even if some prophetic words from Jesus slipped into the tradition, our few accounts of these (e.g., 2Cor. 12:9 ) are clearly enough postresurrection as to imply that this must have been a rare phenomenon. 994 Artemidorus Onir. 4.pref. (describing his dream handbook as inspired by a daimon); Grant, Gods, 38–39. Less relevantly, the OT preserves many oracles in narrative frameworks, especially in Samuel-Kings and Chronicles (Aune, Prophecy, 87–88). 995 Hill, Prophecy, 27; Braun, «Prophet»; Mason, Josephus and NT, 20–21; though cf. Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.41. Silius Italicus 1.19 spoke, with the retrospective of history, of revealing divine purposes in history; but unlike Josephus he approaches history as an epic poet. 998 Hall, «History,» 13–46. For revealed history, see further his more developed discussion in Revealed Histories. 999 Ibid., 296. John might not agree, however, that newer history is written on a lesser level (Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.41). 1001 For a full categorization (e.g., 44 staging asides) of the estimated 191 asides in the Gospel, see Thatcher, «Asides»; see also Tenney, «Footnotes.» On indirect characterization, see Stanton, Jesus, 122; on digression as a literary device, see Aune, Environment, 93–95,102. 1002 E.g., Chariton 1.12.2–4; Achilles Tatius 6.17; cf. especially where the readers know more than the characters (e.g., the irony in Chariton 8.8.4–6, where neither Mithridates nor Plagon is suspected); or narrative foreshadowings through pictoral scenes of myths (Achilles Tatius 5.3); or Homer " s private scenes, not only in Troy and the Achaian camp, but on Olympus (I1. passim). |
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