| 9824 Literary sources employ the later term «procurator,» but an inscription supports the earlier title (see Brown, Death, 336–37; Evans, «Pilate Inscription,» 804). For the responsibilities of a governor, see, e.g., Justinian Dig. 1.16.4–13, in Jones, History, 180–83. 9826 Although the severest form of execution Pharisaic law acknowledged on the basis of the Hebrew Bible was stoning (b. Sanh. 49b-50a), Jewish rulers had used crucifixion before the Roman period. Under Roman rule, however, all official, public executions belonged to the Romans. Even the Essenes toned down capital sentences from Moses» law (CD 12.2–5), while also detesting Gentile executions in the Holy Land (CD 9.1). The apparently Jewish execution in b. Sanh. 43a depends on Christian tradition, though preserving the crucifixion " s association with the Passover season. 9830 Stauffer, Jesus, 131. For the outrage at scourging, executing, and (worst of all) crucifying Roman citizens, see Cicero Verr. 1.5.13; 2.1.3.7–9; 2.3.3.6; 2.3.24.59; 2.4.11.26; 2.5.66.169). 9831 Harvey, History, 12; Overman, Community, 380–81, 387; e.g., Josephus War 2.75, 241, 253, 306; 3.321; 5.449; Ant. 20.102. It also appears as a fitting end for other military enemies (e.g., Diodorus Siculus 2.1.10; 25.5.2; Josephus Ant. 12.256; 13.380) and for the most horrid crimes (Apuleius Metam. 3.9); it was the epitome of a horrible way to die (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 101.10–12). 9833 Bammel, «Trial,» 419; cf. Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 249. Throughout the Roman world, social superiors could win most prosecutions against social inferiors. 9834 See Josephus Ant. 14.235,260–261; cf. Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.73; Acts 18:13–15; Judge, Pattern, 68. 9836 Cf. Harvey, History, 17; Sanders, Figure, 274; for an impoverished provincial condemned to death without trial, cf., e.g., Apuleius Metam. 9.42. 9838 Sanders, Figure, 274. On governors being tried for abusing power, especially executing innocent people (particularly Roman citizens), see Pliny Ep. 2.11, in Jones, History, 192–95. |
| 18. Откуда издан Pitra, Juris ecclesiae graecorum historia et monumenta I, 220. 19. Никон Черногорец. Пандекты, сл. 29, л. 208. 20. Арх. Амфилохий. Кондакарий в греч. подлиннике XII–XIII b. М. 1870, стр. 12. См. ниже «прп. Роман». 21. Описан проф. А. А. Дмитриевским в ст. «Что такое κανν τς ψαλμωδας, так часто упоминаемый в жизнеописании прп. Саввы Освященного?» Руковод. Для сельск. паст. 1889, 22. Еп. Софроний, Современный быт и литургия христиан инославных иаковитов и несториан. Спб. 1876, 293. Несториане ныне существуют в незначительном количестве в Урмии (в Персии); большинство из них приняло римо-католичество; часть православие в 1898 г.; остальные ранее растворились в мусульманстве. 23. Bona I. De divina psalmodia, Col. Agrip. 1677, p. 682. sq. 24. А. П. У. (архим. впосл. еписк. Порфирий Успенский). Вероучение, богослужение, чиноположение и правила церк. благочиния египет. христиан (коптов). Спб. 1856, стр. 47–88. 25. Кроме загранич. издания и в Записках Имп. Акад. Наук VIII, I, Тураев Б. Часослов эфиопской церкви, Спб. 1897; эфиопский текст с рус. переводом. 26. Болотов В. Часосл. эфиоп. ц. Б. Тураева, библиогр. зам. Хр. Чт. 1898, 2, 189. 27. Тураев Б. Абиссиния. Правосл. богосл. энциклоп. Спб. 1900 г. I, 61–70. 28. Bona, De divina psalmodia, 689. 29. Martene E. De antiques ecclesiae ritibus. Antv. 1736, III. 27. 30. Vita Caesarii I, 19. (Migne Patr. s. I. t. 67. 31. Григор. Тур. История франков. IX, 6. 32. Martene De ant eccl. rit. III, 48. 33. Amalarius. De eccles. officiis IV, 9. 34. Martene. De ant eccl. rit, III, 50. 35. На таком же месте утрени эти песни поются и у нас. 36. Grodegangus Met. Regula canonicorum c. 18. 37. Там же. 38. Как теперь у нас; в Римской Церкви теперь с утра. 39. Ср. «Свет Христов просвещает всех». 40. Ср. у нас предначинательный псалом. 41. Ср. у нас прокимен Господь воцарися. Martene, Deant eccl. ritib. III, 58. 42. Там же, 61. 43. Ср. у нас на 50 пс. Слава… Молитвами апостолов… И ныне… и опять 1-й стих псалма. 44. Martene, De ant. eccl. ritib. III, 29–30. |
| 46 Benýaminlerden ol gün jemi ýigrimi bä mü adam öldi, olary hemmesi-de güýçli edermen adamlardy. 47 Galan alty ýüz sany benýamin çöle tarap Rimmon gaýasyna gaçdy we olar dört aýlap ol gaýada galdylar. 48 Ysraýyllar ýene-de yzyna benýaminleri üstüne gitdiler-de, galadaky ähli ilaty, mallary, çem gelen zatlary gylyçdan geçirdiler. Sora ol ýerdäki galan ähli galalary otlap ýok etdiler. 21-nji bap Ysraýyllar benýaminlere gyz berýärler 1 Ysraýyllar: «Hiç birimiz benýaminlere gyz bermeris» diýip, Mispada ant içdiler. 2 Ysraýyllar Beýtele gelip, Hudaýy huzurynda agama çenli gaty ses edip, zar-zar agladylar. 3 Olar: «Eý, Ysraýyl Hudaýy Reb! Ysraýyla näme boldy? Ysraýyldan indi bir tire ýok bolup ýitip gitmelimi?» diýdiler. 4 Ertesi güni ilat irden turup, ol ýerde mal öldürdiler, gurbanlyk sypasyny ýasap, ýakma hem-de salamatlyk gurbanlygyny berdiler. 5 Ysraýyllar: «Rebbi huzurynda bolup geçen ýygnanyyga ysraýyl tirelerinden kim gelmedikä?» diýidiler. Bu ýygnanyyga gelmedikleri öldüriljekdigi barada ant içilip kasam edildi. 6 Ysraýyllary benýaminlere, ýagny, öz doganlaryna nebisleri agyryp: «Indi ysraýyllary bir tiresi kesilip talandy. 7 Biz olara gyz bermezlige Rebbi huzurynda ant içdik. Indi olary diri galanlaryny aýal meselesini nähili çözmeli bolarkak? 8 Mispadaky Rebbi huzurynda bolan ýygnanyyga Ysraýyl neslinden gelmedik barmy?» diýidiler. Ýygnanyyga Gilgatdaky Ýabeden adam gelmändir. 9 Görseler, ol ýerde Gilgatdaky Ýabeden bir adam hem ýok eken. 10 Edermen ýigitleri on iki müüsini jemagat ol ýere iberip, olara: «Bary, Ýabei ilatyny, aýallaryny we çagalaryny gylyçlap öldüri. 11 Öýlenenlerini hem-de durmua çykanlaryny ählisini bütinleý ýok edi, die gyzlara degmä» diýip buýurdylar. Olar aýdylyy ýaly-da etdiler. 12 Ýabei ilatyndan dört ýüz sany boý gyzy özleri bilen alyp, Kengan ýurdundaky ilo galasyndaky düelgä getirdiler. 13 Halk Rimmon gaýasyndaky benýaminler bilen gepleik geçirmek üçin, ol ýere adam iberdi, olar bilen ylalayk yglan edildi. 14 onda benýaminler Ysraýyla dolanyp geldiler we ysraýyllar diri galdyrylan Ýabei gyzlaryny olara aýallyga berdiler; ýöne olary hemmesine gyz ýetmedi. |
| 11 Ony harabaçylyga dönderdiler, haraba içinde huzurymda aglaýar. Tutu ýurt weýran boldy, emma hiç kimi piine-de däl. 12 Çöldäki ähli depelere talaçylar geldiler. Çünki ýurdu bir çetinden beýlekisine çenli Rebbi gylyjy heläk eder, hiç kim aman galmaz. 13 Olar bugdaý ekip, tiken ordular, gara zähmet çekip, haýyr görmediler. Rebbi gahar-gazabyndan ýaa alan hasyllaryna utansynlar. 14 «Ysraýyl halkym üçin beren mülküme el uran ähli erbet goularymy ýurtlaryndan sogrup talaryn. Ýahuda halkyny-da olary arasyndan sogrup talaryn. Muny Reb aýdýandyr. 15 Hemmesini sogrup talanymdan so, olara ýene ýüregim awar. Olary her birini öz mülküne, öz topragyna gaýtaryp getirerin. 16 Halkyma Bagaly adyndan ant içmegi öwredileri ýaly, özleri-de halkymy ýollaryny yhlas bilen öwrenip: „Rebden ant içýärin“ diýip, Meni adymdan ant içmegi öwrenseler, onda olar-da halkymy arasynda ornaarlar. 17 Emma gulak asmadyk her bir milleti köki bilen bütinleý goparyp talaryn we ýok ederin». 13-nji bap Zygyr matadan tikilen guak 1 Reb maa: «Git-de, özüe nepis zygyr matadan tikilen guak satyn alyp, ony bilie gua, ýöne ony suwa batyrma» diýdi. 2 eýlelikde, men Rebbi sözi boýunça bir guak satyn alyp, ony bilime guadym. 3 Maa ýene Rebbi u sözi aýan boldy: 4 «Bilidäki satyn alan guagyy al-da, Ýewfrat obasyna git. Ony ol ýerde bir gaýany jaýrygynda gizle». 5 Rebbi buýrugy boýunça men gidip, guagy Ýewfrat obasynda gizledim. 6 Köp gün geçenden so, Reb maa: «Tur, Ýewfrat obasyna git-de, gizlemegi buýran guagymy al» diýdi. 7 Onso men Ýewfrat obasyna gitdim, gizlän ýerimden gazyp, guagy aldym. Emma guak çüýräp zaýalanan eken. Ol hiç zada ýarajak däldi. 8 Maa Rebbi u sözi aýan boldy: 9 «Reb eýle diýýär: „Men Ýahudany tekepbirligini we Iýerusalimi aa gedemligini hut onu ýaly edip çüýrederin. 10 Bu pis halk kesirlik bilen öz isleglerine kowalayp, sözüme gulak asmak islemeýär. Olar baga hudaýlary yzyna düüp, olara gulluk we sede edýärler. onu üçin olar hem hiç derde ýaramaýan u guak ýaly bolarlar. 11 Guak ynsany biline nähili ýapyýan bolsa, Men hem tutu ysraýyl we ýahuda halklaryny Özüme eýle ýapydyraryn. Olary Maa at-abraý, öwgi we öhrat getirjek Öz halkym bolmagyny isledim, emma olar gulak asmadylar. Muny Reb aýdýandyr“. |
| 4:26). The Samaritans regarded Mount Gerizim as the holiest of mountains (e.g., Josephus Ant. 18.85). Even in the mid-thirties C.E. a prophetic figure could rally Samaritan masses around an eschatological hope for the recovery of the hidden vessels of the tabernacle, 5494 and probably for a rebuilt temple, 5495 on Gerizim (Josephus Ant. 18.85–87). A generation later Samaritans gathered on Mount Gerizim to oppose the Romans (Josephus War 3.307–308), and those who did not surrender (War 3.313–314) were slaughtered there (War 3.315). Samaritan Decalogue inscriptions show that the Samaritans combined the traditional ninth and tenth commandments to make room for their own commandment based on their reading of Deut 27:3–5 : they must build an altar to God at Gerizim. 5496 Just as Jewish synagogues often pointed toward Jerusalem (see above), so an excavated Samaritan synagogue points toward Mount Gerizim. 5497 That the woman speaks of worship «on this mountain» in the aorist is significant and evokes cultural distance as in 4:9; the Jerusalemite ruler John Hyrcanus enslaved Samaritans and destroyed the Samaritan temple there in 128 B.C.E., perhaps a century and a half before this encounter (Josephus War 1.63–66; Ant. 13.255–256). 5498 (Scholars have cited some possible archaeological evidence for this destruction, 5499 though the evidence remains disputed.) 5500 Although worship continued, it could not continue as temple worship on this site. (By contrast, Antiochus IV Epiphanes had sought to paganize both the temple on Mount Gerizim and the Jerusalem temple 6:2].) The ruins of this temple on the peak of Mount Gerizim nearest Jacob " s well may have been visible to Jesus and the Samaritan woman. 5501 The woman is ready to discuss religion (4:19), but for her discussing religion with a Jew demanded beginning openly with the history of ethnic hostility that separated them. Jewish teachers recognized Mount Gerizim as the Samaritan counterpart to the Jewish temple. 5502 Samaritans» very insistence on being descendants of Israel rendered their temple suspect to Jews: while God allowed Gentiles some leeway, the people of Israel were allowed to worship nowhere but the temple. |
| Onso Men çölde gahar-gazabymy balaryndan inderip, olary ýok etjekdigimi aýtdym. 22 Mua garamazdan, ysraýyllary Müsürden çykaranymy gören milletleri nazarynda adyma ysnat gelmesin diýip, ýene elimi yza çekdim we Öz adymy hatyrasyna hereket etdim. 23 Mundan baga-da, Men olary milletler arasyna pytradyp, baga ýurtlara dargatjakdygyma çölde ant içdim. 24 Olary gözleri ata-babalaryny butlaryny yzyndadygy üçin, hökümlerimi ýerine ýetirmediler, parzlarymy ret etdiler we mukaddes Sabat günümi kanunlaryny harladylar. 25 Munu üçin Men olara ýagy bolmadyk parzlary we ýerine ýetiren adam aman galmaz ýaly hökümleri berdim. 26 Olary özlerini getiren gurbanlyklary bilen harama çykardym, ilkinji doglan çagany ot üsti bilen gurban etmäge ýol berdim. eýdip, Men olara howp saldym we Özümi Rebdigimi bilsinler diýdim». 27 Munu üçin, eý, ynsan ogly, ysraýyl halky bilen geple we olara Hökmürowan Reb eýle diýýär diý: «Ata-babalaryyz dönüklik etmek bilen birlikde Maa dil-de ýetirdiler. 28 Men olary wada beren ýurduma getirenimde, olar her bir gören beýik baýyrlykda, her bir gür ýaprakly agajy astynda gurbanlyklaryny hödürlediler. Ol ýerde Meni gaharymy getirýän sadakalaryny, hoboý ysly tütetgilerini we içgi sadakalaryny hödür etdiler». 29 Onso Men olardan: «Sizi bu gidýän sedegähiiz nähili ýer?» diýip soradym. onu üçin hem bu ýerlere u güne çenli hem sedegähler diýilýär. 30 Mua görä ysraýyl halkyna Hökmürowan Reb eýle diýýär diý: «Näme üçin siz özüizi ata-babalaryyzy ýol-ýörelgeleri bilen haram edip, olary ýigrenji zatlary bilen zynahorlyk edýärsiiz? 31 Siz bu güne çenli ogullaryyzy otda gurbanlyk hökmünde hödür edip, ähli butlaryyz bilen özüizi haram edýärsiiz. undan so, eý, ysraýyl halky, Men size Özüme maslahat saldyrarynmy? Öz barlygymdan ant içýärin, — Hökmürowan Reb diýýär — Men size maslahat bermerin. 32 Siz: „Agaja we daa sygynyp, biz-de beýleki milletler ýaly, baga ýurtlardaky taýpalar ýaly bolarys“ diýýärsiiz, emma akylyyzda aýlaýan bu zatlaryyz amala amaz. 33 Öz barlygymdan ant içýärin, — Hökmürowan Reb diýýär — Men güýç-gudratym we gahar-gazabym bilen üstüizden höküm sürerin. 34 Güýç-gudratym hem gahar-gazabym bilen sizi halklary arasyndan çykararyn we dargadylan ýurtlaryyzdan yzyyza ýygnaryn. 35 Onso sizi halklary çölüne getirip, ýüzbe-ýüzleip, size höküm çykararyn. 36 Müsür çölünde ata-babalaryyza nähili höküm çykaran bolsam, size hem eýle höküm çykararyn. Muny Hökmürowan Reb diýýär. 37 Men sizi gözden geçirip, ähte boýun bolmaga mejbur ederin. 38 Pitneçileri we Meni garyma jenaýat edenleri sizi arayzdan aýraryn, olary gelmiek bolup ýaaýan ýurtlaryndan çykararyn, ýöne olar Ysraýyl ýurduna girmezler. onda siz Meni Rebdigimi bilersiiz». |
| 7:37) an appropriate time to water the sheep ( Gen 29:7 ), and John might possibly allude to the good shepherd ( John 10:11 ) watering his sheep here. 5301 E.g., Josephus Ant. 15.292–296; Strabo Geog. 16.2.34; for its temple to Caesar, Josephus War 1.403; Ant. 15.298. 5305 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.199; 1 En. 8:1–2; Jub. 20:4; 33:20; T. Ab. 10:8A; Ascen. Isa. 2:5; t. Sanh. 13:8; Sipre Deut. 258.2.3; see further Keener, «Adultery,» 10–11. It is equivalent to prostitution (Sipra Qed. pq. 7.204.1.1–2; either may be condemned in CD 4.17–18; 7.1; 8.5; 1QS 4.10). 5306 E.g., Wis 14:24; L.A.B. 2:8; Syr. Men. 45–46, 240–251; T. Levi 17:11; Treat. Shem 7:15; 9:9; 10:16; at greater length, see Keener, «Adultery,» 7–10. 5309 E.g, P.Eleph. 1.3–4; Dio Cassius 54.16.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 11.28.4; Livy 4.4.9–11; Gaius Inst. 1.66–92; Ulpian Rules 5.8–9; cf. Arrian Ind. 12.8. In Judaism, cf., e.g., Josephus Ant. 4144–245; t. Sanh. 4:7; p. Git. 1:4,.4, Ketub. V.5, Qidd. 1:1, 3:12,Yebam. 6:1–9:8. On the relation between Jewish and Roman codes here, see Cohen, Law, 133–36; further documentation appears in Keener, Marries, 58–60, 169–70. 5311 Sir 41:22 ; Syr. Men. 347–353; Christian influence may exist in the public disapproval of Justinian Codex 9.25. The prohibitions, however, suggested that the temptation existed (m. " Abot 2:7; t. Hor. 2:11; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 20:6). 5312 E.g., Homer Od. 1.428–433; Martial Epigr. 3.33; Artemidorus Onir. 1.78; Achilles Tatius 6.20; Apuleius Metam. 3; see further Keener, «Adultery,» 12. It could deter adultery (Columella Rust. 1.8.5) 5314 Epictetus Ench. 33.8. Others apparently found nothing wrong with limited male promiscuity (cf. Apollonius of Rhodes 1.842–909). 5315 E.g., Mantitheus against Boeotus 2.8–10 (in Demosthenes, LCL 4:486–87); Plutarch Educ. 2, Mor. 1AB. 5316 Gardner, Women, 130; Justinian Codex 9.22. Cf. honored prostitutes of higher status (e.g., Athenaeus Deipn. 13.596b; Aulus Gellius 7.7.5–7; Sipre Num. 115.5.7); many, however, entered the profession through economic necessity (Terence Lady of Andros 73–79), and most because they were slaves (Apuleius Metam. |
| 7728 See Blenkinsopp, «Prophecy»; Hill, Prophecy, 30; Aune, Prophecy, 138–44; Grundmann, «Decision,» 305. Cf. Num. Rah. 21:9; cf. also the idea of a hereditary prophetic gift in Arrian Alex. 2.3.3. 7729 Michaels, ]ohn, 196, finds it doubtful, pointing out that those who had the gift (Josephus War 1.68–69; Ant. 11.327, 333–334; 13.299–300) were exceptiona1. Cf. Josephus Ant. 10.80; but one might rather attribute it more prominently to the Essenes (e.g., Josephus War 1.78–80; 2.159; Ant. 17.346), whose priestly connection is less evident in Josephus. 7731 " AbotR. Nat. 43, §118B (biblical examples); b. Sotah 12b (pagans). See further Aune, Prophecy, 139, following Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:546. Grudem, Prophecy, 38, cites some later rabbinic references explaining biblical prophetesses as accurate predictors without divine authority. 7733 Egyptians reportedly looked for unintended prophecies through children (Plutarch Isis 14, Mor. 356E); cf. also Xenophon Eph. 5.4; Augustine Confessions 8.12. 7734 Aeschines Timarchus 84; cf. Pysche in Apuleius Metam. 5.6; Saul in 1Sam 14:39 . An accurate societal critic could also be dubbed «oracular» in a figurative sense because he spoke truth (Seneca Controv. 1.pref.9). 7735 E.g., Liv. Pro. 2(OTP 2:386)/Ieremiah 2 (ed. Schermann 81); Matt 2:4, 6; 4:16, 23; 13:15; 15:8; 21:23; 27:64; Acts 2:47. 7737 Many commentators apply it to either Gentiles only (Hunter, John, 118) or (as we do) to both Jewish and Gentile Christians (Pancaro, «People,» 126–27,129). Freed, «Samaritan Influence,» 583, suggests that it refers to the Samaritans. 7738 Grundmann, «Decision,» 308–10. The biblical theme of the scattering of God " s people as judgment appears in early Jewish texts, e.g., 1 En. 89:75; T. Ash. 7(though followed by a Christian interpolation); 7:6. 7741 The reference is usually taken as genuine historical information (e.g., Dunn, «John,» 299); perhaps it was near a preexilic site with a similar name (2 Chr 13:19). 7743 Safrai, «Temple,» 876–77, citing, e.g., Josephus War 1.229. Michaels, John, 201, thinks those living among Gentiles would have to purify themselves as wel1. |
| According to rabbinic (and probably Pharisaic) ideals, judges who proved themselves locally could be promoted to the Sanhedrin (t. Šeqa1. 3:27), but in actuality the Sanhedrin in Jesus» day probably consisted largely of members of the Jerusalem aristocracy and wealthy landowners in the vicinity. Rulers could use sanhedrins, or assemblies, the way some politicians today use committees: to secure the end one wants without taking full responsibility for that decision. In Josephus, rulers such as Herod appointed the Sanhedrin members they wished and obtained the results they wished. 9574 Before Herod came to power, the Jerusalem Sanhedrin exercised significant authority (Josephus Ant. 14.177). In Pilatés time, without Herod the Great " s interference and with the Romans expecting local aristocracies to administer the business they could (cf. Josephus War 2.331, 405; Ant. 20.11), we should not be surprised that chief priests would convene a Sanhedrin (Josephus Ant. 20.200), especially since the priestly aristocracy constituted a large portion of it. 9575 We should also not be surprised if the Sanhedrin sought to please Rome. 9576 Less than four decades after the events the Gospels describe, Jerusalem " s aristocracy continued to act as a body. When the high priest and the leading Pharisee allegedly acted without the approval of the rest of the assembly, they provoked that assembly " s anger (Josephus Life 309). A small minority of scholars, wishing to preserve both the later rabbinic portrait of the Sanhedrin and the one found in Josephus and early Christian sources, have opted for two Sanhedrins–the religious Sanhedrin of the rabbis and the political Sanhedrin attested in first-century sources. Some of these scholars came to argue that the political Sanhédrin tried Jesus, thereby exonerating the religious Sanhedrin of the rabbis. One scholar favoring the rabbinic picture has even argued that the Gospels and Acts are late sources on this matter, with changes into the fourth century. 9577 Nevertheless, even apart from textual evidence to the contrary, evidence within the early Christian texts refutes this theory: later writers fail to clear up conflicts and to impose later theology. 9578 In the final analysis, it is simply anachronistic to reject all our first-century portraits on the basis of later, idealized rabbinic accounts, although reliable tradition may remain in them at points. Few scholars have therefore accepted the double-Sanhedrin thesis. 9579 |
| 21 Обрати внимание на то, что, согласно повествованию Иосифа об Иудейской войне (кн. 7, гл. 18), Иерусалим получил такое наименование потому, что Мелхиседек, основатель города, когда создал храм (ερν), от него назвал город Иерусалимом (εροσλυμα), а прежде он назывался Салим (Σλυμα) (Jos. Flav. De bell. VI, 10//TLG 0526/004, 438. 3–4). Другие же, как Прокопий (Цепь толковников на Восьмикнижие. Т. 1. С. 198), говорят, – и это, пожалуй, вернее – что из названий этого города «Иевус» и «Салим» составилось это сложное название «Иевусалим», а в искаженном произношении «Иерусалим». Но как бы то ни было, название «Иерусалим» – целиком еврейское, означающее «видение мира», согласно отцам. Впрочем, кое-кто говорит, что оно составлено из еврейского и греческого слов (как и слово «антиминс» состоит из греческого и латинского), но в таком случае оно уже не означает «видение мира». Называемый прежде Иерусалимом, этот город, согласно Диону, позднее получил имя Элии Капитолины. Элия – от императора Адриана, носившего имя Элий. Иерусалим, ранее разрушенный, перепаханный быками и засеянный, по словам Евсевия (Euseb. Demonstr. Evang. VIII//PG 22, 636В), и едва узнаваемый по местности, согласно Григорию Богослову (Greg. Nazianz. Or. 6. 18//PG 35, 745B), Адриан переименовал в Элию, как говорят Феодорит (Theod. Cyr. In Is. 6, 13 //PG 81, 272B) и Евсевий (Euseb. De Theophania 9//PG 24, 649A). А Капитолиной он назван потому, что тот же самый Адриан, как указывает уже упомянутый Дион, на месте храма Божия выстроил храм Юпитера, почитаемого на Капитолии в Риме. 22 Кесария получила такое название потому, что Ирод, согласно Евсевию, выстроил ее в честь Кесаря Августа (раньше она называлась Стратоновой Башней) (Idem. Hist. eccl. II, 10//PG 20, 160A); в ней находились и статуи Кесаря и Рима, как свидетельствует Иосиф в «Иудейских древностях» (кн. 15, гл. 13) (Jos. Flav. Antiq. XV, 9. 6//TLG 0526/001, 15. 339. 4). Три Кесарии было в Асии: одна – митрополия Палестины, о которой мы сказали; вторая – Каппадокийская, которая называлась Мазой Кесаревой, согласно Созомену (кн. 5, гл. 4) (PG 67, 1224A), а также Мазакой; и третья – Филиппова. |
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