| Под определениями 7 вселенского собора первым за епископами подписался Савва архимандрит и игумен монастыря Студийского. Цимисхий поручает Студийскому игумену Евфимию уладить несогласие между святогорцами, и первый устав для тамошних общежитий был составлен с его одобрения (Порф. Афон. I, 89). Грамотой патриарха Матфея (1381 г) студийскому игумену усвояется первенство между архимандритами или, лучше сказать, подтверждается, право, которым он пользовался издревле. Второе место занимает настоятель Манганского монастыря, третье – Предтечи в Петре (Acta Fatriarchat. I, p. 22–23) Студийские настоятели принимают участие в делах церковных, стоят в близких отношениях ко двору, дают из своей среды патриархов, а их имена занимают почётное место в подписях и правительственных актах. Наконец, перед нами проходит целый ряд царственных лиц и знатных византийцев, которые добровольно, или поневоле, принимают здесь монашество и ищут покоя от треволнений и интриг тогдашней общественной жизни. Между покровителями монастыря особенно выдаётся император Константин Дука, проведший здесь остаток дней по отречению от престола, и его супруга. По словам Скилицы, она украсила пречестный храм Предтечи и так много сделала для монастыря, что описать всё это было бы трудом Геркулеса (Patr. t. 122, col. 380. Cf. Du Gang. Famil. Byzant. p. 170–171). Приняв монашество в Мирилейском монастыре, она просила студийского игумена похоронить её на братском кладбище. При занятии Константинополя крестоносцами, Студийский монастырь много пострадал от неприятелей и сделался жертвой пожара, но не был разрушен совершенно. Это видно из слов Георгия Акрополита, который, рассказывая о торжественном въезде Михаила Палеолога в отнятую у Франков столицу, говорит, что император ехал с иконой Одигитрии от Влахернского монастыря и по дороге заезжал в Студийский монастырь. Здесь он оставил икону, и, сев на коня, направился к Софийскому собору (Georg. Acrop. Annal. Patr. t. 140, col. 1217). Константин Палеолог восстановил монастырь, и в этом виде он продолжал существовать до завоевания Константинополя. |
| In 1932, the time for confessing his faith came for Father Piotr. On April 15, he was arrested and faced with the charge of involvement in the “criminal conspiracy of Priest Nikolay Alexandrov and others”. His personal guilt consisted in “regular anti-Soviet propaganda” and “organizing a highly extensive network for gathering money and food for the clergy in exile”. The notes of his interrogation occupied ten handwritten lines. No answers were given at all to any political questions. A detail interesting for us here is that in his examination record of April 23, 1932, Father Ilarion is mentioned as “the archimandrite of the former convent of St John the Baptist”. On May 10, 1932, Father Piotr Udodov was pleaded guilty by the Special Soviet at the State Security Board under clause 58—10 of the Criminal Code: “Criminal gang around the churches of the city of Moscow, anti-Soviet propaganda among the clergymen and spreading defamation of the state policy” – and sent into exile, which was, most probably, in the town of Pavlovsk in the Altai territory. Priesthood in the Church of the Vladimir Icon of the Theotokos in the village of Vinogradovo In 1935, Schema-Archimandrite Ilarion was invited by the rural dean, the Archpriest Konstantin Speransky, to perform his priestly functions in the church of the village of Vinogradovo “at the Long Lake”. That ancient village, situated a few kilometres from the Chernetzovo hamlet, was interesting both historically and architecturally. Up to the present time one can find the old lords’ mansion houses, the entrance gates of the old estate, a bridge and a system of running water ponds dating to the late 18th century, as well as the church of the Vladimir Icon of the Mother of God, built in 1772-1777, which, together with the belfry and the parish clergy house, comprise one of the most beautiful sights in the vicinity of Moscow. We can read about Father Ilarion’s first appearance in the village of Vinogradovo in the memoirs of a parishioner of the Vladimir icon church, signed with the initials M.Sh. : |
| γαιοδαισα, Landvermessung, Landverteilung: MiAnchLog 572. γαιωδ. ThMet 455.– γεωδ. LS, Stam; vgl. γαιοδαιτικς KumN. γαιοδτης, Landvermesser: LudwAnek 12,27. PsHerod 209.– LS, Tgl, DGE s.v. γεω- δτης; Stam γεωδατης. γαιοδρμος auf der Erde gehend: JoDiac 965D.– Vgl. γεωδρ. Stam. γαιλοφος aus einem Erdhügel bestehend: -ον γδιον NicMagLet 19,12. (subst.) Erdhügel: NeophChatz 204.– Vgl. γελ. LS, Stam. γαιομαχω mit der Erde kämpfen: Manas 183. 6481 –S. γεωμ. γαιομχος mit der Erde kämpfend: Manas 6707. ManasStioh 63,386.– S. γεωμ. γαιοπλος, der die Erde pflügt: τν γν πολν γουν ναστρεφμενος LudwAnek 12,27. γαιρυγμα, τ Mine, unterirdischer Gang: Ducas 53,28. γαιορκτης, der die Erde umgräbt: LudwAnek 12,27.– Vgl. γεωρ. γαιοτραφς auf der Erde aufgewachsen: ζω Synes. Hymn. (ed. Dell’Era) 2,282.– DGE, Tgl -τρεφς. γαιω zu festem Land machen, befestigen: AHG III 430,227. Schol. Ael. Arist. III 143,24; 144,15 (Dindorf). TzetzHist I 910; IV 500; VII 382; IX 801,–L. γαισσς, Wurfspieß, Speer: τ δρυ LudwAnek 9,24. τ δορτιον PselPoem 6,311. τ κοντριον PsHerod 12. γαισν BoinAkol 180 ιδ.– γασος/-ον LS, DGE. γτα, (mlat. gaida) Band, Binde: Trinch 487 (а.1273).– Car. γατνιον, τ (mlat. gaitanum) Band, Binde, Schnur: Trinch 356 (a.1211). ScholOpp Cyn. 4,389. -ιν Kyran III 22,14 (-ην ed,). γατνια Riv. stör, calabr. 6 (1985) 449 (a,1208/9). γατνι SchreinFin 4,66. ατνιον ScholEur I 447,17; 448,6. id. Moschop., Περ σχεδν (Paris 1545) 129,23. ετνια PsKod 205,23. γατνιν DelAn I 600,9 (ms. s.XV). γαετανον δ π τ στθει, χουσαν (sic) εκνα SymSerm 123.– Tgl, Car, Duc, Kr, Stam; vgl. γαταν LS, Γαετανς DGE. γαιωδαισα s. γαιοδαισα γαιδης (= γεδης) irdisch: φσις PapSyl 130,3. NeophDel 222,32 (=DiekAnal 81,28).– LS (als f.l.), LSSup, DGE, TLG, Stam. γαλαγκ, Galgantwurzel: DelAn II 344,8. CatAIch VIII 379,1116. γαλαγκς, BlemMed. 62.63. DelAn II 322,19; 366,11; 373,30; 391,24. DelLex 89,33. -γκν, τ DelLex 63,3; 76,14; 77,11. γαλαγκο Miller: Demetrius de podagra XXX III, p.72. γαλαγγν cod. Par. 2091,80r (anon. coli, remed.), Hippiatr 1447,1; 449,11.– LS γλαγγα; DGE, Duc γαλαγγ, Kr -ν/-ς, TLG. |
| I also recall with gratitude others of our teachers during the middle years of the seminary " s history: Fr Paul Schneirla, Fr Paul Shafran, Fr (later Bishop) Firmilian Ocokoljich, Prof Alexander Bogolepov, Mrs Sophie Koulomzin, Nicholas Ozerov, Prof Boris Ledkovsky and Metropolitan Andrei of the Bulgarian Church were among those who led us. In 1961 Prof Bogolepov, our Canon Law professor who also taught Russian and Church Slavonic, published his book (recently reprinted by SVS Press) about establishing a self-governing Orthodox Church in North America. Mrs. Koulomzin, who taught Fathers Schmemann and Meyendorff as youngsters in France, is world renowned for her work in Orthodox Christian education. Prof. Ledkovsky, who directed the choir at the ROCOR cathedral in New York, directed our seminary choir and produced the first SVS recordings of liturgical music. (He once told me that I chanted Church Slavonic with a «Japanese accent.») Three of our teachers each exercised the task of expelling me once from their classroom for being disrespectful and rude. Two others had the kindness to allow me to graduate from the seminary (with appropriately lowered grades) when they discovered shortly before commencement that I had not fulfilled requirements for their classes, including attendance. (I was given exams and assignments to do after graduation.) And I cannot forget that Professor Verhovskoy called my first sermon in church «impudent and impertinent,» and made me apologize to the pastor after the liturgy. My purpose in sharing these memories is not merely to show that, by God " s grace and the guidance of compassionate and wise elders, there may be hope for everyone. It is more to convey a sense of the seminary during these years and honor its leaders. I write to proclaim the extraordinary love, commitment and sacrifices of these exceptional people who, in the humblest of human conditions, gave their lives to a motley gang of political refugees, war veterans and workers» kids in order to equip them for service in Christ " s Church. No words will ever suffice to hymn the wonders of their countless gifts to us, their spiritual children. |
| Priest Anatoly Chistousov, February 14, 1996 Rector of the Church of St. Michael the Archangel in Grozny, an officer of the Russian Army before his priestly ordination, was killed on February 14, 1996, in Chechen captivity. Up until he was kidnapped by the Chechens (January 29, 1996), despite the fact that the church appeared to be in the epicenter of combat action (in the vicinity of the former Dudaev’s palace), he did not stop providing pastoral guidance to his flock and regularly performed divine services. On the New Year’s night of 1995 he was forcedly brought by the criminals to the railway station of Grozny, where he was ordered to address the Russian soldiers, who held the line, with a request to give up. In response, Fr. Anatoly blessed the soldiers for military work. Priest George Zyablitsev, September 23, 1997 A senior official at the Department for External Church Relations, died on September 23, 1997. He was killed upon his return from a trip abroad in his own apartment after several hours of cruel torture. He died of multiple knife wounds assumedly on September 22 or 23 1997. Fr. George was responsible for the Catholic sector and travelled much on official assignments. Archpriest Alexander Zharkov, September 14, 1997 The rector of the Church of the St Elizabeth in St. Petersburg at the St. Petersburg City Hospital No.3 was killed in 1997. The body was found on September 14 in the outskirts of the town of Pushkin. Not long before he had moved from the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate to the Russian Orthodox Church Abroad. Allegedly the priest became the victim of the funeral mafia – a gang consisting of coworkers, mostly sanitary assistants, of the Petersburg morgues. The head of the criminal grouping, Valery Burykin, the former vice-director of the government health-care institution “City Pathological-Anatomical Bureau” of St. Petersburg, was arrested in November 2007 on the Austrian-Hungarian border. In September 2008, Burykin was extradited by the Hungarian authorities to Russia at the request of the General Procurator’s Office of the Russian Federation. |
| 6 История Государства Российского том. IV. пр. 245. Ярлык подписан 1315 года. (См. о достоверности ханских грамот, г. Григорьева стр. 9). А Св. Петр отправился в Орду 1313 году, и в летописи замечено, что он «отпущен бысть вскоре». Вероятно, ярлык выдан при отправлении из Орды Великого Князя, который возвратился в Россию в 1315 году 7 Имя Сеита у Татар, исповедавших Магометанскую религию, принадлежало их вероучителям. Истор. Г .Росс. Т. VII пр. 263.Повествование о России, Арцыбашева, книга 4. пр. 1029. В рукописном Алфавите, находящемся в Библиотеке Московской Духовной Академии, слово сеиты, толкуется владыки. У Византийских Историков Σε τιδες означает монахов Персидских и Турецких Du Gang. Gloss. Grace. T. 2 p. 1315. В летописях Русских часто упоминается о Сеитах у Татар. История Государства Российского Том VII пр. 181. VIII. пр. 256. IX. пр. 644. Не был ли упомянутый еретик из крещенных сеитов? И не от того ли сей еретик у Татишего называется Протопопом? Татищев прибавляет к сему, что Сеит отвергал сушествование рая на земле и воставал против монашества. Неизвестно, откуда заимствованы сии подробности. Слич. Рассужд. об ересях и расколах, бывших в Русской Церкви. М. 1838 г. стр. 69 – 73. 8 По случаю сих споров Великий Князь Михаил Тверской принял венец мученический в Орде. Там же убит Великий Князь Георгий Данилович Московский 9 Нарбут в Истории Литовского народа 1838. Т. IV стр. 484 – 491, где, следуя Летописи Быховца, исправляет повествование Стрыйковского, которому не доверял в сем случае Карамзин. 10 Так пишет Герберштейн, бывший у нас в начале XVI столетия. De rebus Moscoviticis, ed. a Starzcewsky. 16 Рукоп. общая минея, лист. 116 на об. Вероятно это отрывок из целого поучения. Оно начинается так: «Ведаете, сынове, и то, как по последним сим временам, а наипаче ныне, грех ради наших скорбем на ны преумножимся (вместо скорби преумножились), преже гладом и напрасными падежеми и морами, и насильством и пленом от поганых.» 17 Первое в рукописи Синодальной Библиотеки, под названием послания Митрополитов Российских. л. 112 и след. Последнее встречается в некоторых списках Патерика Печорского, принадлежащих Троицкой Лаврской Библиотеки. Здесь между прочим Фотий пишет: «В пришедших (вм. в предшедших) летех вашей любви слово о наказанях духовным изрекох. И ныне паки, яко должник бывая духовных духовная всегда сбеседовати.» |
| Likewise, basic relationships that we took for granted 50 years ago are now becoming abstract theory. For example, young people are having severe impairments in relating to necessary authority, as their parents abdicate their roles as mother and father. Many children cannot even plainly state who their parents are, listing step-parents and foster-parents, their parents latest dating partners and even gang leaders as the authority figures in their lives. Now, we see what was meant by God when He proclaimed through the Prophet Isaiah: O my people, they which lead thee cause thee to err, and destroy the way of thy paths. (Isaiah 3:12) When true, and so I mean spiritual fatherhood is removed, human society collapses into decay and disintegration. Transformative spirituality is truly a longing for union and communion with God, the Most Compassionate Father. The capacity to live spiritually is the foundation of our Orthodox Tradition. Therefore, Orthodox genuine spirituality has a sacramental, pastoral and communal dimension which brings about the inner change in the spiritual children of the Church. As a Bishop in the Church, I would like to address the way authority is exercised in the Church, and the relationship among the faithful and the clergy, in order to make others see and taste how our koinonia , is a koinonia with the Father and His Son, our Lord Jesus Christ. Having a spiritual communal tradition, the Church in this unique koinonia reflects the sacramental dimension of our Orthodox Christianity. Above all it will give testimony to our spirituality and show stability of faith and doctrine. Although Orthodox priests are “men set apart,” their priesthood is not a hindrance in creating true Christian community. On the contrary, their status will create an indissoluble bond between them and their parishioners, as a reflection of the uncreated bond between the Heavenly Father and His Eternal Son. Without spiritual fatherhood, spirituality is not authentic, nor viable. In this spiritual relationship which stems from the communion with the Holy Spirit, the children’s behavior is transformed, as selfish desires are transformed into selfless love, kindness, compassion, mercy, and wisdom. |
| There have already been numerous documented reports of physical violence and intimidation against clerics of the canonical Ukrainian church, both on an official government level and through various gang activity (such as the neo-Nazi C-14). In his BBC interview, Archbishop Daniel has attempted to position himself against this inconvenient information by claiming that there “may be provocations by the Russian church”. The facts speak otherwise. Excluding the Donbass region, all of Ukraine is thoroughly controlled by the Ukrainian government which has an extensive police network that is constantly monitoring the population for any “pro-Russian” sympathy. Clerics have regularly been called in for questioning. Meanwhile, gangs that have perpetuated violence against any suspected “pro-Russian” elements go unpunished. Complaints to human rights organizations, including international ones, have been shown to be ineffective. International media has largely been disinterested in these matters, for political reasons. 8. The Synod of the Ecumenical Patriarchate has virtually zero influence on the actors perpetuating violence or threatening to. The system of equal protection under the law is heavily flawed in Ukraine under the current government, something even its western backers admit. The Ecumenical Patriarchate Synodal statement made in October merely “appeal(s) to all sides involved to avoid appropriation of Churches, Monasteries and other properties, as well as every other act of violence and retaliation” – but this constitutes nothing other than ‘good wishes’ and an ill-fated attempt at moral suasion. Fully knowing that violence and retaliation is a practical certainty in response to this tomos, and without any appropriate lever of influence in the situation, the Ecumenical Patriarchate is accepting moral responsibility for this violence in the face of history and before God. 9. This tomos has clearly been used as a political instrument by Ukraine’s president, who is desperately trying to rally anti-Russian forces in Ukraine to push him over his opponents in the upcoming election (his ratings show he is very likely to suffer defeat at the hands of his key opponent, Ms. |
| Resigning to the tender brows, Admiring the charm of all I throw a bunch of snow-white flowers Into the yard 57 , across the wall. And then the hazy screen will fall and The Bridegroom will step down the shrine. And from the forest border onward The wedding day will break and shine. It is very characteristic that neither Mandelstam nor Blok lived an active ecclesiastical life (and even more: despite his reference to an Orthodox/Catholic «tabernacle» [дарохранительница], Mandelstam was nominally a Lutheran). These poets perceived the powerful symbolism of the Eucharist, but had very little experience of the sacrament itself, as was the case for most of the nominal Russian Orthodox people of that period. The turning point of everything and for everyone was the Russian revolution of 1917. Initially, poets and thinkers understood it as a powerful mark of the upcoming revival of the Russian spirit. The same Alexander Blok even wrote a poem called «The Twelve», where a gang of revolutionary sailors is matched against none other than the twelve apostles. The poem, written in January 1918, ends as follows: Behind them follows the hungry dog, Ahead of them – with bloody banner, Unseen within the blizzard’s swirl, Safe from any bullet’s harm, With gentle step, above the storm, In the scattered, pearl-like snow, Crowned with a wreath of roses white, Ahead of them – goes Jesus Christ 58 . Very soon, however, the Russian people found out that, instead of a revival and an end to the war on the Western front, they received a humiliating peace treaty with Germany, the Civil War in Russia itself, the loss of territories, and, finally, the excruciating terror of the new Communist government, directed against virtually everyone. Religion was proclaimed a relic of the past and was to be eradicated. Already in 1918, the Russian poet Sergey Yesenin grasped this as follows: I will not fear the doom, Nor the spears, nor the arrows of rains, So proclaims according to the Bible The prophet Yesenin Sergey. |
| Byzantine Studies and other Essays. L., 1955. P. 168-172; Heseler P. Zum Logos auf das Konzil von Nikaia und auf Konstantin den Grossen//BNJ. 1927. Bd. 5. S. 59-62; Lot F. La fin du monde antique et le début du Moyen âge. P., 1927; Geffcken J. Der Ausgang des griechisch-romischen Heidentums. Hdlb., 1929; Gr é goire H. La «conversion» de Constantin//Revue de l " Université de Bruxelles. 1930/1931. T. 36. P. 231-272; idem. La statue de Constantin et le signe de la croix//L " Antiquité classique. Brux., 1932. Vol. 1. P. 135-143; idem. Nouvelles recherches constantiniennes//Byz. 1938. Vol. 13. P. 551-593; idem. La vision de Constantin «liquidée»//Ibid. 1939. Vol. 14. P. 341-351; Alf ö ldi A. The Helmet of Constantine with the Christian Monogram//JRS. 1932. Vol. 22. P. 9-23; idem. Die Ausgestaltung des monarchischen Zeremoniells am römischen Kaiserhofe//MDAI.R. 1934. Bd. 49. S. 1-118; idem. The Conversion of Constantine and Pagan Rome. Oxf., 1948; idem. Costantino tra paganesimo e christianesimo. R.; Bari, 1976; Piganiol A. L " empereur Constantin. P., 1932; Opitz H.-G. Athanasius " Werke. B.; Lpz., 1934. Bd. 3/1: Urkunden zur Geschichte des arianischen Streites; idem. Eusebius von Caesarea als Theologe//ZNW. 1935. Bd. 34. S. 1-19; Peterson E. Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem. Lpz., 1935; Schwartz E. Kaiser Konstantin und die christliche Kirche. Lpz.; B., 19362; Seston W. L " opinion païenne et la conversion de Constantin//RHPhR. 1936. T. 16. P. 250-264; Gerland E. Konstantin der Grosse in Geschichte und Sage. Athen, Lietzmann H. Der Glaube Konstantins des Grossen//SPAW. 1937. Bd. 29. S. 263-277; Straub J. A. Vom Herrscherideal in der Spätantike. Stuttg., 1939; idem. Konstantin " s Verzicht auf den Gang zu Kapitol//Historia. Wiesbaden, 1955. Bd. 4. N 2/3. S. 297-313; idem. Kaiser Konstantin als πσκοπος τν κτς//StPatr. 1957. Vol. 1. P. 678-687. (TU; 63); idem. Constantine as κοινς πσκοπος: Tradition and Innovation in the Representation of the First Christian Emperor " s Majesty//DOP. |
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