Rev 1:10). That Mary at first does not recognize Jesus (20:14) reflects early tradition that Jesus was not immediately recognized by all who saw him after the resurrection (21:4–7; Luke 24:16, 31; though we may note that she was also weeping). This tradition may also imply something about the character of the resurrection body, analogous to the early Jewish belief that angels could appear in different forms. According to Greek folklore, deities assumed various familiar shapes to communicate with people or to disguise themselves or escape, 10581 or concealed or transformed the appearance of their favorite mortals, 10582 but in Jewish terms, one would think especially of the disguises of angels. 10583 Tobias could not recognize that Raphael, who claimed to be son of one Anania known to Tobias " s father (Tob 5:12), was an angel (Tob 5:4–6; 9:1–5); he explains the «vision» in Tob 12:19. In the Hebrew Bible, God himself sometimes came unrecognized at first ( Gen 18:9–13 ), especially through the angel of the Lord ( Judg 6:22; 13:20–23 ). Pseudo-Philós Biblical Antiquities, possibly dating from the first century C.E., shows how common the motif of God disguising his people became in some later Jewish traditions. Moses, having been glorified on the mountain, was unrecognizable to the Israelites, just as Joseph was unrecognized by his brothers when they came to Egypt (L.A.B. 12:1). Perhaps to explain why Saul failed to recognize David in 1Sam 17:55–56 (cf. 1Sam 16:19–23 ), L.A.B. 61declares that the angel of the Lord changed David " s appearance so no one recognized him. The witch of Endor did not recognize Saul because his appearance was changed (L.A.B. 64:4). 10584 That Mary thought Jesus a «gardener» (20:15) fits the story: the tomb was, after all, in a «garden» (19:41). 10585 Gardeners tended to belong to the poorest class (Apuleius Metam. 9.31; Philostratus Hrk. 4.11). But John may suggest an ironic allusion to the joint work of Father and Son; just as the Father was a γεωργς, a vinedresser (15:1; cf.

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8755 Both expansion (cf., e.g., Theon Progym. 1.172–175; 2.115–123; 3.224–240) and abridgement (2Macc 2:24–28) were standard practices; see our comments on pp. 18–19, 27–28. Post-Easter embellishment becomes far more common in the apocryphal gospels than in the Synoptics (see Carmignac, «Pré-pascal»); Hill, Prophecy, 169, thus is right to observe that the Johannine discourses «may indeed be homilies composed around sayings of Jesus,» without being from Christian prophets. 8756 Many scholars emphasize the centrality of the Word and the Jesus tradition here; see Bürge, Community, 213; Dietzfelbinger, «Paraklet,» 395–402; for the reason for this emphasis, Dietzfel-binger, «Paraklet,» 402–8. Cf. the importance of authentic memory of the right Teacher in the Scrolls (Stuhlmacher, «Theme,» 13; cf. Roloff, «Lieblingsjünger,» whom he cites). 8762 Berg, «Pneumatology,» 149–50. This is likely however one interprets the phrase. On acting in onés name, see discussion at 14:13. 8764 Franck, Revelation, 44, points out that in Philo it is normally God or his Word or Moses who «teaches.» Wegenast, «Teach,» 760, observes that the term is normally used in the LXX for instruction in how to live the Torah, not for prophetic preaching. 8765 E.g., m. " Abot 3:8; Met Pisha 1:135–136; Sipre Deut. 4.2.1; 48.1.1,4; 306.19.1–3; p. Meg. 4:1, §4; cf. Let. Aris. 154 (Hadas, Aristeas, 161, also compares Philo Spec. Laws 4.106ff). See comments on memory in our introduction; cf. in pre-Christian sapiential testaments, such as Tob 4(perhaps Tob 1:11–12). 8766 Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.16.28; Plutarch Educ. 13, Mor. 9E; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.31; 10.1.12; Theon Progym. 2.5–8; Quintilian 1.3.1; 2.4.15; 11.2.1–51; probably Seneca Dia1. 7.10.3; Culpepper, School, 50, 106, 193; Anderson, Glossary, 126–27; Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric, 98; Gerhardsson, Memory, 124–25. Understanding and remembering profitable sayings were both vital (Isocrates Demon. 18, Or. 1), and reminder was common enough in moral exhortation (Isocrates Demon. 21, Or. 1; Epictetus Diatr. 4.4.29; Phil 3:1 ; 2Pet 1:12 ; cf. Cicero Amic. 22.85; Rom 15:15 ). Note taking was, of course, practiced; cf. Diogenes Laertius 2.48; Epictetus Diatr. 1.pref; Quintilian 1.pref.7–8; introduction to Plutarch Stoic Cont. 13:369–603, in LCL 398–99.

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5191 Plato Theaet. 191D; Alexander 14 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 180D; Fort. Alex. 1.11, Mor. 333A. The seals leave an imprint in soft wax (Plutarch Educ. 5, Mor. 3F). 5192 Apuleius Metam. 10.10; cf. Lyall, Slaves, 148–52. Seals could indicate approval on a legal document, which is what Brown, John, 1:158, sees here; cf. 21:24–25. 5193 E.g., Esth 8LXX; cf. the letter in Chariton 4.5.8. The keeper of the royal signet-ring played an important role in royal courts (Tob 1:22). 5194 E.g., over a wide chronological range, P.Eleph. 1.16–18; 2.17–18; P.Lond. 1727.68–72; P.Tebt. 104.34–35; Rev 5:1. Witnesses might be recalled to testify to the validity of their seals (P.Oxy. 494.31–43; 156–165 C.E.). Seals were also used to identify the contents of merchandise (Carmon, Inscriptions, 108–9, 230–33; cf. perhaps Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.8). 5195 Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 340, §112D (επισφραγζεται). A rhetor could also apply this term to his crowning touches of praise (Menander Rhetor 2.3, 380.2). 5196 Jewish tradition acknowledged that even those in error would ultimately acknowledge the truth of God and Moses (e.g., Koran " s family in b. B.Bat. 74a; Num. Rab. 18:20). 5198         B. Sanh. 64a; p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; Gen. Rab. 8:5; Deut. Rab. 1:10; Bonsirven, Judaism, 150. 5200 For Jesus» χερ, «hand,» of authority, see also 10:28; for the Father " s hand, see 10:29; contrast perhaps 7:30,44; 10:39. 5201 That the Father gives the Spirit to Jesus here is frequently maintained and is probably the majority view, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 133; Carson, John, 213; Bruce, John, 97; Turner, Spirit, 59: Whitacre, John, 99; Smith, John (1999), 107. 5202         Lev. Rab. 15:2, noted also by Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 14; Carson, John, 213; Turner, Spirit, 59; Hofius, «Geist ohne Mass»; and Bürge, Community, 84, who also notes that the specific expression κ μτρου is foreign to Greek literature in genera1. Musonius Rufus 18B, p. 116.12, applies μετρα negatively to excess (unlimited gluttony); cf. T. Ab. 14:9; 17:7A.

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8296 E.g., 1Pet. 5:5 ; t. Meg. 3:24; c Abod. Zar. 1:19; 4 Bar. 5:20; Ps.-Phoc. 220–222; Syr. Men. 11–14, 76–93 (but cf. 170–172); Homer II. 1.259; 23.616–623; Aulus Gellius 2.15; Diodorus Siculus 1.1.4; 2.58.6; Pythagoras in Diogenes Laertius 8.1.22–23. 8300 Among philosophers, cf. Epicurus (Culpepper, School, 107, cites Lucretius Nat. 3.9); Epictetus Diatr. 3.22.82; Nock, Christianity, 30. 8302 E.g., Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.490; 1.25.536, 537; Iamblichus V.P. 35.250; 2 Kgs 2:12; 4 Bar. 2:4, 6, 8; 5:5; t. Sanh. 7:9; Matt 23:9; cf. Gen. Rab. 12(Simeon b. Yohai of the sages of Beth Hillel and Shammai); for Christian usage from the second to fifth centuries, see Hall, Scripture, 50. 8303 E.g., Ahiqar 96 (saying 14A); Sir 2:1 ; Did. 5.2; 1 John 2:1; cf. Babrius pro1.2; Babrius 18.15. This included astronomical and other revelatory wisdom (1 En. 79[esp. MS B]; 81:5; 82:1–2; 83:1; 85:2; 91:3–4; 92:1). 8304 E.g., Jub. 21:21; Tob 4:3,4, 5,12; 1Macc 2:50, 64; 1 En. 92:1; T. Job 1:6; 5:1; 6:1; T. Jud. 17:1; T. Reu. 1:3; T. Naph. 4:1; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6. 8305 E.g., m. B. Mesía 2:11; Ker. 6:9; Sipre Deut. 32.5.12; p. Hag. 2:1, §10; among Gentiles, Theon Progymn. 3. 93–97. 8307 Malina, Windows, 55. One may compare the frequent topic of unity in Greek speeches (e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.53.1; Livy 24.22.17). Some characterized loving one another (φιλλληλους) as more naturally a rural phenomenon that could include sharing resources (Alciphron Farmers 29 [Comarchides to Euchaetes], 3.73, par. 2). 8308 Though Segovia, Relationships, 179, is correct that the Gospel, unlike 1 John, is involved in polemic with the synagogue rather than «intra-church.» 8309 «Commandment(s)» appears frequently in the Johannine Epistles (1 John 2:3–4, 7–8; 3:22–24; 4:21; 5:2–3; 2 John 4–6 ; cf. also Rev 12:17; 14:12); the commandment specifically concerns love (1 John 3:23; 4:21) and accurate faith (1 John 3:23). 8310 It was new in the sense of realized eschatology (1 John 2:8). The Johannine Epistles may employ «from the beginning» meaning «from the beginning of the gospel tradition,» however (1 John 2:24; 3:11; 2 John 6 ), perhaps as a double entendre with the beginning of creation (1 John 1:1; 2:13–14; 3:8).

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2819 Goppelt, Theology, 1:45. 2820 Ovid Metam. 14.136–144; cf. Aulus Gellius 2.16.10. A more helpful Hellenistic notion would be «immortality» (cf. 1Cor 15:53–54 ), though to some Greeks it would connote apotheosis. 2821 See above, pp. 178–79, 292–93. 2822 Dodd, Interpretation, 14,151; cf. true being in Plato Rep. 6.490AB. 2823 Schedl, History, 1:293; cf. Hos 6:2–3 . 2824 Buchanan, Consequences, 131–34; for Qumran, cf. Schütz, «Knowledge,» 397; and life for a thousand generations in 4Q171 1–2 3.1. 2825         Isis 1, Mor. 351E. 2826 Dodd, Interpretation, 144–50. 2827 Pss. So1. 3:12, using the full expression; cf. 13:11. 2828 M. " Abot 2:7, attributed to Hillel; b. Ber. 28b; Lev. Rab. 13:2; CIJ 1:422, §569 (Hebrew funerary inscription from Italy); 1:474, §661 (sixth-century Hebrew inscription from Spain); 2:443, §1536 (Semitic letters, from Egypt); cf. Abrahams, Studies, 1:168–70; Philo Flight 77. The usage in 1 En. 10(cf. 15:6; 25:6) and Jub. 5(cf. 30:20) is more restrictive, perhaps figurative; the Similtudes, however, seem to follow the ordinary usage (37:4; 58:3,6), and the circles from which 1 En. and Jub. derive probably used «long duration» language to represent eternity as well (CD 7.5–6; cf. Sir 18:10 ); for «eternal life» in the DSS, see also 4Q181 (Vermes, Scrolls, 251–52); Coetzee, «Life,» 48–66; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414. «Eternal» occurs with other nouns (e.g., Wis 10:14; 1QS 2.3) far more rarely. 2829 Tob 12:9–10; Ladd, Theology, 255, also cites Pss. So1. 14:7; 2Macc 7:9–14; 4 Ezra 7:137; 14:22); see Manson, Paul and John, 112 n. 1. 2830         Sipre Deut. 305.3.2,3. 2831 4 Macc 17:18, using a cognate of βος rather than of ζω. Cf. T. Ab. 20:14A. 2832 Lake and Cadbury, Commentary, 159; Bultmann, Theology, 2:159; Ladd, Theology, 255–56. See, e.g., Mark 10:17, 30 ; Matt 25:46; Acts 13:46, 48; Rom 2:7; 5:21; 6:22–23 ; Gal 6:8 ; 1Tim 1:16; 6:12 ; Tit 1:2; 3:7 ; Jude 21. 2833 See Filson, «Life,» 114; Simon, «Life.» 2834 Dodd, Studies, 149. 2835 Marcus Aurelius 4.2; Epictetus frg. 3 (LCL 2:442–43; but cf. frg. 4).

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4399 If anything, the primary link, as in 7:37–39, is with Sukkoth and an emphasis on the Spirit «dwelling» among believers. 4405 Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 79; Estate of Ciron 9, 20. On wedding customs, see Keener, «Marriage,» 685–86; wedding feasts, e.g., in Xenophon Eph. 1.8; 3.5; Philostratus Hrk. 54.8; Matt 22:2; Rev 19:9. 4406 ÓRourke, «Law,» 181. But even in Roman weddings the mother decked the bride out, and the bride separated her toys for childhood deities (Friedländer, Life, 1:234); such frugality as Lucan C.W. 2.352–353 recounts is exceptiona1. Roman weddings were also joyous celebrations (Appian R.H. 3.4.7). 4410         " Abot R. Nat. 4 A; 8, §22 B; cf. also b. Ketub. 17a, in Safrai, «Home,» 758, and Urbach, Sages, 1:608. 4414 Even Romans would honor one who placed the demands of religious rituals above affection for onés family, though this may be because of their emphasis on duty to the state (Valerius Maximus 1.1.10; cf. Deut 13:6–10 ). 4416 E.g., t. Ber. 2:10; 4Q545 line 6; Brown, John, 1:97–98, cites Judg 14:12 ; Tob 11:19. Feasting during the night of the wedding itself may have been the most significant; cf. Eickelman, Middle East, 174, on traditional Middle Eastern weddings (Catullus 61.112, 192–193, insists that Roman weddings must be consummated on the first day). 4417 Safrai, «Home,» 760, citing especially t. Ber. 2:10, which emphasizes the participation of the shoshbinin (see on John 3:29 ) and the participating guests, the «sons of the wedding-canopy» (bene chuppah). Thus Haenchen, John, 1:174, is mistaken in denying that anyone would know the wine was different on the assumption that all guests were coming and going. 4419 E.g., Chariton 3.2.10; Menander Rhetor 2.6, 404.17 (perhaps hyperbolically); cf. Matt 22:3–10; Luke 14:21; Diodorus Siculus 16.91.4; 16.92.1; stele in Sherk, Empire, 33. 4420 E.g., the splendid and costly wedding of Josephus Ant. 13.18–21 (marred by a massacre); Phaedrus 1.6.1. For wedding invitations, see, e.g., P.Oxy. 1487; cf. similarly invitations to other banquets, P.Oxy. 112; 1214; 1485; 2147. An ideal banquet setting might prefer nine or less people (Aulus Gellius 13.11.2–3), but this was irrelevant for weddings.

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2652 The Jesus tradition upon which Paul " s words are based (often agreed to be Matt 24l " s source, e.g., Neil, Thessalonians, 101; Wenham, «Apocalypse,» 348) also delegates the use of the trumpet to angels (Matt 24:31). 2653 The anarthrous use may indicate that no particular archangel is in view (Morris, Thessalonians, 144). 2654 As in Apoc. Mos. 22.1–3; perhaps less likely, though plausible, is the suggestion that he constitutes the restrainer of 2 Thess 2:5–7 (cf. T. Dan 6:2; Gen. Rab. 63:14; Ruth Rab. proem 1; Pesiq. Rab. 30:4; Dekor, «Guerre,» 374, notes that he is also Israel " s guardian in 1QM). 2655 Although Jewish literature names many archangels (e.g., Tob 12:15; 1 En. 9:1; 54:6; 1QM 8.15–16; Sib. Or. 2.214–220; Τ Ab. 13:10A; Pesiq. Rab. 46:3), the biblical angels Gabriel (Luke 1:19, 26; 1 En. 10:9; 20:7; 40:9; 2 En. 21:3; 72A; 3 En. 14:4; 17:1–3; b. Sotah 12b; 33a; B. Mesi c a 86b; Gen. Rab. 78:1; Deut. Rab. 5:12; 11:10; Lam. Rab. 3:23, §8; Song Rab. 2:4, §1; 6:10, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 21:9; 35:2; also amulets in Goodneough, Symbols 2:174–88) and Michael (Jude 9; Rev 12:7; 1 En. 20:5; 24:6; 40:9; 2 En. 22:6; 33:10; 3 En. 17:3; 44:10; 1QM 17.6–8; T.Ab. 1:13; 2:1,13–14; 7:11; 8:8, 11; 9:8; 10:1, 12; 11:1; 12:15; 14:12A; 4:4–5, 14; 5:1; 6:6; 7:2; 8:1; 14:7B; L.A.E. 25.2; Apoc. Mos. 3.2; 37.5; 40.1–2; 3 Bar. 11:2; T. So1. 1:7; b. B. Mesi c a 86b; Gen. Rab. 78:1; Exod. Rab. 2:5; Deut. Rab. 5:12; 11:10; Lam. Rab. 3:23, §8; SongRab. 2:4, §1; 6:10, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 21:9; 40:6) are the most frequent. 2656 For views on angelic mediation, esp. in creation, see comment on John 1:3 . Although some scholars (e.g., Francis, «Humility,» 178–80; Carr, Angels, 70; cf. the more nuanced view of Yates, «Worship») have read Col 2as challenging worship with angels, as at Qumran and in Revelation (besides references in Francis, «Humility,» see, e.g., Jub. 30:18; 31:14; 1QM 12.1–2; Sipre Deut. 306.31.1; cf. Pr. Man. 15; T. Job 33:2–3; Robinson, «Adam and Liturgy»), it is difficult to see why Paul would have opposed this practice, except to the extent that it involved fallacious revelations (perhaps Gal 1:8 ). Most likely, with other scholars (see Schweizer, Colosnans, 159), it refers to the practice of venerating angels as divine mediators (see Kraabel, «Judaism,» 143–44; Cohen, Maccabees, 84).

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8610 From his role in Daniel, it was clear that he was among the chief angels (1 En. 9:1; 54:6; 3 En. 17:1–3; 3 Bar. 11:2; 1QM 8.15–16; Sib. Or. 2:214–220; Gen. Rab. 78:1; Lam. Rab. 3:23, §8; Pesiq. Rab. 46:3; cf. 1 En. 40:9; b. B. Mesía 86b; Deut. Rab. 5:12; Song Rab. 2:4, §1; 6:10, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 21:9; Coptic charm in Goodenough, Symbols, 2:174–88), sometimes the chief angel (2 En. 22:6; 33:10; probably T. Ab. 1:13A, 2:1, 13–14 and passim A; 4:6; 14:7B), perhaps even the angel of the Lord (Exod. Rab. 2:5; Pesiq. Rab. 40:6; cf. L.A.E. 25:2), and in some texts he was Israel " s guardian angel (3 En. 44:10; 1QM 17.6–7 [see further Delcor, «Guerre,» 374]; cf. 1 En. 20[ed. Knibb, 107; but contrast Isaac, trans., 24]). 8611 Exod. Rab. 18:5; cf. T. So1. 1:7; Michael vs. the wicked prince in 1QM 17.6; Michael vs. Sammáel on Moses» death, Deut. Rab. 11:10; Jude 9 (against Philo Sacrifices 8; b. Sotah 13b, etc.). In the Similitudes of Enoch (J En. 40:7, 9), it is Phanuel who drives away the satans (plural). In 3 En. 14:2, it is Enoch who is the exalted one appointed against Sammáel, the Prince of the Accusers greater than all the heavenly princes; in Esth. Rab. 7(in Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 98–99), Moses in heaven and Mordecai on earth interceded for Israel against Satan the accuser; in Exod. Rab. 43:1, Moses and Satan oppose one another before God " s court; in 2Macc 15:12–14 Onias the deceased high priest and Jeremiah the prophet intercede for the people. God could also appear as an accuser (Marmorstein, Names, 78), but not of Israe1. 8612 Angelic intercession appears in Tob 12:12,15; 1 En. 9:2–11; 40:6,9; 99:3; 104:1; Rev 5:8; 8:3; 3 Bar. 14:2; Apoc. Mos. 33:5; T. Levi 5:6; Dan 6 (if not interpolation); cf. 1 En. 15:2; T. Ab. 9:3, 7A; Russell, Apocalyptic, 242; Montefiore, Hebrews, 39–40. Montefiore, «Judaism,» 47, thinks they rarely functioned as mediators in rabbinic Judaism (cf. Midr. Pss. 4, §3), and Moore, «Life,» 249, shows how this contrasted with Platonic Hellenism; but less «orthodox» texts show the popularity of angelic invocations (Smith, «Note»; Deissmann, Light, 455–57; Goodenough, Symbols, 2:174–88; 0/2:90–91 [sixth century C.E.]; 2:91, §850 [no date]; 2:109, §876; 2:373–374, §1448 [amulet, late third century]; cf. JE 1:588, 595); the divergent data is balanced well in Longenecker, Christology, 29–30; Bonsirven, Judaism, 37.

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3400 Sir 50:6–7 (Simon ben Onias like the sun); L.A.B. 51(possibly Samuel); «Abot R. Nat. 25 A and b. Ber. 28b (Johanan ben Zakkai); »Abot R. Nat. 9, §25 Β (Adam as a lamp; p. Šabb. 2:6, §2); 13, §32 Β (R. Eliezer); p. Ta c an. 3:9, §4 (Honi the circle-drawer); Exod. Rab. 15(Daniel " s friends in Dan 3:27 ); Pesiq. Rab. 8(the patriarchs); priests (possibly 4Q504–506); cf. " Abot R. Nat. 24 A and Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 40(righteous in general); Gen. Rab. 1(righteous deeds). The expression must have been fairly widespread; Anna considers her son Tobias «the light of my eyes» (Tob 10:5); a source may have been 2Sam 21 (cf. 1 Kgs 11:36; 15:4; 2 Kgs 8:19). In the eschatological time, see Wis 3:7–8 (cf. 5:6); Matt 13:43; Rev 22:5; L.A.B. 26:13; 4 Ezra 7:97; 2 En. 65A; Sipre Deut. 47.2.1–2; b. Sanh. 100a; Lev. Rab. 30:2; Ecc1. Rab. 1:7, §9; Abelson, Immanence, 89, cites Ya1. Ps. 72. Cf. a pagan metaphor for a skillful sophist (Eunapius Lives 495) or heroes (Menander Rhetor 2.11, 419.18–20; Philostratus Hrk. 44.5; 45.5). 3405         1 En. 48(from the Similitudes, alluding to Isa 42:6; 49:6); the eschatological high priest in lQSb 4.27; and Amoraic sources in Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 6:5; Gen. Rab. 1:6; 85:1; Pesiq. Rab. 36:1–2; 37:2; kingship in general in Tg. 1 Chr. SM. 3409 1QH 7.24–25; 4 Bar. 9:3; L.A.B. 12:9; L.A.E. 28:2; T. Zeb. 9(paraphrasing Mai 4:2); PGM 4.1219–1222; perhaps 4Q451, frg. 24, line 7; cf. Sib. Or. 3:285; b. Menah. 88b (late second century); Gen. Rab. 3(third century, citing Ps 104:2 ; also in Exod. Rab. 50:1); Gen. Rab. 59(citing Isa 60:19); Num. Rab. 15:2; Pesiq. Rab. 8(citing Ps 27:1; 119:105 ); 21(citing Isa 60:19); Rev 21:23. In rabbinic texts, this often alludes to the Shekinah (the divine presence, closely connected with his glory, although Urbach, Sages, 1:44–47, disputes Abelson " s view of its physical nuances), e.g., Sipre Num. 41.1.1; b. Ber. 60b; the Shekinah of the first exodus is also depicted as light (e.g., Wis 17; 18:1–3; b. Menah. 86b; Exod. Rab. 14:3).

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Jesus is «taught» by the Father (8:28; cf. 8:26; 5:19–20), and this intimacy with the Father leads to the description of their relationship in 8:29. That the Father dwells with one who is obedient to him (8:29) appears elsewhere in John " s theology, both of Jesus (e.g., 1:1–2,18; 3:2; 16:32) and of his followers (14:15–16,21–22; 15:10); that the Father has not left him alone (8:29; cf. 16:32) reminds Jesus» and John " s audiences that Jesus does not testify of himself without the Father (8:16). Jesus here claims that he always seeks to do what pleases his Father (8:29), 6700 which guarantees the Father " s favor (cf. 1 John 3:22 ). Jewish tradition emphasizes that living in a manner pleasing to God relates to fearing him and avoiding sin, and has reward (ρεστν, Tob 4:21); Wisdom teaches one what is pleasing with God (ερεστον, Wis 9:10); 6701 those who fear him seek his pleasure (εδοκαν, Sir 2:16 ); the righteous are pleasing to God (ερεστος, Wis 4:10). 6702 Jewish stories recount that Michael would not touch Abraham because he always did what was pleasing before God (τ ρεστ, T. Ab. 15:14A); by contrast, the wicked seek to be pleasing to Beliar. 6703 That Jesus provides a model for John " s audience seems likely; in the Johannine Epistles God hears believers because they do those things that are pleasing in his sight (τ ρεστ, parallel with his commandments, 1 John 3:22). It is only after Jesus» self-revelation as divine and subservient to the father (8:28) that many «believe» in him (8:30)–that is, in response to his «word» (8:31, 37, 43, 51). Jesus» statement about his intimacy with the Father in 8directly precedes the public (albeit temporary) faith in 8:30. Unity with the Father and with one another would also provide disciples the best way to reveal to the world the Jesus of the cross, so inviting faith (17:21–23). Yet in this instance, though many responded to Jesus with faith (8:30), it was a faith that would not persevere (8:31,48,59). Their failure to «abide» (8:31) suggests that they were not (or would not be) «sons» (8:35), although the frequency of μνω in this Gospel might warn us against overemphasizing the connection between 8and 35 on this basis alone. 6704 Frequently John mentions that many «believed» in Jesus (2:23; 7:31; 10:42; 11:45; 12:11,42), but at least in many of these cases this faith proves inadequate to persevere for salvation. 6705 John here echoes earlier biblical portraits of human nature in general and perhaps of recipients of God " s revelations in particular; for instance, the Israelites believed when they saw Moses» signs (Exod 4:31), but their faith collapsed when it was challenged (Exod 5:21–23).

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