| 6346 Cf. Michaels, John, 114, denying a double entendre. 6347 Hunter, John, 79; Brown, John, lxxxxv. Given the significance of Galilee in the Gospel, his «remaining» in 7could also then be a double entrendre (cf. 1:38–39; 2:12; 4:40; 10:40; 11:6, 54). 6348 This might be especially the case if the first «yet» (οπω) in 7is a scribal addition (missing in and the easier reading); arguments for this variant " s originality, however, are stronger than often noticed (see Caragounis, «Journey to Feast»). 6349 Essenes vowed not to conceal any secrets from one another (Josephus War 2.141), behavior Josephus regarded as ideal (Ag. Ap. 2.207). 6350 E.g.,Tob 7:10–11; 1Macc 7:18; 1QS 10.22; Let. Aris. 206,252; Josephus Ag.Ap. 2.79; Ps.-Phoc. 7; Sib. Or. 3.38,498–503; Γ. Dan 3:6; 5:1–2; Eph 4:25 . 6351 E.g., Plutarch Educ. 14, Mor. 11C; frg. 87 (in LCL 15:190–191); Diogenes Laertius 1.60; Phaedrus 4.13; Cornelius Nepos 25 (Atticus), 15.1. 6352 E.g., Quintilian 2.17.27; 12.1.38–39; T. Jos. 11:2; 13:7–9; 15:3; 17:1; for war or the service of the state in Xenophon Mem. 4.2.14–15; Seneca Controv. 10.6.2. In the epic period, deception for useful purposes could indicate cleverness (Homer Od. 19.164–203, esp. 19.203; Gen 27:19, 24; 30:31–43 ), though Odysseus " s cleverness (e.g., Sophocles Phi1. 54–55, 107–109, called «wisdom» in 119,431) appears unscrupulous to some (Sophocles Phi1. 1228). 6353 E.g., Exod 1:19; 1Sam 16:2–3; 21:2,5,8,13 ; 2Sam 12:1–7; 17:14; 1 Kgs 20:39–41; 22:22; 2 Kgs 8:10; 2 Chr 18:22; 1er 38:27; probably 2 Kgs 10:19; probably not acceptable in 1 Kgs 13:18. 6354 E.g., t. Ta c an. 3:7–8. 6355 " Abot R. Nat 45, §§125–126 B. 6356 E.g., Phaedrus 4.pro1.8–9; 2Cor 1:17–18 ; on fickleness, Virgil Aen. 4.569–570 (applied to women); Cicero Fam. 5.2.10; Marshall, Enmity, 318–19. 6357 Carson, John, 309, citing Porphyry C. Chr. in Jerome Pelag. 2.17. 6358 E.g., P.Ry1. 174.6–7; P.Lond. 334.6; P.Oxy. 494.31. 6359 Stanton, Jesus, 124; Aune, Environment, 32; e.g., Plutarch Marcus Cato 1.3; Sulla 2.1; Philostratus Hrk. 10.1–5; 34.5; 48.1 (cf. Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xlix). For handsomeness listed as a virtue in biographies, see, e.g., Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 1.2. |
| 5796 One reason listed by ancients for (human) punishment was to teach a criminal not to repeat his crime (Aulus Gellius 7.14.2). Enduring a present evil was also better than facing a worse one (Phaedrus 1.2.30–31), which might be threatened (Homer Od. 18.107). On lameness as a judgment, see t. Ber. 6:3; p. Ber. 9:1, §16; cf. comment on John 9:2 . 5797 Theissen, Stories, 110, cites Epid. inscr. 7. 5798 Cf. Sir 19:13 . One who repents but sins again has not truly repented ( Sir 34:26 ; cf. m. Yoma 8:8–9). 5799 Whitacre, Polemic, 115; pace Bernard, John, 2:402, who wrongly regards the intention as benign in both instances; Beck, Paradigm, 90, sees him as a positive witness, but Metzner, «Geheilte,» is correct that he must be a witness against Jesus (in contrast to the man in John 9 ). Ancient ethics despised ingratitude (e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 81.1,28; Rom 1:21 ; 2Tim 3:2 ; " Abot R. Nat. 46, §128 B). 5800 E.g., p. Meg. 1:6, §2. 5801 Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 18–19. 5802 See CD 10.14–11.18, prohibiting talk of work (10.19) and the lifting of dust (11.10–11); cf. Josephus War 2.147–149, prohibiting even defecation; Jub. 50:1–13 and comments in Finkelstein, Making, 205–11; 4Q251 frg. 1; 4Q265 frg. 7, 1.6–9); those who forgot the Sabbath were apostate (1Q22 7–8; Jub. 1:10). Some argue the Scrolls represent broader Jewish tradition before Akiba (Kimbrough, «Sabbath»), but parallels in Philo may suggest that the more lenient customs, while not universal, predate the Tannaim (see Belkin, Philo, 192–203). 5803 Contrast pagans who associated the Sabbath and fasting (e.g., Martial Epigr. 4.4.7; Suetonius Aug. 76; Strabo 16.2.40), perhaps confusing the Sabbath with Yom Kippur. 5804 See Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 18; idem, Judaism, 367, citing CD 12.3–6. 5805 See Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 22–23,90; idem, Jesus and Judaism, 266. Even among the rabbis, divergent opinions flourished (e.g., t. Šabb. 16:22; b. Šabb. 5b, bar., early second century), including in probably first-century houses-debates (r. Šabb. 16:21; cf. b. Šabb. 18b). |
| 5628 2 Bar. 70:2; 4 Ezra 4:30–32; Gen. Rab. 83:5; Rev 14:15. Cf. Bultmann, John, 197, on the eschatological missionary harvest here. 5629 Cf. also Jub. 25:11; 1 En. 87:2; Exod. Rab. 21(third-century Palestinian tradition); Esth. Rab. 9:1; Pesiq. Rab. 8:5, though the expression becomes much rarer in later than in biblical Hebrew (Diez Merino, «Sintagma»); in other Semitic texts, see, e.g., ANET 132, 151 (AQHT A.5). «Behold» (ιδο) is frequently Semitic (it appears over a thousand times in the LXX) but appears often enough in Koine without Semitic influence (e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 3.24.75; 4.8.31). 5630 Other early Jewish traditions more frequently applied the image to the law (4 Ezra 3:20; 9:31–32; 2 Bar. 32:1; b. Ta c an. 4a; Pesiq. Rab. 3:2). 5633 E.g., Bernard, John, 2:380; MacGregor, John, 113; Michaels, John, 58 (Michaels allows that the saying can be applied in various ways). 5634 With Brown, Community, 188; Witherington, Women, 61; Boers, Mountain, 184–85; Beck, Paradigm, 74, 76. On the level of the Johannine community, Cullmann, Church, 192 (followed by, e.g., Simon, Stephen, 36), suggests that the evangelist refers to Hellenist missionaries advancing the Gentile mission. Harvest was one of the rare activities so urgent as to be done during noonday heat (Virgil Georg. 1.297–298; cf. the «sowing» at noon in 4:6). 5636 Whitacre, John, 112 (mentioning John and Peter; the Philip is a different one–Acts 1vs. Acts 6:5). 5639 Faith in Jesus» «word» is the goal (e.g., 2:22; 4:50; 15:7) but in one sense is normally mediated to prospective believers through believers (17:20). 5641 Homer I1. 9.199–220; Od. 1.118–120, 123–124; 3.345–358; 4.26–36; 9.176; Euripides Cyc1. 125, 299–301; E1. 357–363; Demetrius 3.157. 5642 E.g., Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.4; Cicero Off. 2.18.64; Part. or. 23.80; Ovid Metam. 10.224; Epictetus Diatr. 1.28.23; Socrates Ep. 2; Apuleius Metam. 1.26. 5643 In traditional Middle Eastern cultures today, see Eickelman, Middle East, 234–36; Herzfeld, «Hospitality,» 78–79. |
| 2487 See Witherington, Christology, 265–67. For documentation on various reasons for the «Messianic Secret,» see Keener, Matthew, 261–63. 2488 See full documentation in Keener, Matthew, 378–79; also Eunapius Lives 371–372,468. Suspense was a rhetorical technique (e.g., Cicero Verr. 2.5.5.10–11), possibly relevant to the literary presentation of the secret, though not centra1. 2489 Outside the LXX, Diaspora Judaism rarely used the term, however; even Sib. Or. 2.45 is a Christian interpolation. The most obvious exception would be disputes about «Chrestus» in Rome cited by Suetonius (see above on Gentile backgrounds), but if this refers to Jesus, the title could have been introduced mainly by Christians. 2490 Meeks, Christians, 94; Hooker, Message, 13,65; Ladd, Criticism, 96. 2491 Morris, Romans, 37. 2492 Ladd, Theology, 140–41. 2493 See, e.g., Herlong, «Covenant»; Boismard, Moïse; Glasson, Moses; Teeple, Prophet. Ezra likewise parallels Moses in 4 Ezra (see Knowles, «Moses»). 2494 On the related but distinct portrayal of God as «Father» in ancient Mediterranean sources, see Keener, Matthew, 216–18. 2495 Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 207. 2496 See Jeremias, Prayers, 29–31; idem, Theology, 62, for a breakdown of Jesus» uses of «Father» in various Gospel traditions. 2497 Cf., e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.6–11; 2.8.10–11; 2.19.26–28; Plutarch Pompey 27.3; Plotinus On Virtues, Enn. 1.2.7; Ovid Metam. 8.723–724; cf. Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.232. 2498 E.g., Euripides Andr. 1253–1258; Herodotus Hist. 1.65–66; Cicero Tusc. 1.12.28; 2.7.17; Nat. d. 2.24.62; 3.15.39; Virgil Aen. 7.210–211; Lucan C.W. 9.15–18, 564; Plutarch Lycurgus 5.3; Ovid Metam. 9.16–17. Greek veneration of departed heroes may have begun in the eighth century b.C.E. (Antonaccio, «Hero Cult»). 2499 E.g., Cicero Leg. 3.1.1; Plutarch Profit by Enemies 8, Mor. 90C; Apol1. 36, Mor. 120D; Longinus Subi 4.5; Diogenes Laertius 2.100; 6.2.63; 6.9.104; 8.1.11; 9.7.39. 2500 E.g., Homer II. 2.407; 7.47; 13.295, 802; Od. 3.110; 17.3, 54, 391; 19.456; 20.369; 21.244; cf. also Sophocles Oed. tyr. 298. |
| 4787 «Above» or «the one above» in fact became standard Jewish circumlocutions for God, 4788 as elsewhere in this Gospel (19:11), so birth from above means birth from God. 4789 Birth «from above» conveys the same essential sense as «birth from Spirit» as opposed to fleshly birth: what is merely human is inadequate, and the chasm between divine and human power is infinité. Granted, born νωθεν can mean «born again» rather than or in addition to «born from above»; 4790 but John " s informed audience, familiar with his own usage, will find Nicodemus " s more limited interpretation wanting. Secondary characters sometimes functioned as foils for primary ones in ancient Mediterranean stories, for example, Odysseus " s foolish companions versus Odysseus, who alone would survive (Homer Od. 1.8); similarly, Dionysius of Halicarnassus feels he can best articulate Demosthenes» greatness by contrasting him with others (Demosth. 33). In this passage Nicodemus becomes a foil whose misunderstanding allows Jesus to clarify his point for John " s audience (cf. 14:5,8). 4791 Jesus» words about a rebirth, a transformation of character (3:6) that is an essential prerequisite to understanding the things of the Spirit (3:8; 1Cor 2:10–16 ), are clear enough on their own terms. 4792 Nevertheless, a variety of proposals seeks to explain the broader context within which John " s audience would have understood the expression and could have expected Nicodemus to have understood the expression. 2B. Hellenistic Rebirth Many have proposed a Hellenistic context of some sort. 4793 Plato spoke of a soul being «born again» (πλιν γγνεσθαι), but referred to successive reincarnations. 4794 Some Greek thinkers accepted the idea of reincarnation, 4795 but reincarnation hardly comports well with Johannine eschatology (5:25–30; 6:39–40, 44, 54; 11:24; 12:48). Some have identified the language of rebirth in the Mysteries, which they suppose influenced early Christianity. 4796 Thus, for example, Bultmann admits that «the expression … «born of God»… is not attested in the same form in the mystery religions and Gnosticism,» but nevertheless regards it as beyond doubt that Johannine language derives from such sources! 4797 Yet apart from the language of some of the deities experiencing recuscitation or new birth, 4798 much of the evidence for this language in the Mysteries derives from uninitiated church fathers who read the Mysteries through the grid of Christian experience, 4799 or from texts about the Mysteries reflecting their syncretistic views long after Christianity had become a major competitor for adherents in the Roman world. |
| 7450 2Macc 10:6; probably Gen. Rab. 35:3. The observances were patterned after Sukkoth (2Macc 10:6–8; Sandmel, Judaism, 219). 7452 Noted also by rabbis, e.g., in b. Roš Haš. 18b. Maccabean literature could, however, appear in some Diaspora LXX collections. 7453 Lightfoot, Gospel, 212. Hanukkah was probably originally a celebration of political deliverance (e.g., Abecassis, «Miracle»), though the rabbis stressed the oil miracle (Mailer, «Hanukkah»). 7454 Lightfoot, Gospel, 212; Bowman, Gospel, 40; Bruns, Art, 27; Harrington, People, 104; Moloney, Signs, 147. On Hanukkah " s commemoration of the rededication, see, e.g., Pesiq. Rab. 2:6; 6:1. 7459 He mentions light in 11:9–10, but the connection between 10and 11is less than obvious. Chapter 11 might even fit the context of Passover (11:55; 12:9), though that temporal connection, too, is at best unclear, since Jesus had to return for Passover (12:1). 7460 E.g., Josephus Ant 12.325 (it was called the feast «of lights»); cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:49–50; Schnackenburg, John, 2:305; Wilkinson, Jerusalem, 94. 7461 For Hanukkah lights, see, e.g., m. B. Qam. 6:6. The tradition concerning the miraculous burning of oil for eight days may stem from the Tannaitic period (b. Šabb. 21b, bar.) 7464 Jesus may have been simply moving, but he could also have been lecturing disciples, which was sometimes done walking (see comment on 6:66). 7465 Barnett, Reliable, 63. Barnett also concurs (pp. 64–65) with Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 161, that John " s knowledge of topography was accurate and independent from the Synoptics. 7467 Cf., e.g., Num. Rab. 3:6. Cold winter rains could bury roads deep in mud (m. Ta c an. 1:3; Jeremias, Jerusalem, 58), and the usually dry creek beds (wadis) were filled with water and difficult to cross (cf. Homer I1. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Livy 44.8.6–7; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Herodian 3.3.7); cf. also snow (Alciphron Farmers 27 [Ampelion to Euergus], 3.30, par. 1). In much of the Mediterranean, winter was the rainy season (Hesiod Op. 450), the cold of which kept men from their field work (Hesiod Op. 494; though in Greece this was especially late January to early February, Op. 504–505, which would be irrelevant for December " s Hanukkah in Jerusalem). |
| When Jesus connects obedience with love, biblically literate Jewish hearers would immediately think of the associations between obeying God " s commandments and loving God (Exod 20:6; Deut 5:10; 7:9; 10:12; 11:1, 13, 22; 19:9; 30:16 ; Neh 1:5; Dan 9:4 ; Sir 2:15 ; 4Q176 frg. 16, line 4). Some might also recall wisdom tradition: love (αγπη) is the keeping (τρησις) of Wisdom " s laws (νμων; Wis 6:18). 8736 Jesus speaks of «having» and «keeping» the commandments. Jewish teachers debated whether knowing or doing Torah took precedence, but all agreed that both were necessary (see comment on 7:17). Given the abundance of ancient literature, it is not difficult to find other examples of selective revelation (14:21; cf. Acts 10:41). Thus, for example, Odysseus and the dogs witnessed Athene, but Telemachus could not (Homer Od. 16.159–163); perhaps more relevant, Apollo appears only to the good (who must also be great, not lowly; Callimachus Hymns 2 [to Apollo], 9–10); likewise, on his peoplés behalf, God reveals his glory to all except his people (3Macc 6:18). Some teachers also warned that their most special teachings were only for a select group, like initiates in the Mysteries. 8737 Nevertheless, Jesus» selective revelation (14:21) has roots in the historical Jesus tradition (e.g., Acts 10:41; cf. Mark 8:11–12 ; Matt 16:1, 21). The world is skeptical because Jesus does not manifest himself or his Father to the world (7:4) but only to his own (17:6); this takes the idea of a messianic or kingdom secret to a new (and more chronologically extended) leve1. But on the theological level, Jesus» selective revelation especially conforms to his identity in this Gospel; Wisdom was not manifest (φανερ) to the masses (Wis 6:22); likewise, in wisdom tradition, God becomes manifest (εμφανζεται) to those who do not disbelieve in her (Wis 1:2). 8738 Another allusion might have impressed itself more quickly on John " s first audience, however; as 14echoed Moses» request to be shown the Father, so might Judas " s desire to understand how only the disciples would receive the revelation in 14:22. 8739 |
| 1004 By contrast, the Odyssey, which cannot imply an omniscient narrator since the narrator is Odysseus, must supply other knowledge to Odysseus through conversations with the gods to remain plausible (e.g., Homer Od. 12.389–390). 1005 Hillman, «Statements.» For historians» asides (e.g., Polybius 1.35.1–10; Diodorus Siculus 31.10.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus RA. 7.65.2), see the discussion of Greco-Roman biography and history under the discussion of genre in ch. 1 of the introduction. 1007 The phenomenon spans many cultures; Nagy, «Prologue,» xxxiii-xxxiv, cites a ninth-century Irish epic supposedly recounted to the poet by the deceased hero Fergus. 1008 Isaacs, «Spirit» 406; Boring, Sayings, 85–86. Even ecstatic prophecy could be didactic, of course (Aune, Prophecy, 63, following Nock on didactic oracles). 1010 Käsemann, Testament, 46, is correct that the Spirit is bound to Jesus» word in John. This might suggest that the Paraclete sayings already have in view the schismatics which appear in 1 John. The Spirit-Paraclete may have authenticated the leadership of the Johannine community (Smith, Johannine Christianity, 185); he certainly authenticated their message (1 John 4). 1018 E.g., Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 75–78, thinks that the writer of the Gospel may have drawn on 1 John while composing the Gospe1. Russell " s proposal of 1 John as an introduction to the Johannine literature («Mysteries,» 343) is based on a fanciful parallel with initiation into the Mysteries. More reasonably, Schnelle, Christology, 228, dates John later because he thinks its antidocetic polemic more developed. 1020 E.g., Segovia, Relationships, 21 (citing also Georg Richter and Hartwig Thyen; Jürgen Becker, and R. Schnackenburg). 1023 Ibid., 122, citing John 1:29 . John does not, however, stress Jesus» baptism as a point of revelation, as Brown suggests (p. 119); John omits any reference to Jesus» baptism (1:32–33), probably purposely (cf. Theon Progymn. 5.52–56 on the propriety of narrating more concisely or adding details as necessary). |
| 9571 For bibliography on the Sanhedrin, see Saffai, «Self-Government,» 418 (the section on the Sanhédrin is pp. 379–400). Josephus generally prefers the term συνδριον, «sanhedrin,» «assembly,» in the Jewish Antiquities, and βουλ, «council,» in the Jewish War. The rabbis believed that God supported the decrees of the rabbinic Beth din hagadol, great assembly (Exod. Rab. 15:20), on which Israel rightly depended (Song Rab. 7:3, §1; Lam. Rab. 2:4, §8). 9573 E.g., b. Ber. 3b; Gen. Rab. 74:15; Exod. Rab. 1:13; Pesiq. Rab. 11:3. Some of the «scribes» may have been Pharisees, but Pharisees were not dominant in the Sanhedrin (Brown, Death, 350–52), despite Josephus " s possible favoritism toward them (Josephus Ant. 18.15, 17; cf. Life 1, 12 and Ant. passim; Brown, Death, 353–56). 9575 Cf. Sanders, Figure, 484–87; Josephus War 2.331,336; Ant. 17.160,164; 20.216–217; probably the municipal aristocracy in Ant. 14.91, 163, 167, 180; Life 62. 9580 Brown, Death, 342–43. Levine, Hellenism, 88–90, argues that the Jerusalem Sanhedrin was probably simply an ad hoc group in some texts. 9581 Yamauchi, Stones, 106. Stauffer, Jesus, 118, overestimates their sense of threat at this point when he proposes that the disciples may have gone by different roads to prevent notice (Luke 22:39). 9583 Brown, John, 2:806. Many rivers and wadis in the East fill or overflow during the rainy winter or (sometimes) when winter snows melt in spring (Homer 17. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Livy 44.8.6–7; Herodian 3.3.7; 8.4.2–3; Arrian Alex. 7.21.2). 9588 Lane, Mark, 515. If the press originally belonged to an individual estate rather than a local village, the estate must have been sizeable (cf. Lewis, Life, 127). On the question of the Gethsemane tradition " s historicity, see Green, «Gethsemane,» 268. 9589 Cohn, Trial, 83, though citing a rabbinic tradition that «high priests were wont to engage in undercover activity.» 9592 Passover was a night «watch» (; προφυλακ) for the Lord (Exod 12:42); cf. t. Ketub. 5:5; Lane, Mark, 509; Keener, Matthew, 637. |
| 35 – 36). С нашей точки зрения, это – безусловно, правильная позиция современного исследователя Гомера и, в частности, исследователя его эстетики. Из довольфовской литературы по Гомеру приведем следующие работы: Fr. H. abbé d " Aubignac. Conjectures académiques ou dissertation sur l " Iliade. P., 1925; Дж.Вико. Основания новой науки об общей природе наций. Л., 1940; Ch.Blackwell. Enquiry into the life and writings of Homer. 1735 (немецк. перев. Untersuch. über Homers Leben und Schriften, aus dem Engl. von Joh. Heinr. Voss. L., 1776); R.Wood. Essay on the originalgenius of Homer. L. 1769 (немецк. перев. Versuch ьвег das Originalgenie Homers, aus dem Engl. von Ch.Michaelis, Frankfurt–a. — M., 1773, 1778); Herder. Homer und Epos. Werke. VI Berl. Обзор старых английских работ по Гомеру у D.Foerster. Homer in English Critizism. L., 1947. Большой материал по истории понимания Гомера находим в объемистом томе G.Finsler. Homer in der Neuzeit von Dante bis Goethe. Italien, Frankreich, England, Deutschland. L. u. Berl., 1912. Небольшая статья " Гомеровская философия " в " Философском лексиконе " , т. II, Киев, 1861, имеет некоторое значение для понимания Гомера вследствие разного рода фактов и текстов, приводимых в ней из древности. Историей понимания Гомера в новой литературе занимается А.А.Тахо–Годи " Русские революционные демократы и античность в связи с предшествующим им литературно–эстетическим развитием " . Автореферат диссертац. работы, представленной на соискание ученой степени доктора филолог. наук. М., 1958. Того же автора о воззрениях Белинского на Гомера. " Ученые записки Московского областного педагог. института " , т. 37, 1956, стр. 109 – 144; Герцена – там же, т. 26, стр. 125 сл.; Чернышевского – там же, т. 34, 1955, стр. 164 – 173; Добролюбова – т. 55, 1957, стр. 185. Ср. Asa Tacho–Godi. Die russischen demokratischen Kritiker zu Problemen der antiken Kultur. Belr., 1962. В английской литературе имеются замечательные труды Пэли, в настоящее время почему–то забытые. Другие его труды: F.A.Paley. Homerus Periclis aetate etc. Lond., 1877; Homeri quae nunc exstant an reliqui cycli carminibus antiquiora iure habita sint. Lond., 1878. |
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