| 354 Ibid., 112. To be sure, various written editions are not impossible; the verb tenses in Cornelius Nepos 25 (Atticus), 13–18, may suggest that these chapters are revisions for a second edition. 355 See Feuillet, Studies, 146; Carson, John, 46. Blomberg, Reliability, 45, suggests some «loose weaving together of orally preached material» (following Lindars, Behind; idem, «Discourse and Tradition»; cf. Thatcher, «Riddles in Gospel»). 356 A more reliable indicator would be the different texture of an account, such as perhaps the tragic material about Panthea in Xenophon Cyr. 6.1.31–45; 6.3.11–17; 7.1.29–32; 7.3.3,13–16. 357 More loosely, if one allows for hyperbole and figurative language, one may compare the conflicting claims for Cassandra and Laodice in Homer I1.. 3.124; 13.365–366. Likewise, sleep came on Zeus in Iliad 1.610–611, but 2.2 reports that Zeus could not sleep that night. Cf. perhaps the Muse (Homer Od. 1.1) and Muses (Od. 24.60). 358 Though not completely unheard of. Some ancients also critiqued inconsistencies in Homer; see Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xli-1. 359 Many inconsistencies in Valerius Flaccus " s version of the Argonautica, however, may stem from the work " s unfinished state (Mozley, «Introduction,» viii; the end of book 8 is incomplete). By contrast, Menken, Techniques, 26, 275–77, demands too much precision, as if John counted the number of words or his literary units were always easily discernible; or to a lesser extent, the excessive detection of chiasmus in Ellis, Genius; idem, «Inclusion, Chiasm.» 361 Thus the means of guarding Hector " s body vary between Homer I1. 23.184–191,187 on one hand and 24.18–21 on the other, but they are not beyond harmonization. 362 E.g., Neirynck, «Synoptics»; idem, «Moody Smith»; idem, «Recent Commentaries»; Dowell, «Conflict.» Koester, Introduction 2:178, allows the possibility in the final stage of the Fourth Gospel " s redaction. Cf. Beale, «Daniel,» esp. 144, on evidence for Synoptic as well as pre-Synoptic tradition behind Revelation, the author of which he takes to be John. |
| 8127 Josephus Ant. 3.212. Cf. imperial propaganda, originally intended to preserve a veneer of Romés republic, in which the emperor was merely the princeps, the first among many. 8129 E.g., of Alexander (Arrian Alex. 1.17.12; Valerius Maximus 5.1.extla) or others (Appian R.H. 10.4.24; Cornelius Nepos 1 [Miltiades], 8.4; 8 [Thrasybulus], 2.6; Herodian 1.2.4; Valerius Maximus 5.1, passim). Though Achilles slays many suppliants, the gods require his mercy toward Priam near the Iliad " s end (Homer II. 24.507–508, 665–670; though even here cf. his limits in 24.559–570). 8130 One could praise a «meek» ruler, i.e., a «gentle» one (Babrius 102.3; Valerius Maximus 5.1.ext.la; Menander Rhetor 2.4, 389.8); see further Good, King, 47–49. 8131 " Abot R. Nat. 15A; 29, §§60–62B. Rabbis also praised the humility of Simeon b. Shetah (p. Sanh. 6:6, §2) and others. 8138 " Abot R. Nat. 38A; 41, §11 IB. Whoever exalted himself at the expense of another " s humiliation would not inherit the coming world (an early Amora in Gen. Rab. 1:5). 8150 Cf., e.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Chariton 1.11.3. Freedpersons often gained wealth (Petronius Sat. 38; cf. Lopez Barja de Quiroga, «Mobility»), but advancement of rank normally occurred only with their children (MacMullen, Relations, 105; Finley, Economy, 72), and freedpersons retained responsibilities to former holders (ILS 7558, 7580; cf. Horsley, Documents, 4, §24, pp. 102–3; Dupont, Life, 65–66). 8153 Homer Od. 19.386–389. Ancients sometimes used warm water to relax weary limbs (Pindar Nem. 4.4). 8155 Jesus probably poured more water from a pitcher over the feet into the basin, as was practiced in traditional Mediterranean handwashing, sometimes by servants (Homer I1. 9.174; Od. 1.136–138, 146; 2.260–261; 3.338; 4.52–54, 216; 12.336; 21.270; Apollodorus 2.7.6; Athenaeus Deipn. 9.408CD; 2 Kgs 3:11). 8156 Pesce and Destro, «Lavanda,» cite slaves washing guests» feet with a linen cloth (λντιον, as in 13:4–5) in Aesop " s Romance. 8157 Some suggest that the image provides a deliberate contrast to the ancient image of a wrestling belt (Levine, «Symbolism»); a servant does not vie for power but relinquishes it. Beasley-Murray, John, 233, following Billerbeck 2:557, cites evidence for this as a slave posture (Abraham tying Hagar " s shawl around her loins in Genesis Rabbah); more evidence, however, is necessary. |
| 4068 A bat qol was, of course, open to challenge, particularly on halakah: p. Móed Qat. 3:1, §6; Kadushin, Mind, 261–63; texts in Hill, Prophecy, 34 (though cf. p. Sotah 7:5, §5). 4070 Theon Progymn. 5.52–56. This embarrassment is often held as one guarantee of its historicity; see Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 11; Jeremias, Theology, 45; Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:100–5; Stanton, Gospel Truth, 164–66; pace Bultmann, Tradition, 251. 4071 Satterthwaite, «Acts,» 345, cites in this respect Lucian Hist. 56–57; Cicero De or. 3.27.104–105; 3.53.202–203; Quintilian 8.4; Longinus Subi 11–12; cf. Lucian Hist. 6. 4073 Ancient cosmologies differed considerably from our own; many Greeks held the upper heavens to be purer than lower regions (e.g., Plato Phaedrus 248AB; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.27, 31; Philo Flight 62; cf. Aristotle Heav. 1.2, 268bl l-269al9), Romans located gods there (Ovid Metam. 1.168–176), and Jewish apocalypses report God " s throne there (2 En. 20:1–3; 3 En. 1:2; T. Levi 2–3; b. Hag. 12b-13a; Rev 4:2–5; see esp. Lincoln, Paradise). 4074 For their function in Neo-Assyrian treaty making, see Begg, «Doves»; for peace and harmlessness, see, e.g., Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 6.12.2. 4075 Πελες in Aelian 11.27, perhaps referring to the oracle at Dodona (cf. Dodonás doves in Herodotus Hist. 2.57). A dove functions as a decoy in Aelian 13.17; birds often functioned as omens (e.g., Homer II 10.274–275). Doves could also function as carriers (Homer Od. 12.62–63). 4076 Doves often appear with grapes in Jewish art (Goodenough, Symbols, 1:156–57), but an implicit link with 15on this basis would be extremely improbable. 4077 The dove could represent Aphrodite (Plutarch Isis, Mor. 379D; Ovid Metam. 13.673–674; Statius Thebaid 5.58,63; Helen or her daughters in Lycophron Alex. 86–87,103; for Athene disguising herself as a bird, see Homer Od. 3.371–372; 22.239–240), was sacred in some Syrian religion (Lucian Syr. d. 54, in Grant, Religions, 119), and in artwork often symbolized the realm of a goddess, which was transferred to wisdom and hence to the Spirit in later Christian art (Schroer, «Geist»). For a survey of uses in pagan art, see Goodenough, Symbols, 8:27–37; for Christian material, 8:37–41, and other Jewish material, 8:41–46. |
| 7082 E.g., Plato Cratylus 41 ID and passim; Livy 1.43.13; Aulus Gellius 1.25; 2.21; 3.18; 5.7; Apollodorus 1.7.2; 2.5.10; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.15, 31. This continued despite the recognition that words changed in meaning over time (Aulus Gellius 4.9). For plays on peoplés names, see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.62; 5.340, 423; 16.145–147; 19.275, 407–409; Aelian Farmers 7 (Dercyllus to Opora) and 8 (Opora to Dercyllus); Alciphron Fishermen passim; Athenaeus Deipn. 9.380b; Phlm 10–11 . Philós use (sometimes indicating weak knowledge of Hebrew; Hanson, «Etymologies») differed considerably from rabbinic etymologies (Grabbe, Etymology). 7083 E.g., Demosthenes Ep. 3.28; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.55; 6.2.68; for discussion in the rhetorical handbooks, see Anderson, Glossary, 59–60 (cf. also 81–82). Some were intended for amusement (Suetonius Gaius 27). 7086 E.g., lQpHab 12.1–10; see Lim, «Alteration.» Revocalizing the consonants was common (Sipre Deut. 357.5.11; see Jub. 26:30; Brownlee, «Jubilees,» 32); for later rabbis, multiple meanings for single referents were certainly not problematic (b. Ber. 55b; Pesiq. Rab. 14:6; 21:6). 7090 Homer Od. 6.207–208; 14.57–58. For charity among Gentiles, see, e.g., Publilius Syrus 274; Cornelius Nepos 5 (Cimon), 4.1–2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 12.1.7; cf. Hesiod Op. 354 (give to the generous); giving to beggars in Seneca Controv. 10.4.intro. 7092 Hom. Od. 17.347, 578. Few, however, took this practice as far as the Cynics (see, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 3.22.10; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.46, 56, 59; 10.119; cf. 2.82), often to others» disdain (Diogenes Laertius 10.119); for priests of Isis or Cybele, see, e.g., Babrius 141.1–6; Phaedrus 4.1.4–5; Valerius Maximus 7.3.8 (also often to others» disdain, Syr. Men. 262–277). 7095 Cf. perhaps also the implied disgrace in Musonius Rufus 11, p. 80.19, 21. Merely pretending to be in need leads to judgment in Abot R. Nat. 3 A. 7096 E.g., the same epideictic function in Chariton 5.4.1–2 (emphasizing Callirhoés beauty); Xenophon Eph. 1.2. |
| e tego nauczai Oycowie Koscioa aciskiego: Hilariusz, Ambroy, Augustyn, Leon i inni, znaiomo iest Rossyanóm. Dla czegó wic Koseio Rossyiski miaby brydzi si iednosci z tymi, kfóry tego nauczai i wyznai, co przyiy i pochwaliy powszechne zbory i Oycowie, od obydwoch Koscioów szanowani? Któ moe wzbroni wyznawa ustami, co sercem wieremy? zwaszcza i i aciski Koseio Grekóm, z sob poczonym i iednego z nim wzgldem tego artykuu rozumienia bdcym, czyta symbou podug swoiego zwyczaiu bez sowa i Syna nie przeszkadza. Potrzecie: Rozczenie si Greckiego i aciskiego Koscioów nie od tego artykuu ma swóy pocztek – w listach Michaa Cerulariusza, Leona Akridana i Leona IX., ani iednego o pochodzeniu Ducha S. nie znayduie si sowa – nawet Piotr, patryarcha Antyocheski, w liscie do Dominika Gradeskiego, nie t wspomnionego rozczenia si kadzie przyczyn, lecz wyraa, i Cerulariusz nagania iedynie u acinników nauk o przasnikach – i w reczy samey Cerulariusz, takowego rozczenia naczelnik, zaruca iedynie acinnikóm nauk o przasnym Chlebie, niespiewanie w wielkim poscie Alleluia i inne tym podobne rzeczy. – Na takto maym fundamencie Cerulariusz, bez wszelkiego processu, bez suchania stron, bez wadzy zboru, sam z niewiel podrdnemi sobie biskupami, osmieli si odczy od iednosci koseielney Rymskiego biskupa i cay Zachód, iednego z nim zwyczaiu trzymaicy si! Pisze o tem ze skromnosci sam Rymski biskup Leon IX, wystawuic przykad owey prawdziwey u Salomona matki, która syna swoiego rosci nie dozwolia, i dodaic: e rozmaito zwyczaiów, podug rozmaitosci micysc i czasu, nic do zbawienia wiernych nie przeszkadza, ieeli iedna wiara w miosci dobre uczynki ile moe petnica, przed iedynym ich zaleca Bogiem. I takowy by pocztek rozdziau Greków iako i Rossyan od aciskiego Koscioa. Z owych smutnych czasów, wielka i ciga bole o braci naszey serca nasze drczy. Nie wspominaic o tych staraniach, które Koscio Rymski w rozmaitych czasach podeymowa ku zniszczeniu takowego lubo nie od niego pochodzcego rozdziau, to iedynie wyzna naley, i nic bardziey nie damy iako ziednoczenia, i niczem bardziey si nie brydziemy iak rozdziaem. |
| Na czem e wic zaley nasza w tem yciu szczsliwo? – Zaiste, czowiek iako istota zmyslna, bez zaspokoienia nieuchronnych potrzeb ciaa obey si nie moe; inaczey cierpia by, a cierpic nieszczsliwym bydz by musia. – Lecz iako przymioty ciaa nieskczenie s nisze od przymiotów duszy; tak te powinnismy naybardziey stara si o ukrztacenie wadz naszjch umysowych, o ukrztacenie rozumu. Przez rozum wznosiemy si nad zwierta, a przez iego ukrztacenie nad podobnych sobie ludzi. Zayrzyimy tylko do dzieiów swiata, a zobaezemy t nieskczon rónic, ktora oddziela grubych barbaryców od oswieconych ludów, dawnych i teraznieyszych czasów. Porównaymy skutki ciemnoty ze skutkami podniesioney Edukacyi, a przystaniemy, e ukrztacenie rozumu, do Szczsliwosci naszey koniecznie iest potrzebnym. Jeeli iednak co przyczynia si do dobra naszego; ieeli co iest srodkiem prowadzcym do tego podanego od wszystkich celu; ieeli co moe nas doprowadzi do Szczsliwosci: Spokoyno umysu iest caem dobrem, iest ca szczsliwosci, którey czowiek w tem yciu dostpi moe. Ona iest czyst roskosz, duszy prawdziwie cnotliwey; ona iest iakby zwierciadem owego szczscia, które w przyszosci iest dla nas przeznaczonym. Mie wic zaspokoione konieczne potrzeby ciaa; bydz uwolnionym od dolgliwosci cigle ludzi trapicych; ukrztaci rozum stosownie do iego wielkiego przeznaczenia; stara si nakoniec o spokoyno umysu, wypenieniem obowizków woonych na nas przez Religi i przyzwoit Zwierzchno; oto iest czego powinna da istota rozumem obdarona, oto iest za czem prawdziwy Chrzescianin w tem yciu ubiega si powinien! W reczy samey,iest to obraz zupeny doczesney szczsliwosci: wicey nadto pragn, byoby raczey znakiem skaonego namitnosciami serca, iak rozumu przez natur prowadzonego. – Lecz moe czowiek nawet co do tych reczy bydz zupenie zaspokoionym; moe si ktokolwiek z nas pochlubi e iest zupenie szczsliwym? O! zacni Suchacze, iak daleko iestesmy od tego celu za którym cigle si ubiegamy! Serce nam to powiada, a doswiadczenie niezliczonymi stwierdza przykadami. |
| 10172 4 Macc 15:30; Aristotle Po1. 3.2.10, 1277b; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 4.82.3; 6.92.6; Diodorus Siculus 5.32.2; 10.24.2; Livy 2.13.6; 28.19.13; Appian R.H. 2.5.3; 7.5.29; Iamblichus V.P. 31.194. Some philosophers held that women were capable of courage (Musonius Rufus 4, p. 48.8 and that philosophy improved women " s courage (3, p. 40.33–35). 10173 2Macc 7:21; 4 Macc 15:23; 16:14; Diodorus Siculus 17.77.1; 32.10.9; Apuleius Metam. 5.22. «Courage» is literally «manliness» (e.g., 1Macc 2:64; Aristotle E.E. 3.1.2–4, 1228ab; Dio Cassius 58.4.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.45.6; 40.3.6; Theon Progymn. 9.22; Crates Ep. 19; Chariton 7.1.8). 10174 E.g., Homer I1. 7.96; 8.163; 11.389; 16.7–8; Virgil Aen. 9.617; 12.52–53; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.7.2; 10.28.3; Diodorus Siculus 12.16.1; 34/35.2.22; Aulus Gellius 17.21.33; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.46; cf. an unarmed man in Homer I1. 22.124–125; an effeminate man in Aristophanes Lys. 98. 10176 Mothers (Homer I1. 22.79–90,405–407; Euripides Supp1. 1114–1164) mourned sons; see especially a mother " s mourning the death of the son who would have solaced her in old age (e.g., Virgil Aen. 9.481–484; Luke 7:12–13). 10177 It may support an identification with the disciple of 18:15–16. The disciple perhaps departs in 19:27, «to his own» (Michaels, John, 319). 10178 Hoskyns, «Genesis,» 211–13; Ellis, Genius, 271; cf. Peretto, «Maria.» The specific meaning in Rev 12 is clearer, but even there the mariological reading is unclear unless one resorts to subsequent tradition; cf., e.g., Keener, Revelation, 313–14, 325–27. 10180 Cf. Moloney, «Mary.» Boguslawski, «Mother,» sees this new «eschatological family» confirmed by the coming of the Spirit in 19:30. 10183 Witherington, Women, 95. Cf. Jesus» mother as an example of discipleship also in Seckel, «Mère.» 10184 For care of parents in their old age, see P.Enteux. 26 (220 B.C.E.); Hierocles Parents 4.25.53; Diogenes Laertius 1.37; Quintilian 7.6.5; Sir 3:16 ; Gen. Rab. 100:2. Some texts view such care as «repayment» of parents (Homer Ii. 4.477–478; 17.302; 1Tim 5:4 ; possibly Christian interpolation in Sib. Or. 2.273–275). More generally on honor of parents, see comment on 2:4. |
| 6/19 мая 1900 г. В субботу пароход «Homer» с епископом Тихоном на борту отправился из Сан-Франциско к Прибыловым островам в Беринговом море. «Северная Компания отвела для Владыки на Homer-e отдельную каюту: каюта очень маленькая, в ней помещаются только висячая кровать, умывальник да табурет. Вообще устройство парохода не комфортабельное. В столовую спускаются прямо по каким-то крюкам, вбитым в наружные стены кают. Владыке, впрочем, носили пищу в его каюту. Начальство и прислуга были внимательны и обязательны. Тотчас по выходе из С.-Франциско поднялся сильный ветер и качка. Пришлось Преосвященному целые сутки пролежать и поболеть. «Чистило даже желчью; неприятно, конечно, но, говорят, небесполезно», – замечает Его Преосвященство. Потом попривыкли все, и желудки путешествующих выдерживали всякие штормы. Погода по большей части стояла ветреная. Большую часть времени приходилось Владыке читать. Его Преосвященством было взято много книг, думалось, что хватит на всю дорогу, а оказалось, что их едва хватило до Уналашки» 247 . 20 мая/2 июня 1900 г. «Homer» пришел в Уналашку в 8 часов утра. 21 мая/3 июня 1900 г. В воскресенье Тихон отслужил литургию в Вознесенской церкви и сказал поучение о послушании пастырям, также посетил миссионерскую школу «Священника О. Иоанна Вениаминова». 24 мая/6 июня 1900 г. В 11 ч. утра «Homer» пошел к острову Св. Георгия (сутки хода от Уналашки). «Селение 248 на острове св. Георгия ранее было приписано к Уналашкинскому приходу, а здесь была часовня. Теперешняя церковь построена в 1875 г.; ныне она отремонтирована и высматривает чисто и красиво. Священником (третьим по счету с 1882 года) состоит с 1898 года о. Петр Кашеваров, получает 452 дол. 249 и паек 1-го класса от промыслов котикового и песцового (дол. 150), также несколько тонн угля, от Правительства обещано на несколько долларов в месяц провизии (на о«строве». Павла она уже выдается). О. Кашеваров усердно относится к своему делу; он имеет влияние на прихожан, и они им очень довольны. Владыка наградил его набедренником за заботы о благоустроении прихода и за научение детей Закону Божию» 250 . |
| 10305 E.g., Polybius 6.53; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.96.1; Apuleius Metam. 2.27; Herodian 4.2.2; Philostratus Hrk. 51.13; 1Macc 2:70; Josephus Ant. 9.166; 13.406; Mart. Po1. 17. 10306 Theon Progymn. 9.4–5; cf. Josephus Ant. 4.320; b. Sabb. 153a; Gen. Rab. 100:2; Ecc1. Rab. 7:12, §1; 9:10, §3. 10307 E.g., Homer I1. 23.65–71; Od. 11.71–76; 21.363–364; 22.476; Euripides Herac1. 588–590; Hec. 47–50; Phoen. 1447–1450; Supp1. passim; Diodorus Siculus 15.35.1; Philostratus Hrk. 19.7; it was necessary to enter the netherworld (Homer I1. 23.71; Virgil Aen. 6.365–366; Heliodorus Aeth. 6.15). Many Greek philosophers constituted notable exceptions (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 92.35; Epictetus Diatr. 4.7.31; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.79; Stowers, Letter Writing, 142–43), though even their own disciples often disobeyed their instructions (Socratics Ep. 14; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.78). 10312 Requesting an official for a burial place, because the official controls the land (4 Bar. 7:14), is not an adequate analogy. 10313 E.g., Homer I1. 17.126–127, 255, 272; Sophocles Ant. 21–30, 697; Euripides Phoen. 1627–1630, 1650; Virgil Aen. 9.485; Diodorus Siculus 16.16.4; 18.67.6; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.21.8; 4.40.5–6; 6.9.4; 20.16.2; Appian R.H. 12.8.52; 12.16.107; C.W. 1.8.73; Lucan C.W. 2.166–168; 7.825–835; Lysias Or. 19.7, §152; Thucydides 1.138.6; Seneca Controv. 1.7.2; 8.4.intr.; Suetonius Aug. 13; Valerius Maximus 1.4.2; Apol1. Κ. Tyre 50; Iamblichus V.P. 35.252; Philostratus Hrk. 21.6; Herodian 1.13.6; 8.8.7; Chariton 1.5.25; 1 En. 98:13; 2Macc 13:7; for executions in Rome, see sources in Rapske, Custody, 14. Sometimes the prohibition of honorable burial by free persons did not exclude burial altogether (carried out by slaves; Cornelius Nepos 19 [Phocion],4.4). 10314 Euripides Phoen. 1631–1634; m. Sanh. 6:6; cf. Josephus Ant. 9.104. Jewish aristocrats apparently felt that even relatives should withhold mourning when those destroyed were wicked (Josephus Ant. 4.53); but it was normally considered heartless to forbid mourning (Cicero Pis. 8.18), and to die unmourned was a cruel fate (Ovid Tristia 3.3.45–46). Contrast public mourning for heroes (e.g., Lysias Or. 2.66, §196; Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.1.565) and expenses lavished for an official or person of wealth (Cicero Fam. 4.12.3; Statius Silvae 2.1.157–162; Alex. K. Tyre 26; disapproved in Iamblichus V.P. 27.122–123). |
| 3255 E.g., Sophocles Searchers 212–215 (Sei. Pap. 3:44–45); Euripides Antiope 69–71; Pirithous 22–24 (Sei. Pap. 3:124–125); Virgil Aen. 1.28; Ovid Metam. 2.714–747; 3.1–2, 260–261; 4.234–244; 5.391–408; 10.155–219; 14.765–771; Achilles Tatius 1.5.5–7; Apuleius Metam. 6.22; Apollodorus 3.8.2. On very rare occasions a mortal escaped, outwitting the deity (Apollonius of Rhodes 2.946–954). 3257 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.244–246,275; Athenagoras 20–22; Theophilus 1.9; Ps.-Clem. 15.1–19.3. 3258 E.g., Euripides Bacch. 94–98; Appian R.H 12.15.101; Ovid Metam. 3.261–272, 280–309; 4.416–530. 3259 E.g., Euripides Hipp. 1–28,1400–1403 (because deities desire honor, Hipp. 8); Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64–65. 3263 E.g., Ovid Tristia 1.2.4–5. Even if Homer authored both the Iliad and the Odyssey, it remains noteworthy that the former portrays a much less harmonious pantheon; later Roman sources (e.g., the Aeneid) also portray their deities more favorably than the Iliad. 3264 Odysseus in Euripides Cyc1. 606–607. In prayer, pagans often piled up as many names of the deity they were entreating as possible (e.g., Homer I1. 1.37–38, 451–452; 2.412; PGM 4.2916–2927; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus; more restrained, ILS 190) and reminded a deity of favors owed, seeking an answer on contractual grounds, as many ancient texts attest (e.g., Homer Il. 1.39–41; 10.291–294; Od. 1.61–62,66–67; 4.762–764; 17.240–242; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.417–419; Virgil Aen. 12.778). 3265 E.g., Pliny Nat. 2.5.17; Seneca Dia1. 7.26.6; Nat. 2.44.1–2.45.1; Maximus of Tyre Or. 5.1; 35.1. 3268 Cf., e.g., Diogenes Laertius 7.1.134, 148; Seneca Nat. 1.pref.13. Pantheism was also more widespread (cf. Virgil Georg. 4.221–222, 225; Aeschylus frg. 34, from Clement of Alexandria Stromata 5.14, p. 718; Aeschylus LCL 2adds Philodemus On Piety 22). 3270 Frequently, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 2.1.25; cf. the identification also in Ps-Aristotle De mundo (according to Grant, Gods, 78). 3271 E.g., Chariton 3.3.16; Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351DE; T. T. 8.2.4, Mor. 720A. Cf. Plato Alcib. 1.124C: Socrates spoke of his guardian (επτροπος) as θες. |
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