| 6408 Duke, Irony, 73. 6409 Sophocles Ajax 185; Ant. 955–965; similarly being detained by a deity, P.Lond. 23.5–35; 42.9–13; Nilsson, Piety, 172. Cross-cultural anthropological studies indicate hyperarousal and changes in brain activity during possession trances (Goodman, Demons, 20, 126; cf. further examples in Goodman, Henney and Pressel, Trance). 6410 E.g., Homer Od. 18.15,406; 19.71; much less seriously, cf. 23.166,174,264. Crowds were not always as respectful as teachers would like (e.g., Eunapius Lives 460; Acts 2:13); here some are degrading though not yet fully hostile. 6411 Aune, Environment, 56. Boring et a1., Commentary, 283, cites Porphyry De abstinentia 2.42, although this may betray the influence of Christian ideas. 6412 E.g., PGM 1.80–81, 88–90, 164–166, 181–185, 252–253; 2.52–54; 1 En. 65:6; LA.B. 34:2–3; Ascen. Isa. 2:5; b. Sanh. 67b; cf. CD 12.2–3 (false prophets); T. Jud. 23:1; Irenaeus Haer. 1.13.3–4; Aune, Prophecy, 45. Some pagans felt that particular deities enabled magic (cf. Graf, «Initiation»); the use of angels became dominant in medieval Jewish «good» magic (Fass, «Angels»). 6413 See PGM 5.107–109; 13.345; Gager, «Magician»; idem, Moses, 134–61; on God as magician in some late Jewish sources, see Hayman, «Magician.» 6414 Much Jewish teaching condemned magic, e.g., Exod 22:18; Deut 18:10, 14 ; Wis 17:7; Jub. 48:9; 1 En. 65:6; L.A.B. 34; Ps.-Phoc. 149; Ascen. Isa. 2:5; 2 Bar. 60:2; 66:2; m. Sanh. 7:11; Sipra Qed. pq. 6.203.2.2; b. Sanh. 65b-66a, bar.; 67b; Sebu. 15b; p. Hag. 2:2, §5; Roš Haš 3:8, §1. 6415 E.g., Apuleius Metam. 2.5; Smith, Magician, 75–76; Theissen, Stories, 239–42 (though some regard them as charlatans, e.g., Plato Rep. 2.364BC; Plutarch Bride 48, Mor. 145C). 6416 Nevertheless, in late antiquity many Jews increasingly practiced magic or used amulets to defuse it (e.g., PGM 4.1222, 3040–3041; 13.815–818; CIJ 2:62–65, §819; 2:90f, §849; for more detail, see Jacobson, «Vision»; Isbell, «Story»; Kotansky, «Amulet»; Schäfer, «Magic Literature»; Goodenough, Symbols, 2:153–295; 12:58–63; in the rabbis, cf. " Abot R. Nat. 25A; b. Sanh. 65b; Goldin, «Magic»), as did many Christians in a later period (Gitler, «Amulets»). Pagans also incorporated Jewish elements (e.g., PGM 1.298–305; 4.2355–2356; Deissmann, Studies, 321–36). |
| В более позднее время как в христ., так и в иудейском толковании Книги пророка Амоса тема грядущего суда и критика социальной ситуации постепенно уступают место теме спасения, предсказанного в конце Книги. Слова о восстановлении падшей скинии Давида в Кумранской общине были отнесены к «воинственному Мессии» и «Исследователю Закона» (4QFlor 1. 12f.). Критика существующего культа (Ам 5. 21-23) и почитания идолов (Ам 5. 26-27) толковалась ессеями, с одной стороны, как приговор, вынесенный иерусалимскому священству, с др.- как оправдание и обетование «общине нового Завета в земле Дамаска» (CD 6. 5, 19; 8. 21). В НЗ дважды встречаются ссылки на слова А.: в речи первомученика Стефана как доказательство отпадения народа Израиля от Бога и служения идолам (Деян 7. 42-43 цит. Ам 5. 25-27); св. ап. Иаков в своей речи на Иерусалимском соборе апостолов (Деян 15. 16-17) обетованием о восстановлении скинии Давидовой (Ам 9. 11-12) оправдывает необрезанных обращенных из язычников и предлагает не затруднять их путь к Богу, ведь между «всеми народами должно возвеститься имя Господа» (по LXX). Определенное сходство богословских тем (обличение богатых) можно найти в Послании св. ап. Иакова (Иак 2. 1-9; 5. 1-6 и др.). В дальнейшем в интерпретации Книги пророка Амоса акцент переносится на толкование предсказаний о грядущем суде (Ам 5. 6, 14-15) и обетовании о спасении (Ам 9. 11-15), к-рые нашли свое исполнение в Иисусе Христе. Блж. Августин изображает А. как того, кто пророчествовал о Христе и Церкви (5. 8; 9. 11-12; De civ. Dei. XVIII 28). В истории тринитарных споров большую роль сыграло патристическое толкование слов: «Ибо вот Он, Который образует горы и творит ветер, и объявляет человеку намерения его, утренний свет обращает в мрак и шествует превыше земли; Господь Бог Саваоф - имя Ему» (Ам 4. 13). Вариант этого текста в Септуагинте (слав. «Возвещаяй в человецех Христа Своего» (τν Χριστν Ατο)) использовался для обоснования учения о различии Сына и Отца ( Tertull. Adv. Prax. 28). Св. Григорий Богослов видел в этой фразе прежде всего указание на со-трудничество Отца и Сына в поддержании порядка сотворенного мира (Or. 30. 11). Св. Афанасий Великий использовал этот стих как доказательство против сторонников патр. Македония I, отрицавших божественность Св. Духа. Св. Афанасий не видел в тварном «ветре» (πνεμα) указание на Св. Духа, т. к. в Свящ. Писании используется определенный артикль, если речь идет о Третьем Лице Св. Троицы (Ep. Serap. 1. 3; De Sp. St. II 6). Св. Амвросий Медиоланский также считал, что в Ам 4. 13 речь идет не о Третьем Лице Св. Троицы, а о «громе» воплощения, о сыновьях грома (братьях Господних) и о небесном гласе Бога во время Крещения Господа (De Sp. St. II 6. 48, 54-57). |
| 9406 For parallels, see, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 300; Schnackenburg, John, 3:167; Brown, John, 2:740. 9407 E.g., Holwerda, Spirit, 15–16; Käsemann, Testament, 19; comment on 12:23; 13:31–32. Both the emphasis on the cross and and that on préexistent glory refute Smith " s comparison with a magical text (PGM 7.504; Magician, 132). 9408 E.g., Diodorus Siculus 34/35.12.1; Epictetus Diatr. 3.26.22; sources in Brown, Death, 946–47; Davies, Paul, 284. 9409 Morris, John, 721. 9410 Käsemann, Testament, 50. 9411 Writers could employ prayers in response to oracles, like oracles themselves, to foreshadow a narrativés direction (e.g., Xenophon Eph. 5.1). 9412 Cf. Beasley-Murray, John, 294. 9413 Isa 5:16; 29:23; Ezek 38:23; 39:7, 27 ; 1QM 11.15; 4Q176 frg. 12–13, co1. 1, line 15 (Wise, Scrolls, 234); see also the Kaddish. 9414 Jub. 25:11. 9415 E.g., 2 Bar. 5:2. 9416 See Carson, Discourse, 178–79. 9417 Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:7 (R. Judah bar R. Simon). For God «glorifying» Israel, cf. also Tg. Isa. 1:2; he both «sanctified» and «glorified» them in Tg. Isa. 5(cf. John 17:17, 19 ). 9418 E.g., Gen 6:3, 12–13 ; Num 16:22 ; Ps 78:39; 145:21 ; Isa 40:5–6; 49:26; Jer 25:31; 45:5 ; Ezek 20:48; 21:4–5 ; Rom 3:20 ; Jub. 25:22; 1QS 11.9; CD 1.2; 2.20; 1QH 13.13,16; 1QM 12.12; 4Q511 frg. 35, line 1 (probably); Sir 28:5 ; T. Jud. 19:4; T. Zeb. 9:7; T. Ab. 7:16B; Γ. Job 27:2/3. It also can include animals (e.g., Gen 9:16 ; Num 18:15 ; Ps 136:25 ; Jub. 5:2). Smith suggests an Isaian allusion, such as to Isa 40(John 310), though «all flesh» is also common in Gen 6–9 and somewhat in Ezekie1. 9419 E.g., Bel and the Dragon 5. 9420 The Father also delegates some authority to others (see 19:11), but no such statement is comparable to the kinds of authority the Gospel attributes to Jesus. Reigning under God ( Gen 1:26 ; Dan 7:14 ) is qualitatively different from the reign depicted for Jesus here; on the early Christian portrait of Jesus sharing God " s sovereignty in a way granted to not even the highest angels, see Bauckham, God Crucified, 28–29. |
| 5065 The subject in 3could be the Father; Jesus» gift contrasts with that of Jacob in 4:5,12 and with that of Moses in 6:31–32 (cf. 1:17; 7:19, 22). 5066 1:22; 9:24; 11:57; 12:5; 13:29; 19:9. The world «gives» Jesus only blows (18:22; 19:3). 13may extend the divine predestinarian use of «give» (e.g., 10:29) to Jesus (cf. 21:13), but this is less than absolutely clear. 5067 ; 28LXX; 28:8,11, 52,53; 30LXX; 30:20; 31:7; 31LXX; 32:49; 34:4; cf. 2:5,9,19. This represents a majority of the occurrences of δδωμι in Deuteronomy (also frequent in Exodus, e.g., 6:4, 8; 12:25; 13:5; 33:1; and elsewhere). 5068 E.g., Josephus Ant. 4.318; notably among the rabbis, who emphasized Torah (Sipre Deut. 32.5.10; b. Ber. 5a; Ned. 38a; p. Hag. 3:5, §1; Exod. Rab. 1:1; Lev. Rab. 35:8; Num. Rab. 19:33). 5069 Strikingly, moralists could recommend being discriminating in choosing to whom to give gifts; they should not be given randomly to anyone (Seneca Benef. 1.1.2). 5071 E.g., Burkert, Religion, 74–75; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 118,147–48. Traditional African religions rarely speak of God " s love; but as in African relations, love is more something to demonstrate than to speak about (Mbiti, Religions, 49). 5072 E.g., Homer Il. 1.86; 5.61; 22.216. Occasionally this is explicitly tied to their sacrifices (Homer Il. 24.66–68). 5074 Goodenough, Church, 10. For Isis, cf. P.Oxy. 1380.109–110 in Griffiths, «Isis»; for Thoeris, see P.Oxy. 3.528.5–6 (also cited by Grant, Paul, 110). 5075 E.g., CD 8.17; " Abot R. Nat. 36, §94B; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 9(attributed to R. Ishmael); Gen. Rab. 80(third century); Exod. Rab. 18:5; 38(attributed to an early Tanna); 51:4; Song Rab. 8:7, §1; cf. Goshen Gottstein, «Love.» 5076 Cohen, «Shekhinta»; cf. Pesiq. Rab. 8:5; Bonsirven, Judaism, 5, 18. See also Ayali, «Gottes,» though Hadrianic repression is a better catalyst for its emergence in the early period than Christian polemic; immutability was long a Greek doctrine, and polemic against Origen in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 15 (so Manns, «Polémique») is unlikely. Cf. Judg 10:16 ; Isa 63:9; Hos 11:8 . |
| 3897 Philo Dreams 2.242–243; Worse 117 (the «fountain of divine wisdom»); Flight 166; see Knox, Gentiles, 87–88; Argyle, «Philo,» 386. Cf. 1QS 10.12, in a hymn that speaks of God as the , the «fountain of knowledge and the spring of holiness»; rabbinic Hebrew uses «fountain» and «spring» also with reference to issuing from the womb, but the image here is more likely for the source of water; cf. further 1QS 3.19; 11.3, 5, 6–7; probably CD 3.16–17. Arabic and Syriac A Ahiqar 1(ed. Charles, 2:726–27) compares a father " s instruction to bread and water. 3900 M. «Abot 1(attributed to a pre-Tannaitic sage); 2(attributed to ben Zakkai, though the form is heavily redacted); Mek. Vay. l:74ff.; Bah. 5(allegorizing OT on water); Sipre Deut. 48.2.7; 306.19.1; 306.22–25; »Abot R. Nat. 18 A; cf. b. Ta c an. 7a; B. Qam. 17a, 82a; Gen. Rab. 41:9; 54:1; 69:5; 70:8–9; 84:16; 97:3; Exod. Rab. 47(and bread); Song Rab. 1:2, §3; Origen Comm. Jo., 13.26–29. 3901 R. Akiba in Sipre Deut. 48.2.7; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 24:9; Tg. Neof. on Num 21:18–20 ; cf. Belleville, «Born,» 130, arguing that the rabbis used a well as a symbol of Torah more than they used water in general, to bolster her argument that the water of John 3is not Torah. 3903 E.g., Gen. Rab. 71:8; see further Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 163ff. Nevertheless, Jesus the Word never appears as «water» in the Fourth Gospel, but only as its source (so also Culpepper, Anatomy, 196; cf. Lee, Thought, 218). 3905 E.g., Smalley, «Relationship,» 97, although he sees it as less developed than Paul " s. Brown, John, l:cxi, cites Cullmann, Vawter, Hoskyns, Lightfoot, and Barrett as tending toward the sacramental view. 3906 Brown, John, l:cxi, cites Bornkamm, Bultmann, Lohse, and Schweizer as holding a non-sacramental or antisacramental understanding of John. For a summary of the major views before 1945, see esp. Howard, Gospel, 206–14. 3908 MacGregor, «Eucharist,» 118. Ottós parallel with pagan magical sacramentalism depends on Western sources geographically removed from Christian baptism " s origins in the Baptist (see Kraeling, John, 120). |
| 18.08.1805 18.08.1805 18.08.1805 20.12.1805 09.12.1806 25.01.1807 10.01.1808 10.01.1808 20.02.1821 26.04.1821 01.10.1821 Иоанн Василевский (Васильевский) 29.10.1821 07.05.1824 27.06.1824 30.09.1825 Мефодий II Пишнячевский 26.01.1826 07.02.1832 12.03.1832 04.12.1840 01.03.1841 04.12.1841 31.12.1841 12.11.1844 Смарагд Крыжановский 12.11.1844 15.04.1856 15.04.1856 06.04.1870 27.06.1870 07.12.1874 Феогност Лебедев II 29.12.1874 08.12.1877 08.12.1877 24.06.1880 26.06.1880 16.12.1889 16.12.1889 21.11.1892 Павел II Вильчинский 21.11.1892 19.12.1892 19.12.1892 13.11.1893 Павел II Вильчинский, паки 13.11.1893 10.08.1896 Митрофан Невский 10.08.1896 13.04.1902 27.04.1902 11.06.1912 25.06.1912 08.03.1913 Феофан Быстров 07.01.1913 17.02.1913 в/у Иннокентий Кременский, паки 08.03.1913 13.03.1914 20.03.1914 24.05.1916 06.07.1916 23.06(06.07)1919 08(21)09.1919 22.09(05.10)1919 16(29)06.1920 16(29)06. 1920 в/у Анатолий Соколов, паки 28.02(13.03)1922 13(27)06.1927 13(27)06.1927 09(22)05.1928 05.1928 31.05(13.06)1928 17(30)08.1933 15(28)10.1929 30.09(13.10)1930 30.09(13.10)1933 14(27)04.1939 12.1943 17(30)10.1947 17(30)10.1947 29.11(12.12)1947 29.11(12.12)1947 29.11(12.12)1952 Филипп Ставицкий, 3-й раз 25.05(07.06)1953 25.05(07.06)1953 27.01(09.02)1954 Леонид Лобачев 27.01(09.02)1954 02(15)07.1959 02(15)07.1959 02(15)09.1960 02(15)09.1960 10(23)06.1964 22.06(05.07)1964 14(27)02.1968 Иона Зырянов 14(27)02.1968 17(30)07.1968 17(30)07.1968 14(27)12.1979 14(27)12.1979 06(19)02.1990 06(19)02.1990 25.02(10.03)1990 в/у Филарет II Карагодин 26.02(11.03)1990 30.07(12.08)1992 Филарет II Карагодин 30.07(12.08)1992 07(20)10.1992 07(20)10.1992 11(24)10.1992 12(25)10.1992 Астраханская, григ. Основана в 1931 г. (?) Упразднена в 1932 г. ? Астраханская, обн. Основана в 1923 г. Упразднена в 1935 г. 1923 23.06(06.07)1927 02(15)04.1931 17(30)05.1932 26.07(08.08)1932 22.03(04.04)1935 03(16)10.1935 Аткарская Основана в 1923 г. Именование – по г. Аткарск (Саратовская область). Саратовское викариатство. Упразднена в 1925 г. (?) |
| 6417 Raynor, «Moeragenes»; Apuleius Apology; cf. Schmidt, «Einweihung.» 6418 Remus, «Magic.» 6419 Insanity was regarded as possession (Brown, John, 1:312). For this accusation of insanity against some prophets, see 2 Kgs 9:11; Bamberger, «Prophet,» 305; see Keener, Spirit, 23–26. Dionysus as a δαμων (in the nonpejorative classical sense) can cause prophetic madness (Euripides Bacch. 298–299). 6420 Speaking by demons is a capital offense in CD 12.2–3. 6421 Different works might understand demonology differently (see, e.g., Noack, «Qumran and Jubilees,» 200); but cf. the Mishnah, which because of its halakic focus includes few references to demons (m. «Abot 5:6; Yamauchi, «Magic,» 121 says only m. »Abot 5:6; but cf. also Šabb. 2:5; Erub. 4:1); John focuses on seven major signs. 6422 Beasley-Murray, John, 109; Ridderbos, John, 264. This sense of «deed» or «work» (in favor of God " s law) in 7is picked up in 8:39–41. 6423 Arguing from the agreed to the disputed was an established rhetorical practice; e.g., Cicero characterizes the opponents as supporters of Clodius, who was disliked by his audience (Cicero Mi1. 2.3). 6424 Occasionally the Sabbath outranked a festival day on a matter (p. Meg. 1:6, §3; Pesah 4:4). Punishment for breaking the Sabbath sometimes exceeds that for breaking a festival (p. Besah 5:2, §11; Meg. 1:6, §2; Šabb. 7:2, §15). 6425 T. Pisha 5(R. Eliezer, by John " s day); but cf. t. Pisha 4:13. 6426 T. Sukkah 3:1. 6427 T. Šabb. 15:16; p. Roš Haš. 4:3, §3; Matt 12:5. Qumranites may have been stricter; 4Q265 2 2.3 prohibits priests from sprinkling cleansing water on the Sabbath. 6428 See Gen 17:11–14 ; Exod 12:48; Lev 12:3 ; Sir 44:20 ; Jdt 14:10; 2Macc 6:10; 4 Macc 4:25; Josephus Ant. 12.256; 20.44; t. c Abod. Zar. 3:12; Ber. 6:13. Jewish Christians practiced circumcision (Acts 21:21), though apparently only the strictest required it for Gentiles (Acts 15:15). 6429 E.g., m. Ned. 3:11; Šabb. 18:3; 19:1–2; t. Shehitat Hullin 6:2; Mek. c Am. 3.109–110; b. Hu1. 84b, bar.; p. Ned. 3:9, §2; Šabb. 19:3, §3; cf. in doubtful cases (Sipra Taz. pq. 1.123.1.8; p. Yebam. 8:1, §12). Some debated whether this could also apply to the son of a Gentile woman (Gen. Rab. 7:2; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:3). Some principles (such as protecting life) could even override circumcision (b. Hul 4b). |
| 3974 Cf. also Rowley, «Baptism,» 313; Cohen, Maccabees, 53; Schiffman, «Crossroads,» 128; White, Initiation, 320. Kraeling, John, 99–100, indicates the widespread acceptance for an early date, noting that «a growing sense of historical proportion showed how impossible» was the view of some early Christian scholars that Judaism took proselyte baptism from the Christians. 3975 Some suggest that the Baptist was an Essene (e.g., Betz, «John»); whether he may have been one at one time, he certainly was not one by the time he began his public proclamation (Witherington, Christology, 36; Pryke, «John»). Qumran sectarians practiced strict separatism from the rest of Israel (see, e.g., Minde, «Absonderung»). Further, most commonalities between them also appear in most of the rest of Second Temple Judaism (Taylor, Immerser, 15–48), and Johns baptism implied the inadequacy of former purifications (ibid., 99). 3976 John " s initial failure to recognize him (1:31) may underline the fact that he is known only by revelation (1:33; Smith, John 70), by the Spirit " s witness (15:26; 16:7–11). 3978 The two Greek words for knowledge used here function interchangeably in the Fourth Gospel; see on «Knowledge and Sight» in the introduction, ch. 6, above. 3980 E.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.2.44; b. B. Bat. 53b (though both sources ridicule treating slaves in such a demeaning manner); Aeschylus Agamemnon 944–945; see Daubés and Urbachs citations below. Other commentators have noted that this is the work of a slave (Westcott, John, 19; Hunter, John, 23). 3981 Exod 24:13; 33:11; Josh 1:1; 1 Kgs 19:21; 2 Kgs 5:20; 6:15; 8:4; Zeno in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.12; Cleanthes in Diogenes Laertius 7.5.170; t. B. Mesfa 2:30; cf. «Abot R. Nat. 27, §56B; p. Sotah 5:5, §4; perhaps more like fatherly counsel in Xenophon Anab. 3.1.5–7. Lachs, Commentary, 45, and Daube, Judaism, 266, cite also b. Ketub. 96a. Cf. Joshua as Moses» disciple and other «disciples of the prophets» (CD 8.20–21; Mek. Pisha 1:150–153; »Abot R. Nat. 11, §28 B). |
| 2819 Goppelt, Theology, 1:45. 2820 Ovid Metam. 14.136–144; cf. Aulus Gellius 2.16.10. A more helpful Hellenistic notion would be «immortality» (cf. 1Cor 15:53–54 ), though to some Greeks it would connote apotheosis. 2821 See above, pp. 178–79, 292–93. 2822 Dodd, Interpretation, 14,151; cf. true being in Plato Rep. 6.490AB. 2823 Schedl, History, 1:293; cf. Hos 6:2–3 . 2824 Buchanan, Consequences, 131–34; for Qumran, cf. Schütz, «Knowledge,» 397; and life for a thousand generations in 4Q171 1–2 3.1. 2825 Isis 1, Mor. 351E. 2826 Dodd, Interpretation, 144–50. 2827 Pss. So1. 3:12, using the full expression; cf. 13:11. 2828 M. " Abot 2:7, attributed to Hillel; b. Ber. 28b; Lev. Rab. 13:2; CIJ 1:422, §569 (Hebrew funerary inscription from Italy); 1:474, §661 (sixth-century Hebrew inscription from Spain); 2:443, §1536 (Semitic letters, from Egypt); cf. Abrahams, Studies, 1:168–70; Philo Flight 77. The usage in 1 En. 10(cf. 15:6; 25:6) and Jub. 5(cf. 30:20) is more restrictive, perhaps figurative; the Similtudes, however, seem to follow the ordinary usage (37:4; 58:3,6), and the circles from which 1 En. and Jub. derive probably used «long duration» language to represent eternity as well (CD 7.5–6; cf. Sir 18:10 ); for «eternal life» in the DSS, see also 4Q181 (Vermes, Scrolls, 251–52); Coetzee, «Life,» 48–66; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414. «Eternal» occurs with other nouns (e.g., Wis 10:14; 1QS 2.3) far more rarely. 2829 Tob 12:9–10; Ladd, Theology, 255, also cites Pss. So1. 14:7; 2Macc 7:9–14; 4 Ezra 7:137; 14:22); see Manson, Paul and John, 112 n. 1. 2830 Sipre Deut. 305.3.2,3. 2831 4 Macc 17:18, using a cognate of βος rather than of ζω. Cf. T. Ab. 20:14A. 2832 Lake and Cadbury, Commentary, 159; Bultmann, Theology, 2:159; Ladd, Theology, 255–56. See, e.g., Mark 10:17, 30 ; Matt 25:46; Acts 13:46, 48; Rom 2:7; 5:21; 6:22–23 ; Gal 6:8 ; 1Tim 1:16; 6:12 ; Tit 1:2; 3:7 ; Jude 21. 2833 See Filson, «Life,» 114; Simon, «Life.» 2834 Dodd, Studies, 149. 2835 Marcus Aurelius 4.2; Epictetus frg. 3 (LCL 2:442–43; but cf. frg. 4). |
| 3137 E.g., m. " Abot 1:1; 3:14; Sipre Deut. 48.1.5; echoed in the Amoraim (e.g., Ruth Rab. 2:2; for the principle, cf., e.g., m. Ber. 1:1; Sanh. 11:4; Ishmael " s tradition in b. Šabb. 12b and Akibás in b. c Erub. 7a); cf. CD 5.20–21 (cf. 5.9–11 for an example of intensification); 20.25. The use of the image in Let. Arts. 139,142, may be somewhat different, but the principle of not even approaching genuine transgression was not solely Jewish (Plutarch Compliancy 6, Mor. 531D). 3138 Pharisees were known for their unwritten ancestral traditions of interpretation (Josephus Ant. 13.297; 13.408); cf. the collection in m. " Abot 1–2, whose «primary purpose … is to demonstrate the continuity and hence the weight of tradition» (Strack, Introduction, 53). 3139 For the emphasis in the DSS, cf. Braun, «Beobachtungen»; LaSor, Scrolls, 116–20. For mystical Judaism, see Urbach, Sages, 1:177. 3140 Jewish people, unlike Romans, did not distinguish divinely inspired ritual prescriptions from merely humanly ordained civil laws (Cohen, Law, 28–29). Jewish tombs as distant from the Holy Land as Rome were decorated with Torah shrines (Goodenough, Symbols, 2:6,22; for an extensive treatment of these shrines, see 4:99–144; cf. 12:83–86). 3144 Davies, Paul, 72, thinking the tradition must be earlier than the sources; Davies, Sermon, 54, finds it in Lev. Rab. 13(which he dates to ca. 300). But in Lev. Rab. 13the sages object to a view precisely because it suggests a change, and a fourth-century commentator adds that the ruling is merely temporary. Davies» most thorough analysis of relevant texts in Torah, 70–74, details only late and/or irrelevant evidence (e.g., Tg. Isa. 12:3; Midr. Qoh. 2:1; 12:1; Tg. Song 5:10; Ya1. Isa. 26). (On Yal Isa. see Abrahams, Studies, 2n. 2.) If «eschatology formed the only regulative force by which the omnipotence of the torah … could possibly be limited» (Hengel, Judaism, 1:312), then little existed which could limit it! 3145 Schäfer, «Torah»; Urbach, Sages, 1:297–302, 309; Barth, «Law,» 154–56; Sandmel, Genius, 40–41. Harvey, «Torah,» 1244, allows for some changes in the messianic era in rabbinic texts (Gen. Rab. 98:9; Lev. Rab. 9:7) but stresses its eternality (e.g., Ecc1. Rab. 2:1; cf. Sir 24:9 ; Jub. 33:16). In context, the changes envisioned in t. Sanh. 4are the changes in script at the time of exile and of Ezra); Gen. Rab. 98may simply refer to the Messiah " s rabbinic-style interpretation of what was «implicit» in Torah, and an enforcement of more commandments on the Gentiles; Lev. Rab. 27(reportedly third/fourth century) may declare the abolition of other sacrifices only to heighten the significance of the thank-offering by contrast. |
|
|
