| 9748 See also Demosthenes Against Meidias 1,80; Euripides Herac1. 219; Plato Apo1. 32E; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.43.2; Sallust Speech of Gaius Cotta 4; Josephus Life 361; Acts 26:4–5,26. 9749 Plato Apo1. 33, in MacGregor, John, 331. Secretive action is hostile (Philodemus frg. 41.2–3). 9751 Brown, Death, 585; for unofficial blows for reviling leaders in another ancient Mediterranean tradition, cf. Homer Il. 2.265; on honor accruing to even a disobedient priest, e.g., Acts 23:5; p. Sanh. 2:1, §2. On the requisite formality with social superiors, see, e.g., Malina, Windows, 37–38. 9752 Even those in authority who struck soldiers for discipline (Xenophon Anab. 5.8.12–13) might afterwards need to justify it (5.8.18). One might interpret «giving» a blow (also 19:3) as a worldly parody of the «giving» motif in John (cf. comment on 3:16), though here it may be simply idiomatic (cf. Gen. Rab. 78:11). For ρπισμα, see Isa 50LXX. 9753 Deut 25:2–3 ; Josephus Ant. 4.238,248; m. Hu1. 5:2; Ki1. 8:3; Mak. passim, e.g., 1:1–3; 3:3–5, 10–11; Naz. 4:3; Pesah. 7:11; Tern. 1:1; Sipra Qed. pq. 4.200.3.3; Sipre Deut. 286.4.1; 5.1; b. B. Mesi c a 115b; Ker. 15a; Ketub. 33b; Pesah. 24ab; p. Besah 5:2, §11; Naz. 4:3, §1; Ter. 7:1; Yoma 77a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:3. 9754 Cf. Brown, John, 2:827; Morris, John, 757 (citing the assault by the attendant in b. Sebu. 30b). 9757 Diogenes the Cynic, once accosted, allegedly complained that he forgot to don his helmet that morning (Diogenes Laertius 6.2.41–42). Jesus» answer with dignity here contravenes an inappropriately literalist reading of Matt 5(Vermes, Religion, 36; cf. idem, Jesus and Judaism, 53). 9759 Blinzler, Trial, 135, suggests that proper public trials required an advocate, which Jesus appears to have lacked; but he also concedes (pp. 142–43) that the Mishnaic rules are late. 9761 Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.191, citing Hecateus of Abdera; 2.218–219,233–235. They also would die rather than disobey their laws (1.212) and wanted to kill those they thought brought harm to the nation (Josephus Life 149). |
| 5932 Jesus is essentially the Father " s voice in 5:37–40; one might compare him to a bat qo1. 5933 E.g., Westcott, John, 91; Morris, John, 330; Michaels, John, 82; Bruce, John, 136; Beasley-Murray, John, 78. 5934 Schnackenburg, John, 2:125, cites, e.g., 1QS 5.11; CD 6.7. See most fully Culpepper, School, 291–99, on darash and ζητω. 5935 So here, e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Hunter, John, 62; Brown, John, 1:225, citing, e.g., m. " Abot 2:7; see comment on 1:4. It was «the most meritorious of all good deeds» (Sandmel, Judaism, 184). 5936 So also Odeberg, Gospel, 224. 5937 Refuting someone on the basis of the very arguments or witnesses that person cites in his support was good rhetorical technique (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §101D; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; Matt 12:37; Luke 19:22; Tit 1:12–13 ). 5938 See Culpepper, School, 298–99. They do not «will» to come to him (5:40), though they had «willed» to listen to John momentarily (5:35). 5939 DeSilva, «Honor and Shame,» 520 (citing Seneca the Younger De constantia sapientis 13.2,5; Epictetus Ench. 24.1). 5940 Not needing such glory was commendable (e.g., Scipio in Macrobius Comm. 2.10.2, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225), though Diogenes the Cynic claimed to deserve public praise (Diogenes Laertius 6.62). 5941 Seeking glory was honorable only if sought in the right places ( Rom 2:7 ; Polybius 6.54.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.25.1; 5.27.2; Cicero Earn. 10.12.5; 15.4.13; Sest. 48.102; Valerius Maximus 2.8.5, 7; 4.3.6a; 5.7.ext.4; 8.14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.63–66; Orphic Hymn 15.10–11; Prov 22:1 ; see comment on 12:43). 5942 Cf. Michaels, John, 82. Brown, John, 1:226, suggests an allusion to Moses (leading naturally into 5:45–47), who sought God " s glory (Exod 34:29); cf. comment on 1:14–18. At least some later rabbis believed that Moses exalted God above everything else and after death God exalted him (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20). 5943 See comment on 14:13–14; comment on agency, pp. 310–17 in the introduction. Cf. also Sanders, John, 73. It is unlikely that this stems from Isaiah (pace Young, «Isaiah,» 223); though God " s name is a dominant motif in Isaiah, «coming» in his name more likely alludes to Ps 118:26 . |
| For Amida, see Susan Ashbrook Harvey, Asceticism and Society in Crisis (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1990). Dalrymple, From the Holy Mountain , 100. Oswald H. Parry, Six Months in a Syrian Monastery, Being a Record of the Visit to the Head Quarters of the Syrian Church in Mesopotamia, with Some Account of the Yazidis or Devil Worshippers of Mosul and el Jilwah, Their Sacred Book (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2002; first published 1895). For the monasteries as they exist today, see, for instance, http://www.morgabriel.org ; http://www.deirmarmusa.org/ ; and Stephen Griffith, “The Situation in Tur Abdin” (2001), . E. A. Wallis Budge, ed., The Book of Governors (London: Kegan Paul, 2003; first published 1893). For the Hunnish translation, see Zachariah of Mitylene, “Syriac Chronicle,” The story of the tattoos is from Brown, Rise of Western Christendom, 267. Mingana, Christianity in Central Asia, 11–12; and 73–74 for the church in 650. For “merchants,” see Foltz, Silk Road, 62. For nom , see Brown, Rise of Western Christendom, 284. Christopher Dawson, The Mongol Mission (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1955); Wassilios Klein, Das nestorianische Christentum an den Handelswegen durch Kyrgyzstan bis zum 14 Jahrhunderts (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2000); Mark Dickens, “Nestorian Christianity in Central Asia” (2001), www.oxuscom.com/Nestorian_Christianity_in_CA.pdf. Zsuzsanna Gulбcsi, Mediaeval Manichaean Book Art (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2005); Roman Malek and Peter Hofrichter, eds., Jingjiao: The Church of the East in China and Central Asia (Sankt Augustin, Germany: Institut Monumenta Serica, 2006). “The Work of the Academy Project: Turfan Studies,” Mingana, Christianity in Central Asia, 13; Wallis Budge, Book of Governors. Procopius History of the Wars 8.17.1–7. Mingana, Christianity in Central Asia; Frits Holm, My Nestorian Adventure in China (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2001). Quoted by T. V. Philip, “East of the Euphrates,” http://www.religiononline.org/show chapter.asp?title=1553&C=1363. |
| Babic 1975 Babic, O zivopisanom ukrasu oltarskih pregrada, in: Zbornik Matice Srpske za Likovne Umetnosti 11, 1975, 3-49. Bachmann-Medick 2006 Bachmann-Medick, Spatial turn, in: D. Bachmann-Medick (ed.), Cultural turns. Neuorientierungen in den Kulturwissenschaften (Reinbek 2006) 284-328. Barber 2002 Barber, Figure and likeness. On the limits of representation in Byzantine Iconoclasm (Princeton 2002). Barker 2003 Barker, The great high priest. The temple roots of Christian theology (London 2003). Belting 1994 Belting, Likeness and presence. A history of the image before the era of art (Chicago 1994). Belting 2011 Belting, An anthropology of images. Picture, medium, body (Princeton 2011). Boehm 2001 Boehm (ed.), Was ist ein Bild? (Munich 2001). Bogdanovic 2011a Bogdanovic, Rethinking the Dionysian legacy in medieval architecture: East and West, in: F. Ivanovic (ed.), Dionysius the Areopagite between orthodoxy and heresy (Newcastle upon Tyne 2011) 109-134. Bogdanovic 2011b Bogdanovic, The performativity of shrines in a Byzantine church: The shrines of St. Demetrios, in: A. Lidov (ed.), Spatial Icons. Performativity in Byzantium and Medieval Russia (Moscow 2011) 275-316. Bogdanovic 2014 Bogdanovic, The moveable canopy. The performative space of the major Sakkos of Metropolitan Photios, in: Byzantinoslavica 72.1-2, 2014, 247-292. Brown 1973 Brown, A Dark-Age crisis: Aspects of the iconoclastic controversy, in: English Historical Review 88.346, 1973, 1-34. Brubaker 2012 Brubaker, Inventing Byzantine Iconoclasm (London 2012). Brubaker - Haldon 2001 Brubaker - J. Haldon (eds.), Byzantium in the Iconoclast era (c. 680-850). The sources. An annotated survey (Aldershot 2001). Brubaker - Haldon 2011 Brubaker - J. Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast era (c. 680-850). A history (Cambridge 2011). Bryer - Herrin 1977 Bryer - J. Herrin (eds.), Iconoclasm. Papers given at the 9th Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, University of Birmingham, March 1975 (Birmingham 1977). Carruthers 2000 |
| 1602 See, e.g., Incant. text 17.1–2; 19.2; 34.1; 47.1; Rahmani, «Amulet» (second or third century C.E.). Cf. also, e.g., 1 En. 15:9; 69:12; Jub. 10:1–14; 1QM 13.11–12; T. Jud. 23:1. 1603 Though both demons (m. " Abot 5:6) and protection from them (Sipre Num. 40.1.5; cf. b. c Abod. Zar. 12b, bar.) do appear at times. 1604 E.g., b. Ber. 6a; B. Mesi c a 86a; Qidd. 29b; Pesah. 110a-12b; Sanh. 101a, bar.; Gen. Rab. 36:1; 56:6;Num. Rab. 12:3; Deut. Rab. 4:4; SongRab. 3:7, §5; Midr. Pss. 17:8; Pesiq. Rab.5:10; 15:3.Admit-tedly, such practices became most dominant in the Amoraic period. 1605 This is not to deny, of course, that some rabbis grew up among the sages, such as Simeon b. Gamaliel, whose father was one (m. " Abot 1:17). 1606 Neusner, Traditions, 1:7, argues that the divergent details in the secondary account are not original, a generally but not universally valid deduction. 1609 See many of the parallels on Joshua b. Perahiah and Nittai the Atbelite, Judah b. Tabbai and Simeon b. Shetah (ibid., 1:82–141). Other accounts of Hillel seem to expand little on the Tosefta version (cf. ibid., 1:292). 1616 So Brown, Community, 17 (even if he reconstructs hypothetical redaction history in too much detail). 1617 Martyn " s «two-level» hypothesis fits ancient Hellenistic biographic and historiographie conventions (Aune, Environment, 62; against Kümmel, Introduction, 231); since it was normal procedure for educated readers to read a forensic speech in light of the context in which it was originally delivered (Quintilian 10.1.20–22), but all the original recipients of such a speech would unconsciously be able to read it in the right context without having to reconstruct it, we may appeal to situational context in interpretation even on the level of authorial intent. 1618 Carson, Moo, and Morris, Introduction, 171; Carson, John, 8,87–95; Milne, Message, 24–25; cf. Glaze, «Emphases.» 1620 E.g., Koester, «Brown and Martyn»; Dunn, «John,» 302–4; Perkins, Reading, 249–50; Tuni, «Teologia»; ÓDay, «John,» 658; Hasitschka, «Anmerkungen»; Lindars, John, 16; Rensberger, Faith, 26; Kysar, «Gospel,» 918; Tolmie, Farewell, 3; Quast, «Community.» |
| Otros autores, como R. E. Brown o C. Vidal Manzanares, han sugerido soluciones más amplias. Para R. E. Brown hubo cuatro tipos de judeo-cristianismo en el primer siglo, pero éste fue ortodoxo, pudiendo dividirse los mismos según su postura, más o menos cerrada en relación con el tema de la Ley. C. Vidal Manzanares aboga por la existencia de un núcleo judeo-cristiano en Jerusalén de composición mixta palestina-helenista que, aunque cumplidor de la Ley, se fue mostrando progresivamente (Cornelio y Pedro, Antioquía, concilio de Jerusalén, etc.) favorable a la expansión del cristianismo entre los gentiles a los que no se obligaba a cumplir la Ley de Moisés sino los siete principios noéticos (Hechos 15) desde una perspectiva cristiana. Este núcleo, claramente ortodoxo en su planteamiento de la divinidad de Cristo o de su mesianidad, comenzaría a sufrir fuertes escisiones en las cercanías de la guerra del Templo contra Roma. Algunos optarían por el regreso al judaismo (carta a los Hebreos), otros se dejarían llevar por la negativa a creer en Cristo como Dios o incluso por el gnosticismo (carta a los Colosenses, Evangelio de Juan y I de Juan) y, finalmente, otros se mantendrían en su ortodoxia judeocristiana diferenciándose de la iglesia gentil sólo en lo relativo a la Ley y teniendo una influencia sobresaliente en el nacimiento del cristianismo en Asia Menor, Egipto y Roma. La ruptura con la Gran Iglesia se habría producido ya durante el s. II pero, no obstante, las influencias mutuas seguirían existiendo ya que buena parte de la mariología posterior tiene su origen precisamente en escritos judeocristianos de los siglos II y III. Julio Africano Vida: Sexto Julio Africano nació en Jerusalén. Desempeñó el cargo de oficial en el ejército de Septimio Severo y combatió en la agresión a Edesa del 195. En Alejandría de Egipto trabó amistad con Orígenes, viviendo después en Emaús. Murió después del 240. Obras: Fue autor de las Crónicas (un intento de escribir la historia del mundo desde la creación), de los Encajes (enciclopedia heterogénea del saber de la época aunque desprovista de sentido crítico) y de dos cartas. |
| 183 Much is truncated here, of course, and it is unknown whether that is due to Morgan, his biographer (Mather), or both. What can be known, however, is that these doubts were quite legitimate and carried more than just a racial component. Or, to put it another way, the racism he experienced was about to be addressed fundamentally as a theological problem. Within his circle of black Episcopalian clergy an Eastern Christian answer came to the fore, being first made in 1898, when Rev. George F. Bragg argued that an Eastern Christian episcopal succession, as exemplified by one Joseph Rene Vilatte " s non-Chalcedonian consecration, could well prove important to African American concerns. 184 Vilatte was one of many Episcopi Vagantes, or bishops-at-large, who have characterized a subset of American Christianity. The thinking at the time seemed to be that if African Americans themselves could obtain apostolic succession through the consecration by Vilatte, then perhaps an independent African American church with African American leadership could be established. Vilatte " s case suggested to Bragg (and, as we shall, Morgan and McGuire as well) that there might be an opportunity to create a new religious identity that could be authentically African American and fully traditional. On the face of it, this seems to be a remarkable suggestion, for Vilatte has the dubious distinction of being known as «the direct or indirect progenitor of more than twenty schismatic churches.» 185 A Frenchman who immigrated to Canada, Vilatte fell under the spell of Pastor Chiniquy, a former Roman Catholic priest-turned-Protestant-minister convinced Vilatte to journey to Green Bay, Wisconsin, to minister to Belgian settlers «drifting from Romanism into spiritism and infidelity» 186 Vilatte worked under the auspices of Bishop J. H. Hobart Brown, the Protestant Episcopal bishop of Fond du Lac. Brown soon provided Vilatte with a letter to Bishop Herzog in Berne for the purpose of acquiring Old Catholic succession. |
| 2460 Aune, Prophecy, 123 (citing T. Reu. 6:5–12; T. Levi 18:2–9; 1QS 9.10–11; lQSa 12–17; cf. CD 19.10–11; 20.1); Villalon, «Sources,» 53–63, esp. 63; Burrows, More Light, 297–311 (or maybe three, 311); Joczwiak, «Mesjanizm» (or even three); Jonge, ««Anointed,»» 141–42; Brown, «Messianism,» 54–66. In «Theory,» 56, Brown still thought there were probably two messiahs, but noted that not all texts were clear or represented the same period. 2461 Smith, «Variety»; Abegg, «Messiah.» 2462 Longenecker, Christology, 114; Driver, Scrolls, 468–69; Priest, «Mebaqqer»; cf. Priest, «Messiah.» Wcela, «Messiah(s),» finds in the Damascus Document (CD 12.23–13.1; 14.19; 19.10–11; 20.1; cf. 7.17–21) one military messiah with a priest who could be an Aaronic messiah (342); 1QS 9.11 has two messiahs, but often a priestly companion to the messiah is in view, and the Damascus Document probably sees both as one individual (347). Smith, «Begetting,» 224, thinks both anointed ones may be «survivals of the same figure,» but is not certain that either is eschatological or messianic. 2463 CD 12.23–13.1 (albeit with an emended misspelling of o );14.19 (not all the word is clear, but the relevant ending is); 20.1; also the warrior messiah of 1QM 11.7–8. Puech, «Apocalypse,» considers 4Q521 an «apocalypse messianique» (but contrast Bergmeier, «Beobachtungen»); Garcia Martinez, «Textos,» finds a messianic king (4Q252,285, 521), priest (4Q540), and heavenly figure (4Q246). 2464 LaSor, «Messiahs,» 429; Gaster, Scriptures, 392; Bruce, History, 122. Stefaniak, «Poglady,» thinks Qumran stressed eschatology more than messianology; this is probably right, unless the messiah was a Teacher of Righteousness redivivus. 2465 Silberman, «Messiahs,» 82, questioning whether the expectation is even eschatological in the final sense. It is reasonable to surmise that originally the title applied to the first Teacher of Righteousness. 2466 Cf. the priest " s precedence over the «Messiah» in lQ28a 2.19–20; «Moses God " s anointed [Messiah " ]» in 4Q377 2 2.5; 1Q22 11–12 even adds Eleazar to Joshua in Deut 31:7 , to couple priest and ruler figures; see also the «anointed priest» in 4Q376 1 1.1. Some late rabbis also spoke of a priest «anointed for battle,» i.e., an eschatological priest to accompany the troops, along with the Davidic messiah (b. Yoma 73b; Song Rab. 2:13, §4). |
| Bosworth 1988 – Bosworth A. B. From Arrian to Alexander. Studies in Historical Interpretation. Oxford, 1988. Bouynot 1957 – Bouynot Yv. La poésie d’Ovide dans les oeuvres de l’exil. Paris, 1957. Bowra 1964 – Bowra С. M. Pindar. Oxford, 1964. Bringmann 1965 – Bringmann K. Studien zu den politischen Ideen des Isokrates. Göttingen, 1965. Brodersen 1993 – Brodersen K. Appian und seine Werke//ANRW. II. 31. I. 1993. S. 339–363. Brown 1973 – Brown T. S. The Greek Historians. Lexington (Mass.) et al., 1973. Bundy 1962 – Bundy E. L. Studia Pindarica. Berkeley; Los Angeles, 1962. Burr 1932 – Burr V. Nostrum mare: Ursprung und Geschichte der Namen des Mittelmeeres und seiner Teilmeere im Altertum. Stuttgart, 1932. Cheshut 1977 – Cheshut G. F. The First Christian Histories. Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and Evagrius. Paris, 1977. Christensen 2002 – Christensen A. S. Cassiodorus, Jordanes and the History of the Goths. Copenhagen, 2002. CIL – Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. Berolini. Clem. Alex. Protrep., Strom. – Clemens Alexandrinus. Protrepticos, Stromateis. Cloché 1957 – Cloché P. Démosthènes et la fin de la démocratic athénienne. Paris, 1957. Cloché 1963 – Cloché P. Isokrates et son temps. Paris, 1963. A Companion to Homer – A Companion to Homer/Ed. A. J. B. Wace and F. H. Stubbings. London, 1962. Counillon 1998 – Counillon P. Λιμν ρημος//Geographica Historica/Texte réunis par P. Arnaud et P. Counillon. Bordeux; Nice, 1998. P. 55–67. CSEL – Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Wien. Cuntz 1902 – Cuntz О. Polybios und sein Werk. Leipzig, 1902. Cuntz 1923 – Cuntz O. Die Geographie des Ptolemaeus, Galliae Germania Raetia Noricum Pannoniae Illyricum Italiae. Handschriften, Text und Untersuchung. Berlin, 1923. Curt. – Curtius Rufus. Historia Alexandri Magni Macedonis. Daniel 1933 – Daniel R. M. Vipsanius Agrippa. Diss. Breslau, 1933. Danoff 1962 – Danojf Chr. M. Pontos Euxeinos//RE. Suppl.-Bd. IX. Stuttgart, 1962. Col. 866–1920. D’Avezac 1888 – D’Avezac М. А. P. Le Ravennate et son exposé cosmographique. Rouen, 1888. |
| 10224 Quintilian pref.12 (and LCL 2n. 1); Virgil Aen. 4.684–685; Ovid Metam. 7.861. The soul normally escaped through the mouth unless a mortal puncture created another opening (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 76.33; Nat. 3.pref.l6; cf. Aune, Revelation, 894, for some non-Roman sources). 10225 The mouth seems to have been a typical organ for the spirit " s departure at death, however (L.A.E. 27:1). 10226 Also, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 319; Lindars, Apologetic, 58; Smith, John (1999), 361–62. Some find two gifts of the Spirit (19:30; 20:22) linked with Jesus» passion and resurrection respectively (Swetnam, «Bestowal»; Létourneau, «Don»). 10230 E.g., Morris, John, 816. Stoics accepted death when Nature demanded back onés breath (spiritum), and also suicide for appropriate occasions (Seneca Dia1. 7.20.5), but Jesus» acceptance of death here is at others» hands and so would not technically represent suicide. 10234 E.g., Hunter, John, 181; Reicke, Era, 187. On the emphasis on rapid burial in this period, see Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 97. 10237 The second day was also very important (see Carson, «Matthew,» 532). But «great day» here (19:31) recalls Jesus» announcement of living waters in 7:37–39 on a «great day.» 10238 Blinzler, Trial, 250–51, citing Origen Comm. Matt. 140; Gos. Pet. 4:14; cf. Schnackenburg, John, 3:288. Some regard this practice as merciful because it hastened death (e.g., Hunter, John, 181), but John " s Judean authorities have other motives (19:31), and breaking legs was sometimes part of fatal torture (Polybius 1.80.13). 10240 Tzaferis, «Tombs»; Haas, «Remains»; Brown, John, 2:934; Meyers and Strange, Archaeology, 97; Bruce, «Trial,» 18. 10241 Stanton, Gospel Truth, 119; Brown, Death, 950–51. Such breakage would have been accidental; according to the most likely Jewish custom from this period (given that the rabbis, where we can check them, often preserved more widespread early Jewish burial customs), those who buried the dead sought to keep from bending their limbs (so m. Naz. 9as understood in the Gemaras; Safrai, «Home,» 780–81). |
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