Если в предыдущем стихе говорится, что Христиане рассеявшиеся из Иерусалима по случаю гонения, бывшего при Стефане, не решались никому проповедывать о Христе, как только одним иудеям, естественно, что в следующем стихе под еллинистами должно разуметь иудеев же, живших в Антиохии и говоривших по-гречески. Златоуст, при объяснении этого места говорит: » смотри, они проповедуют Еллинистам. Поэтому вероятно, что они умели говорить по-еллински и что в Антиохии было много таких». Итак, язык еллинистический есть язык греческий, смешанный с формами еврейскими, на котором говорили иудеи. II. Споры о свойства греческого языка Нового Завета В древней христианской церкви, на основании отзывов, встречающихся у самих писателей Нового Завета ( Деян. 4:13 . 2Кор. 11:6 διτης τ λογ), признавали язык их простым, чуждым искуственности, необработанным. Ориген (Contr. Cels. Lib. 1 ad fin.) говорит «не сила красноречия, не стройность в рассуждении, сообразная с диалектикою или ораторским искусством Еллинов, привлекала к Апостолам слушателей». Златоуст (Hom. 3 in 1 cap. 1 Epist. ad Corinth.): «когда Еллины станут говорить нам, что Апостолы были люди грубые, деревенские (γροκοι), мы прибавим к этому и скажем, что они были не образованные, не книжные, убогие, простые, не мудрые (σνετοι) и не знатные.» Феодорит (Graec. affect, curat, serm. 5): «язычники видят, что люди с варварским языком победили еллинское красноязычие, и что рыбарские солецизмы разрушили аттические силлогизмы.» Исидор Пелусиот (Lib. 2, ер. 4), «слова сии: имамы сокровище сие в скудетельных сосудех, означают, что богатство Божественной премудрости в Священных писаниях имеем заключенным в низких и простых речениях. Проповедники Слова были людьми неучеными и невеждами.» И еще (Lib. 4, ер. 28): «язычники унижают Божественное писание, потому что оно писано на языке варварском, составлено из странных слововыражений, нет в нем необходимых союзов, есть лишние вставки, затрудняющие смысл сказанного. Но из сего-то пусть и дознают язычники силу истины.

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Аналогичные явления, только более частного характера и не чудесные по природе, внешне похожие на подлинный дар языков или только имитировавшие его, время от времени возникали в периоды особого религиозного энтузиазма: у камисардов и пророков из французских Севенн, в среде ранних квакеров и методистов, мормонов и шведских «читателей» («Liisare», 1841 — 1843), во время ирландского пробуждения 1859 г. и особенно в «Католической апостольской церкви» Э. Ирвинга с 1831 по 1833 г. и даже по сей день. См. статьи Ирвинга о «дарах Святого Духа, именуемых сверхъестественными» (Ed. Irving, Works, vol. V, p. 509, etc.); Mrs. Oliphant, Life of Irving, vol. II; Schaff, Hist. Ap. Ch., § 55, p. 198; Stanley, Com. on Corinth., p. 252, 4th ed.; статьи Пламптре в «Библейском словаре» Смита (Smith, Bible Diet., IV. 3311, американское издание). Последователи Ирвинга, высказавшие свои соображения по данному вопросу (Тирш, Бём и Росстойшер), четко разграничивали глоссолалию Пятидесятницы (говорение на иностранных языках) и коринфскую глоссолалию, которая проявлялась на молитвенных собраниях; свой собственный духовный опыт они отождествляли с последней. Несколько лет назад я стал свидетелем глоссолалии в нью–йоркском собрании последователей Ирвинга; речь была ломаной, спонтанной и непонятной, но слова состояли из необычных, поразительных, впечатляющих звуков, и говорящие не владели своим языком, который как будто подчиняла себе некая посторонняя сила. Один мой друг и коллега (д–р Бриггс) наблюдал этот феномен в 1879 г. в Лондоне, в центральной церкви последователей Ирвинга, и у него сложилось такое же впечатление. 3) Глоссолалия Пятидесятницы не могла принципиально отличаться от коринфской: она представляла собой точно такой же экстатический акт поклонения, благодарения и хвалы за великие деяния Божьи во Христе, беседу души с Богом. Это было чистейшее и наивысшее словесное воплощение ликования и восторга новорожденной Церкви Христовой, находящейся под властью Святого Духа. Говорение на языках началось прежде, чем появились зрители (ср. Деян. 2:4 и Деян. 2:6), а по его окончании Петр произнес миссионерскую проповедь обычным, понятным языком. Лука упоминает об этом даре еще дважды (Деян. 10, 19), и в обоих случаях его сутью является поклонение, а не поучение.

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Павла, невозможно служить Богу вмешиваясь в мирские заботы». Comment. Epist. ad Corinth. 7, 1. 13 Бернард Клервосский утверждал, что забота о здоровье свойственна только язычникам Гиппократ, говорил он, учит сохранять тело, Христос – убить его; кого из них вы изберёте своим руководителем? Пусть стадо Эпикура заботится о своей плоти: что касается до нашего наставника, то он учил презирать его. Laurent, р. 147. 14 «Ведь читала же герцогиня феррарская Анна ещё на двенадцатом году жизни и Демосфена, и Цицерона. Или взгляните на венецианку Кассандру Фидели: она даже сочиняла по-латыни и по-гречески, изучала философию, читала публичные лекции, выступала на публичных диспутах». Очерки Возрождения. Филолог. Зап. 1875 г., вып. VI, стр. 27. 15 Один гуманист типографщик говорил между прочим следующее: ваш прадед в совершенстве знал латинский язык; ваша тётка Катерина со всеми свободно объяснялась по латыни. Даже лакеи привыкли и начинали говорить на латинском языке. Что же касается до нас, детей, то с тех пор, как мы начинали лепетать, мы никогда не осмеливались при отце и его корректорах говорить на каком-либо другом языке. Ibid. Флорентийский канцлер Салютато шестидесяти пяти лет начинает изучать греческий язык; Кассандра Фидели отказывается от замужества, чтобы вполне посвятить себя классической науке; богатый купец Никколо оставляет торговые дела о составляет богатую классическую библиотеку: герцог Альфонс Неаполитанский считал потерянным тот день, когда ему не удавалось посвятить несколько часов классической литературе, он ходил на поклонение месту Овидия и выпросил у Венеции часть руки Лавия; один поклонник древности в продолжении пяти лет читал одного только Цицерона и дал обет не употреблять слов, не встречающихся в его произведениях. Burgardt. I, р. 259. 17 Филельфо задумал написать Сфорциаду, которая должна была, по его словам, затмить Энеиду Вергилия. Проповедуя, что его великое творение перейдёт в потомство, он брал деньги с частных лиц, чтобы обессмертить их имена вставивши их в свою поэму или латинскую переписку с друзьями, – и поступая таким образом, делал то, что делали и другие литераторы, торгуя бессмертием с таким же нахальством, как папы торговали вечным спасением Фил.

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About Pages Проекты «Правмира» Raising Orthodox Children to Orthodox Adulthood The Daily Website on How to be an Orthodox Christian Today Twitter Telegram Parler RSS Donate Navigation Peculiar Liquid Seeping from Crucified Christ Icon in Corinth, Greece Source: Greek Reporter Natalya Mihailova 21 February 2015 A peculiar incident has drawn attention to the small village of Aspokambos in Corinth Greece, over the last few days. According to Metropolitan Dionysios of Corinth, after the national election of January 25, an oily, sticky, odorless liquid started seeping from an icon depicting Jesus Christ crucified, however, details regarding which point of the icon the liquid is emerging from has not been disclosed The religious icon was created in the last century and it is located in the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint Nikolaos. The metropolitan of Corinth added that he was planning on informing the Holy Synod about the incident while he also intends to invite specialists to examine the icon. Meanwhile, village residents are standing outside the church, guarding it, refusing to let the crucified Christ icon be removed from the holy grounds. That of course makes it difficult to be examined, especially considering that they are also refusing to let scientists take samples from the liquid to send for analysis. Moreover, metropolitan Dionysios stated that he does not wish to “advertize” the incident until the church has more information on its hands, since the matters of faith are delicate and people should be careful about how to approach them. Tweet Donate Share Code for blog Peculiar Liquid Seeping from Crucified Christ Icon in Corinth, Greece Natalya Mihailova According to Metropolitan Dionysios of Corinth, after the national election of January 25, an oily, sticky, odorless liquid started seeping from an icon depicting Jesus Christ crucified, however, details regarding which point of the icon the liquid is emerging from has not been disclosed The ... Since you are here… …we do have a small request. More and more people visit Orthodoxy and the World website. However, resources for editorial are scarce. In comparison to some mass media, we do not make paid subscription. It is our deepest belief that preaching Christ for money is wrong.

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He instigated the founding of over 200 schools by urging the elders in the various towns and villages to get one started. His promotion of Christian education significantly raised the educational level of all of Greece, which helped sustain the strength of the Orthodox Faith, and helped lay the groundwork for the overthrow of the Turkish yoke in Greece in the 1820s. Typically he would come into a town or village and say to the gathered crowds, “So, my children, to safeguard your Faith, and the freedom of your homeland, take care to establish without fail a Greek school in which your children will learn all that you are ignorant of.” And again, “My beloved children in Christ, bravely and fearlessly preserve our Holy Faith and the language of our Fathers, because both of these characterize our most beloved homeland, and without them our nation is destroyed. Don’t be discouraged, my brethren; Divine Providence will one day send heavenly salvation to gladden your hearts and eliminate this dreadful state in which we find ourselves.” He prophesied correctly (at least for central and southern Greece) that “freedom will come in the third generation. Your grandchildren will see it.” Saint Cosmas was highly respected by many of the Turkish people living in Greece, but he was perceived as a political threat by some of the authorities. Executed by the Turks in Berat, Albania, in 1779, he is one of the hundreds of “New Martyrs” for Christ who died at the hands of the Ottomans. Saint Makarios of Corinth Saint Makarios of Corinth (1731–1805) was of aristocratic background. As a young man he was a volunteer school teacher in Corinth, his birthplace, for six years. Then, though still a layman, he was unanimously selected by laity and clergy to be the new archbishop of Corinth. As bishop, he immediately began improving the state of the Church under his care by more strictly applying the canons regarding Church life. For instance, he prohibited priests from taking part in political affairs, and he strictly honored the canonical age for clerical ordinations. He distributed catechisms to all his priests, discharged all illiterate priests, and sent ordinands to monasteries for training. He also urged the wealthy to donate large baptismal basins to the churches, so that children could be baptized properly. He planned to establish schools throughout his archbishopric, but was prevented from doing so by the Russo-Turkish War in 1768, which ended his episcopacy in Corinth.

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Archive Hierarch of Russian Orthodox Church attends celebrations marking the second anniversary of consecration of Russian church in Cyprus 2 May 2019 year 09:54 On 29 th  April 2019, Archbishop Amvrosy of Vereya, rector of the Moscow Theological Academy, arrived in Cyprus with the blessing of His Holiness Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia and at the invitation of Metropolitan Isaias of Tamassos and Oreini.  On the next day the archpastor visited the Church of the Holy Martyrs Cyprian and Justina in Meniko village, wherein their holy relics are kept, as well as a 12 th -century convent in Orunda village and a monastic abode in honour of the Great Martyr Panteleimon (12 th  century). In the evening Archbishop Amvrosy of Vereya celebrated Paschal Vigil and Matins in the Church of the Holy Apostle Andrew and All Russian Saints. Singing at the service in the Greek and Church-Slavonic languages was a Byzantine choir of the Moscow Theological Academy. Clerics of the Orthodox Church of Cyrpus and graduates of the Moscow Theological Academy were praying in the sanctuary. That same evening Archbishop Amvrosy had a brotherly meeting with Metropolitan Timotheos of Bostra, Exarch of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem in Cyprus; Metropolitan Dionysios of Corinth (Orthodox Church of Greece); and Metropolitan Ioustinos of Nea Krini and Kalamaria (Orthodox Church of Greece). On 1 st  May, the Divine Liturgy was celebrated in the most ancient Metropolis of Cyprus – of Tamassos and Oreini – to mark the second anniversary of consecration of the Church of the Holy Apostle Andrew and All Saints of the Russian Church. The church in the Russian style was built in a suburb of Nicosia. This is the only cathedral in Cyprus crowned with golden domes a la russe, and its frescoes tell about ascetic deeds of the Russian saints. Among the guests from Russia who concelebrated the divine service was Archbishop Amvrosy of Vereya, rector of the Moscow Theological Academy. Metropolitan Dionysios of Corinth who had brought relics of the Holy Apostle Andrew from Corinth for veneration, officiated at the Liturgy.

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An alternative explanation is that the Jews were invoking against Paul the edicts of Claudius which guaranteed them the quiet enjoyment of their native customs throughout the Diaspora. This is the uncontroversial part of the texts quoted by Josephus in the Antiquities, however much he may have fudged on behalf of the Jewish claim to citizenship at Alexandria. 365 The decisive words in the edict concerning the Diaspora are: ‘It is proper that the Jews through the world under Roman rule should keep their native customs without let or hindrance.’ The genuine character of the wording of most of these edicts cannot be called in question. They contain the various quirks and oddities of expression that characterize the several genuine decrees and edicts of Claudius. 366 The Jews of Corinth may not themselves have had the power of enforcement, 367 but they might hope to invoke the proconsul’s authority against a fellow Jew who interfered, as Paul certainly was interfering, with the quiet practice of their customs. But the intention of the edict of Claudius was merely to reaffirm the Jewish privilege of toleration, granted in the Triumviral period and confirmed by Augustus, that they should not be prevented by the Greek city governments from assembling for the purposes of their cult. This is made abundantly clear by the long series of documents quoted by Josephus in Antiquities, xiv. 10. Cities of Asia, such as Pergamum, Sardes, and Ephesus, had been interfering with Jewish assemblies. When the Claudian edict in Josephus adds: ‘I think it right that no Hellenic city should be without these privileges’ the reference is clear. It is relevant that the ‘decrees of Caesar’ had been invoked at Thessalonica against Paul by the Jewish commune. 368 This is the most confused of the various descriptions of charges in Acts, though the Acts Commentary does not notice the difficulty. There are three items: ‘these men disturb the world, and act against the decrees of Caesar, and say that there is another king.’ The decrees of Claudius Caesar were very much concerned, as we have seen, with preventing ‘disturbances of the world’. 369 But at Corinth the Jews were exceeding the intentions of Claudius. If the civic magistrates of Corinth had prevented the Jews from celebrating the Sabbath, Gallio must have defended the Jews or risked imperial displeasure. Nothing compelled him to interfere with with the internal quarrels of the Jews. The curious incident following Gallio’s dismissal of the case perhaps confirms this interpretation. The Jews, bidden by Gallio to see to the matter themselves, seized Sosthenes, one of the Elders of the Synagogue, and beat him before the tribunal. 370 This makes sense if one may assume that Sosthenes was a Christian sympathizer of sorts, and that the beating was that of the formal ‘thirty-nine blows’, administered by the authority of the local Sanhedrin, which had taken Gallio at his word. The Acts Commentary makes nothing of this incident.

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Repose of the Venerable Nicodemus the Hagiorite Saint Nicodemus of the Holy Mountain was born on the Greek island of Naxos in the year 1748, and was named Nicholas at Baptism. At the age of twenty-six, he arrived on Mount Athos and received the monastic tonsure in the Dionysiou monastery with the name Nicodemus. As his first obedience, Nicodemus served as his monastery’s secretary. Two years after his entry into the Dionysiou monastery, the Metropolitan of Corinth, St Macarius Notaras (April 17), arrived there, and he assigned the young monk to edit the manuscript of the PHILOKALIA, which he found in 1777 at the Vatopedi monastery. Editing this book was the beginning of many years of literary work by St Nicodemus. The young monk soon moved to the Pantokrator skete, where he was under obedience to the Elder Arsenius of the Peloponnesos, under whose guidance he zealously studied Holy Scripture and the works of the Holy Fathers. In 1783 St. Nicodemus was tonsured to the Great Schema, and he lived in complete silence for six years. When St Macarius of Corinth next visited Athos, he gave the obedience of editing of the writings of St. Symeon the New Theologian to St. Nicodemus, who gave up his ascetic silence and occupied himself once more with literary work. From that time until his death he continued zealously to toil in this endeavor. Not long before his repose, Father Nicodemus, worn out by his literary work and ascetic efforts, went to live at the skete of the iconographers Hieromonks Stephen and Neophytus Skourtaius, who were brothers by birth. He asked them to help in the publication of his works, since he was hindered by his infirmity. There St. Nicodemus peacefully fell asleep in the Lord on July 14, 1809. According to the testimony of his contemporaries, St. Nicodemus was a simple man, without malice, unassuming, and distinguished by his profound concentration. He possessed remarkable mental abilities: he knew the Holy Scriptures by heart, remembering even the chapter, verse and page, and he could even recite long passages from the writings of the Holy Fathers from memory.

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The early Christian period is marked by the multitude of female martyrs who – even with their blood – helped the message of Christianity reach contemporary society. In the New Testament ( Lk. 8.2–3 ) we encoun­ter references to women as sponsoring patrons of the early missionary efforts of Christianity. Priscilla and Aquila, a notable couple within the Pauline circle, probably sustained in a most decisive way the activity of St. Paul. The earliest reference to a deaconess is encountered in the Pauline Epistle to the Romans (16.1) and refers to Phoebe, a young sister from Kenchreae (near Corinth) whom Paul commends to the Romans. In the same chapter of his epistle, Paul refers to another nine women out of a whole of twenty-four notable people mentioned; among them, the above-mentioned Priscilla, the scholarly missionary and patron of the churches in Corinth and Ephesus. The notable female disciple Junia (mentioned together with Andronicus) is explicitly referred to as an Apostle; and she along with many other women (such as the explicitly named Mary, Tryphosa, Tryphaena, Persis, and so on) recall for us the early, apostolic, Chris­tian environment where women played a vital role in the life of the church and its proclamatory mission. It seems that the role of the deaconess designated an ordained member of the church with specific duties and obligations. Sixty-four inscriptions from the Eastern Roman Empire testify to the existence of ordained deaconesses, while a few others refer to female presbyters (the meaning of which is not entirely clear). Part of the body of Christian texts which did not find their way into the New Testament, such as the apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla, recount the fascination of the young betrothed virgin who for three days and three nights, without eating or drinking, remained fastened to the window like a spider listening to the words of Paul (Kraemer 1988; Lipsius and Bonnet 1891). According to the Acts, Thecla followed Paul and when thrown to the lions she was miraculously saved.

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Thus e.g. L.Cerfaux, La Théologie de l’Église, p.145: “As the Christians did not always gather as a full assembly but formed separate groups within the same city which gathered less officially in private houses, we intend to speak of domestic churches”. The same view is also expressed by P.Batiffol, op.cit., p.88; H.Leclercq in D.A.C.L., IV/2, 1921, col.2280; J.A.Jungmann, The Early Liturgy, p.13; E.A.Judge, op.cit., p.37 and P.Trembelas, “Worship in Apostolic Times” (in Greek) (loc.cit.). V.Stephanidis (op.cit., p.34) goes so far as to assert that the household Churches were so numerous within the local Churches that they became centers of heretical teaching and that was why they were finally done away with. From what sources Stephanidis derived this information, we do not know. But these are representative examples of the widespread view that there were many household Churches within a local Church This idea formed the basis for the view of Protestant historiography that the Church grew gradually into catholicity; on this view, before 1 Clement, there was a variety of gatherings which is still preserved in the Didache while through 1 Clement and Ignatius we arrive at one assembly under the Bishop in place of several assemblies with corresponding implications for the elevation of the Bishop. See e.g. P.Carrington, The Early Christian Church, I, 1957, p.476. For earlier scholars see G.Konidaris, “New Research Towards Solving the Problems of the Sources of Early Christianity” in E.E.Th.S. (1957–58), 1959, p.232. The question which is raised and addressed for the first time here, namely whether there was more than one “household church” in each city, is consequently of tremendous importance for the formation of the Catholic Church. 242 This is another indication of the clear distinction between the notions of the “Christian family” and the Church, discussed above 243 Aquila and Priscilla were Christians before they moved to Corinth. Cf. Harnack, “Probabilia über die Adresse und den Verfasser des Hebräerbriefs” in Z.N.T.W., 1 (1900), 16f. Their move to Corinth was probably due to Claudius’ edict expelling the Jews from Rome. Cf. F.F.Bruce, “Christianity under Claudius” in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 44 (1962), p.310. The story of these two people, as far as it can be reconstructed on the basis of Acts, Romans and 1Corinthians, reveals their importance for the Pauline Churches. Both were linked with a Church “in their household” both in Ephesus ( 1Cor. 16:20 ) and in Rome ( Rom. 16:4 ). This may suggest that the “Church in the household” was usually linked with prominent people

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