| 8992 Hengel, Atonement, 19; cf. 27. Cf. Euripides Iph. au1. 1394–1397, 1553–1560; Livy 22.57.6; Plutarch G.R.P.S. 35, Mor. 314C-D; Lightfoot, Notes, 201. 8993 Achilles Tatius 3.3.5. In a summons to war, some people scrambled to get others to fight (and hence die) in their places (Xenophon Agesilaus 1.24). 8995 Euripides Orest. 652 (Orestes, in war); Aulus Gellius 1.3.4–8 (law court); Maximus of Tyre Or. 15.9; Philostratus Hrk. 51.12; P.Oxy. 32.5, 8–14 (second century C.E.). 8996 E.g., Euripides Orest. 1069–1074, 1155; Iph. taur. 674–686; Chariton 4.3.5; 7.1.7. Cf. Syr. Men. 406–407; Syr. Men. Epit. 22–23. Romances also emphasized this for lovers (e.g., Xenophon Eph. 1.11; 2.1,7; 3.5; 4.5; 5.4). 8997 E.g., Diodorus Siculus 10.4.4–6; Epictetus Diatr. 2.7.3; Musonius Rufus 7, p. 58.23; Valerius Maximus 2.6.11; 4.7 passim (e.g., 4.7.2); cf. Iamblichus V.P. 33.235–236. Schnackenburg, John, 3:108, finds many parallels to 15:13; Boring et a1., Commentary, 121–22, cite Demetrius Lacon the Epicurean Life of Philonides; Diogenes Laertius 10.121; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 1.9.10; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 7.11; others in Anderson, Rhetorical Theory, 225. 8998 Valerius Maximus 4.7.6 (cf. wives doing this for husbands in Valerius Maximus 4.6.ext.3; a slave for a master, 6.8.6). 9000 For application of the ancient motif of dying for a friend here, see, e.g., Keener, «Pneuma-tology,» 350–51; Mitchell, «Friends,» 258. 9001 E.g., Epictetus Diatr. 2.22; Musonius Rufus 15, p. 96.28–29; Iamblichus V.P. 16.69–70; 33.229–236. On types of friendships, see Marshall, Enmity, 24–32; Keener, «Pneumatology,» 351–55. 9002 E.g., Aristotle E.E. 7.1234b-1246a; N.E. Books 8–9; Plutarch Many Friends, Mor. 93A-97B; Dio Chrysostom Or. 3, On Kingship 3, §§99–100; Cicero Amte; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 3 («On True and False Friendships»), 9 («On Philosophy and Friendship»); Theophrastus (according to Aulus Gellius 1.3.10–11). See Malherbe, Exhortation, 85, 144; Sevenster, Seneca, 172–77. 9003 Plutarch, e.g., weaves together both Greek and Roman traditions of friendship (see ÓNeil, «Plutarch on Friendship»). |
| В молитве перечислено множество образных наименований Христа, из которых одни взяты из евангельских притч и бесед Спасителя (напр., «путь», «соль», «сокровище»), другие представляют собой богословски менее понятные выражения (напр., «источник нетления и основание веков» (πηγ τς φθαρσας κα δρα τν ανων)) 10 . Восхвалению Господа Иисуса посвящена и фрагментарно сохранившаяся молитва из P. Oxy. VI 850. Деяния Петра и Деяния Павла Описания Евхаристии в «Деяниях Петра» и в «Деяниях Павла» — значительно лаконичнее. В 5-й главе так называемого Верчелльского фрагмента «Деяний Петра» 11 сразу после рассказа о Крещении новообращенного сказано: Взял хлеб Петр и возблагодарил Господа, Который его удостоил Своего святого служения, и за то, что он явился им в виде юноши, сказав: «Мир вам»: Высочайший и единственный святой, Ты воистину явился нам, Боже Иисусе Христе, во имя Твое только что был засвидетельствован и запечатлен святой Твоей печатью; поэтому во имя Твое я приобщаю его Твоей Евхаристии, чтобы он был совершенным Твоим рабом, во веки без упрека. В «Деяниях Павла и Феклы» 12 , также в 5-й главе, упомянуто «преломление хлеба», сопровождавшееся «преклонением колен» и «словом Божиим о воздержании (γκρατεας) и Воскресении» (упоминание «энкратии» позволяет сопоставить это место с 4-м фрагментом «Деяний Павла» 13 , где говорится, как апостол Павел «преломил хлеб и принес воду»). Гностические тексты В завершении нашего доклада можно кратко остановиться на гностических текстах, упоминающих Евхаристию. Среди них выделяется «Евангелие от Филиппа», характеризующееся перечислением целого ряда таинств: «Господь [создал] все в тайне (μυστριον): Крещение (βπτισμα), Помазание (χρσμα), Евхаристию (εχαριστα), Искупление (πολτρωσις) и Брачный чертог (νυμφν)» (Nag Hammadi Codex II 3 67. 27–30). Этот ряд соответствует последовательности инициации гностика от низших ступеней посвящения к высшим. Нельзя не заметить, что первые три гностических «таинства» совпадают с православным представлением о жизни в Церкви, таким образом, сакраментальная система валентиниан 14 , из среды которых и происходит этот памятник, вероятно, осмыслялась ими как усовершенствование церковной. |
| 6812 The contrasting tenses in the two lines of 8allow the interpretation that Jesus «saw» (perfect) the Father in «a préexistent vision» (Brown, John, 1:356); but cf. the present tense in 5:19–20. Bernard, John, 2:310, and Michaels, John, 143, take ποιετε as imperative, hence a challenge to kill him (contrasted with the alternative imperative for true children of Abraham in 8:39). 6813 M. " Abot 5:19; Dibelius, James, 168–74. He even became the model Pharisee (p. Sotah 5:5, §2). 6814 For more detail, see further DeSilva, Honor, 202–6. 6815 See ibid., 194 (citing esp. 4 Macc 13:24–26 and texts in Philo). 6816 Cf., e.g., the «children of the prophets» in 1 Kgs 20:35; 2 Kgs 2:3, 5, 7, 15; 4:1, 38; 5:22; 6:1; 9:1. See more fully under John 13:33 . 6817 4 Macc 9:21 (βραμιαος νεανας). 6818 4 Macc 15(OTP2:560). 6819 Ps.-Phoc. 178; t. Sanh. 8:6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:6; Lev. Rab. 23:12; probably Wis 4:6; cf. Aristotle Po1. 2.1.13,1262a. Children were said to bear the images of their parents ( Gen 5:3; 4 Macc 15:4; LA.B. 50:7; Chariton 2.11.2, 3.8.7; Philostratus Hrk. 52.2; P.Oxy. 37). 6820 Homer Il. 16.33–35. 6821 Lysias Or. 13.65–66, §135 (noting that the defendant " s brothers had all been executed for crimes); cf. Rhet. Alex. 35, 1440b.5–13; in nonlegal contexts, Theophrastus Char. 28.2. Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 161, rightly note that ancients could infer ancestry from behavior or the reverse. 6822 A rhetorical attack used, when possible, before classical Athenian juries (Aeschines False Embassy 78; Ctesiphon 172). 6823 Lysias Or. 30.1–2, §183; for honorable background, e.g., Aeschines False Embassy 148–150. For honorable birth as a matter of praise, e.g., Xenophon Agesilaus 1.2. 6824 Lysias Or. 10.2, §116; Plutarch Cicero 26.6. 6825 Phaedrus 6. Aristocrats assumed that thieves usually had some dishonest lineage on one side or the other (Sophocles Searchers 280–283). 6826 Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.25.611; cf. Acts 23:6. Pindar praises a victor who is also son of a victor (Ryth. 10.12). |
| 5992 Cf. Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 132–33; Aune, Revelation, 397; Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 126–27. Cereals were central to the diet (e.g., Lewis, Life, 68; Thucydides 4.26.5). 5993 Brown, John, 1:233. Fish symbols were common both in Judaism and paganism (Good-enough, Symbols, 5:3–30), but a symbolic interpretation here would be forced; fish constituted a staple of the Galilean diet (Neusner, Beginning, 23; elsewhere in Horsley, Documents, 5:99; P.Oxy. 520 in Lewis, Life, 136; on the staples, see Keener, Matthew, 246; further P.Lond. 7.1930; P.Cair.Zen. 1.59.004; 59.006 in Cook, «Zenon Papyri,» 1301). 5995 Bultmann, Tradition, 234–36, prefers Hellenistic parallels in Origen Cels. 1.68 and later Christian sources to Amoraic texts (b. Ta c an. 24b-25a; Šabb. 33b); cf. Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 103. 5997 Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 192, finds only a third-century C.E. parallel referring to Indian sages. But see Grant, «Feedings.» 6000 E.g., p. Hor. 3:2, §10, bar. Compare also the late traditions about multiplying oil for the light in the Maccabean period (cf. Maller, «Hanukkah»). 6001 God sovereignly feeds all humanity (Bonsirven, Judaism, 13, cites b. Pesah. 118a). Some considered the creation of food, however, to be a rare miracle (b. Šabb. 53b). 6002 E.g., CD 13.1–2. Yadin, War Scroll, 59, compares the language of the War Scroll with 1Macc 3:55; Josephus War 2.578. 6004 Safrai, «Religion,» 802; cf. Jub. 22:6. On the importance of blessings, see, e.g., m. Ber. passim; b. Ber. 39a; Grassi, World, 67. 6005 Early Christians probably adapted some standard Jewish prayers (e.g., 1Tim 4:4–5 ; Did. 10.3; Apos. Con. 7.26.4; cf. Sib. Or. 4.25–26; Jub. 22:6; Josephus War 2.131; m. Ber. 6:1–8:8; b. Ber. 35a, bar.; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 28:2), though probably not the Decalogue (Kimelman, «Note»). Cf. «Blessed are you, my God» in 1QS 11.15; similarly, Eph 1:3 ; 1Pet 1:3 . Even in a later period, however, rabbis disputed the most appropriate ways to say grace (Gen. Rab. 91:3). 6006 Safrai, «Religion,» 802, citing m. Ber. 6:1–6. Breaking bread was the custom with which Jewish meals traditionally opened (Goppelt, Theology, 2:12); John " s omission of specific mention of this practice may play down potential sacramental allusions (Bernard, John, 1:179), though other eucharistie terms appear (Dodd, Tradition, 201–3). |
| 5665 This is a summary statement, like those frequently found in Mark, Philostratus, and Josephus (cf. Aune, Environment, 54). 5667 Schnackenburg, John, 1:462; Boring et a1., Commentary, 96; and Davies and Allison, Matthew, 2:460, cite Pindar O1. 12.13–16; Apollonius of Tyana Ep. 44; Dio Chrysostom Or. 47.6. 5669 Liv. Pro. 2(ed. Schermann §25 p. 81); 6(ed. Schermann §17 p. 60); 7:1–2 (ed. Schermann §14 p. 51); Jub. 1:12; Josephus Ant. 10.38; 4 Bar. 9:31; Pesiq. Rab. 26:1/2; see further Amaru, «Prophets»; Schoeps, «Prophetenmorde.» 5670 Davies and Allison, Matthew, 2:460, who also regard Gos. Thom. 31 and P.Oxy. 1 as likely expansions of Lukés version. Compare also εδξαντο in John 4with δεκτς in Luke 4:24. 5671 While those who emphasize the connection to the following context are correct, they are incorrect to relate it only weakly to the preceding context (as Feuillet, Studies, 39–43, does). 5672 «Cana of Galilee» probably serves as a geographical inclusio bracketing 2:1–11, but this might increase, rather than decrease, its representative function. 5674 Jesus» arrival after two days (4:43,46) may also constitute a link with the first Cana miracle (2:1; Moloney, Belief 177). 5675 Also others, e.g., Moloney, Belief 190; Maccini, Testimony, 108–9; Borchert, John, 220; Culpepper, John, 146. 5678 See Qedar, «Weights.» Paganism is widely attested in first-century Palestine (cf., e.g., Flusser, «Paganism»; Hirschfeld, «Town-Plan»; Gersht, «Reader»; di Segni, «Inscription»); cf. the second-century Roman temple in Upper Galilee in Magness, «Observations,» and the late-second-century Roman villa near Jerusalem in Edelstein, «Villa.» 5680 Cf. Moloney, Belief 183. Besides Romans who lived in Capernaum (Laughlin, «Capernaum»), some soldiers passed through places in Galilee (Dar and Kokkinos, «Inscriptions»). 5681 Feuillet, Studies, 45. So also Origen Comm. Jo. 13.395 (but he believes the Gentile symbolizes Abraham father of Israel, 13.402). Calvin, John, 1(on John 4:46 ), suggests a noble in Herod " s court, but maybe sent by Caesar. Tannaim disagreed as to whether Israelites or Gentiles prevailed in the land of Israel (p. Demai 2:1,22c). |
| 6654 Cf. Pilch, «Lying,» 128. 6655 E.g., Thucydides 3.61.1. Circumstances, however, varied, so that sometimes one should open a speech with self-praise, sometimes with accusing opponents, and sometimes with praise of the jury (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 17). 6656 Normally the prosecutor would speak first, so the accused would be able to respond to the charges specifically (e.g., Cicero Quinct. 2.9; 9.33; Terence Eunuch 10–13; Chariton 5.4.9; Apuleius Metam. 10.7; t. Sanh. 6:3; Acts 24:2–8; cf. a legal exception in t. Sanh. 7:2). But the prosecutor offered entire speeches, not the trading of charges and countercharges found here (though even court transcripts were at best summaries, e.g., P.Oxy. 37; 237.7.19–29; P.Ry1. 75.1–12; P.Strassb. 22.10–24; P.Thead. 15; P. Bour. 20). 6657 Deut 17:6; 19:15 ; 11QT 61.6–7; 64.8; CD 9.3–4,17–23; Josephus Ant. 4.219; T.Ab. 13:8A; see Daube, «Witnesses»; and further citations under the introductory comment to John 5:31–47 . Cf. Rabinovitch, «Parallels,» though he may minimize too much the difference between Qumran and rabbinic approaches. 6658 E.g., Josephus Ant. 4.219; Life 256. 6659 Secondary «even if» claims (here, «Even if I testify concerning myself») appear elsewhere in ancient rhetoric (e.g., Hermogenes Issues 48.19–23). 6660 Cf. also the philosophical condemnation of evaluating by physical standards (Seneca Ep. Luci1. 14.1; 94.13); some philosophers even appeared to condemn sensory knowledge (Plato Phaedo 83A), but most did not (Aristotle Soul 3.1,424b; Seneca Dia1. 5.36.1 ; 7.8.4; Diogenes Laertius 7.1.52, 110; Let. Aris. 156; Philo Spec. Laws 4.92; Confusion 19; Heb 5:14; Murray, Philosophy, 26; Long, Philosophy, 21), and John certainly does not move in a philosophic framework that would condemn the senses. Many writers shared an emphasis on moral discernment (Cicero Off. 3.17.71; Leg. 1.23.60; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 45.6; Epictetus Diatr. 1.4.1; 1.7.8; 2.3.1; Marcus Aurelius 2.1, 13; 4.41; 9.1.2; Diogenes Laertius 7.1.122). |
| Одним из интереснейших открытий по этой теме стало обнаружение самого раннего папирусного фрагмента книги Апокалипсис, датируемого концом III — началом IV beka. В науке этот фрагмент приобрёл сигл P 115 o P. Oxy LXVI 4499. Этот уникальный папирус, обнаруженный во время раскопок в египетском городе Оксиринх, содержит легендарное числительное 18 го стиха 13 й главы книги Откровения. Удивительно, что «число зверя» в этом древнейшем фрагменте передано греческими буквами χι´ (χ — 600, ι — 10, — 6), что в сумме равно 616, а не привычным 666. Ещё святому Иринею Лионскому было известно, что между списками Апокалипсиса, которые ходили среди его современников, были такие, где под «числом зверя» стоит 616. Сам святой Ириней считал это ошибкой переписчиков, однако для нас важно подтверждение факта, что в то время существовали списки Апокалипсиса с числительным 616. Кроме того, цитируя книгу Откровения, западный богослов Цезарий из Арля (VI b.) также упоминает число 616. Откуда же появилось число 666, которое и закрепилось официально в каноне книг Нового Завета? Безусловно, 18й стих необходимо рассматривать не только в контексте 13й главы, но в контексте всего Апокалипсиса, ни в коем случае не вырывая его. Для более глубокого осмысления этого стиха предложим обратиться к другому фрагменту книги Откровения — главе 17: И пришёл один из семи Ангелов, имеющих семь чаш, и, говоря со мною, сказал мне: подойди, я покажу тебе суд над великою блудницею, сидящею на водах многих ( Откр.17:1 ). Первый вопрос, возникающий при чтении этого стиха, связан с образом «великой блудницы, сидящей на водах многих». Что имел в виду Иоанн Богослов? И сказал мне Ангел: что ты дивишься? Я скажу тебе тайну жены сей и зверя, носящего её, имеющего семь голов и десять рогов. Зверь, которого ты видел, был и нет его, и удивятся те из живущих на земле, имена которых не вписаны в книгу жизни от начала мира, видя, что зверь был и нет его, и явится ( Откр.17:7-8 ). Второй вопрос вызывает образ зверя, который должен вновь явиться, по слову апостола Иоанна. |
| 7285 Tg. Neof. on Gen 6:11, 13 later interpreted a major part of the violence that merited God " s anger as robbery. Rhet. Alex. 1,1422b.5–8, portrays deceivers as «thieves» (κλπτας) of understanding. 7288 Cullmann, State, 22; Wood, «Interpreting,» 266. Shepherd, «Jews,» 100 applies it against both false christs and false teachers in genera1. 7290 Hunter, John, 102; Mary, «Shepherd,» 2660. Bruns, «Shepherd,» 387, applies it to the temple priesthood, wrongly citing the Hanukkah story before 10:22; Stauffer, Jesus, 93–94, wrongly applies the false-shepherds image to Pilate (also the wolf, 99). Bowman, Gospel, 199–200, applies it to Moses and to the rabbis who abused him; Valentinians applied to OT prophets (Hippolytus Haer. 6.30). 7291 Odeberg, Gospel, 328; Quasten, «Shepherd,» 12,153,159–60; Jeremias, Parables, 167; Barrett, John, 367. Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 45.11.4 recontextualizes the image for false teachers leading people into heresy. 7292 With Jeremias, Parables, 133; Matt 18:12; Luke 15:4. Three hundred was large (t. B. Qam. 6:20); cf. eighty in P.Hib. 33.16 (245 B.C.E.); 12 in P.Oxy. 245 (26 C.E.); a poor widow had one sheep (Babrius 51.1). 7293 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.10.1 (which also appeals to the named ones» desire for personal recognition). 7294 Longus 4.26.4 (a novel), in Hock, «Novel,» 139. For calling sheep by name, Watkins, John, 232, cites Idyll 5.102–103; Bailey, «Shepherd Poems,» 10, attests that some modern shepherds in the region name their sheep whereas others do not but that shepherds can always distinguish their sheep individually. 7295 Jeremias, Parables, 215 n. 37, following Dalman, Arbeit, 6:250–51. Brown, John, 1notes that Palestinian shepherds apparently often have «pet names for their favorite» sheep, such as «Long-ears» or «White-nose.» Haenchen, John, 2:46, doubts that sheep would each have their own names in a large flock; but in Palestine an average-sized flock was only about a hundred (Matt 18:12; Luke 15:4; Jeremias, Parables, 133), as noted above. |
| 6564 See comment on 7concerning the well as a proposed background for the Scripture. 6565 Aune, Prophecy, 155; see comment on 6:14–15. 6566 Painter, John, 72–73; Bruce, Time, 41; Ellis, Genius, 8; Duke, Irony, 67; Ridderbos, John, 277. Cf. Smith, John (1999), 175 (irony, whether because Jesus was from Bethlehem or because he was Messiah without being from there). A Bethlehemite Messiah was a widespread expectation (Longenecker, Christology, 109; Keener, Matthew, 103; also Tg. Mic. 5:1, though it polemically explains away possible ideas of preexistence; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 35:21 , for Messiah " s revelation near Bethlehem; pace Dodd, Interpretation, 90–91). There may also be an allusion here to 2Sam 7LXX, as in 4QFlor 10.11 (Lane, Hebrews, 25), though the verbal parallel is far from coercive. On evidence concerning Jesus as descendant of David, see Matt 1:6; Luke 3:31; Rom 1:3 ; b. Sanh. 43a, bar.; Julius Africanus Letter to Aristides; Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.20; further, e.g., Meier, Marginal Jew, 216–19. 6567 Duke, Irony, 24, citing Sophocles Oedipus the King. 6568 Cf. Jerome Letter 58 to Paulinus 3; Paulinus of Nola Epistles 31.3; Finegan, Archeology, 20–23. 6569 Malina, Windows, 106. 6570 E.g., Terence The Lady of Andros 1–27; The Self-Tormentor 16–52; The Eunuch 1–45; Phormio 1–23; The Mother-in-Law 1–57; The Brothers 1–25; Phaedrus 2.9.7–11; 3.pro1.23; 4.pro1. 15–16; Appian R.H. 3.7.3; 7.5.28; 8.10.68; C.W. 1, introduction 1; 4.8.64; Aulus Gellius 6.19.6; 17.4.3–6; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 4.1–2; 25 (Atticus), 7.1–11.6; Herodian 4.3.2, 5. Such adversarial relations weakened the state or other institutions that it plagued (Sallust Jug. 73.5; Livy 2.60.4; 3.66.4; Herodian 8.8.5). 6571 E.g., Acts 23:7; Chariton 5.4.1–2 (Callirhoés beauty); 5.8.4; 6.1.2–5; Plutarch L.S. 1, Mor. 772C; Josephus Life 139, 142–144. 6572 For the sending of officers to arrest one or transfer detention, see P.Oxy. 65. 6573 See Keener, Matthew, 351–53, 538–49,613–16; cf. Meier, Marginal lew, 3:289–388. |
| 8738 Similarly, God reveals himself (επιφνεια γνεται) to the royal counselors (συμβολοις) who are worthy (Let. Arts. 264). For angelic revelation (μφανισθναι), cf., e.g., T. Ab. 4:10B. 8739 Glasson, Moses, 77; cf. Beasley-Murray, John, 259. In contrast to 14:8, however, 14does not echo the language of the LXX here. Likewise, an appeal to the occasional selective vision of Greek deities (Homer IX 1.194–200) would miss culturally nearer Jewish parallels ( 1Sam 16:7 ; Ezek 1:1 ; cf. Acts 9:7), and parallels in magical papyri (PGM 1.186–187) are too distant from John " s focus; he certainly does not desire to present Jesus as a magician (7:20; 8:48–49). 8741 E.g., P.Oxy. 494.32; 1273.3,49; CP/2:143, §261; 2:145, §§269–270; 2:146, §274; 2:147, §275; 2:147, §276; 2:151, §298; 2:153, §304; 2:154, §311; 2:156, §321; 3:9, §453; CI] 1:24, §30; 2:111, §879; Acts 1:23; Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.39; Leon, Jews, 107–13. On the history of the Roman practice, see Appian R.H. pref.13. 8742 E.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.2.81; Xenophon Hel1. 1.2.13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Dinarchus 1; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.483; 2.20.600; cf. Horace Sat. 2.3.11; Plutarch Themistocles 32.1, 5. Sometimes the distinctions do, however, represent improbable harmonizations of widely divergent legendary sources (e.g., Arrian Alex. 2.16.1–4; 4.28.2; 5.13; Appian R.H. 6.1.2). 8743 E.g., CI] 1:15, §12; 1:26, §33; 1:84, §121; 1:85, §122; 1:270–71, §345; 1:271, §346; 1:272, §347; 1:272, §348; 1:273, §349; 1:274, §350; 1:274–75, §351; 1:455, §636; 1:479, §668; 2:46, §791 (from Spain, Cilicia, but especially Rome). 8744 For rabbinic development of this theme ( («abode,» as a divine name), see Marmorstein, Names, 91. 8746 For the Shekinah here, see Kugelman, «Pentecost,» 261. On the Shekinah, see esp. comment on 1:14. Cf. later Greek portraits of deities «being with» or spending time with initiates (e.g., Philostratus Hrk. 2.8; 4.10; 5.1; 7.1, 3; 9.7). 8747 See Sanders, Judaism, 55–69; Josephus War 5.184–227; Cornfeld, Josephus, 346–61. It was renowned for its beauty (Josephus War 6.267; " Abot R. Nat. 28A; 48, §132B) and known throughout the Roman world (2 Mace 2:22; Let. Arts. 84–91; CI] 1:378, §515). |
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