| While Moses had to veil his face “because the people were afraid to come near him” ( Ex. 34.30 ), “When a man turns to the Lord, there is freedom. And we all, with unveiled face, beholding the glory of the Lord, are being changed into his likeness from one degree of glory to another” ( 2Cor. 3.17–18 ). The experience uniquely given to Moses in the Old Testament is offered to all Christians. In the passages examined above, Orthodoxy understands the “splendor” or “glory” to be a real light with a physical manifestation, rather than metaphors for inward experiences – even though the light is at the same time supernatural: St. Gregory Palamas cites St. Basil of Caesarea to this effect, making clear that the manifestation of divine light had a specific historical moment which was at the same time an eschatological moment – the apostles on Mount Tabor “Were privileged to see with their eyes a foretaste of his advent” (Palamas 1988:252–3); that is, of his coming in glory at the end of the world. Most closely associated with deification in Orthodox teaching is the transfiguration or metamorphosis: when Jesus was transfigured on the mountain, the dazzling light emanating from him was experienced by the three apostles, St. Peter, St. James, and St. John ( Mt. 17.1–8 ; Mk. 9.2–8 ; Lk. 9.28–36 ). On the mountain (in Orthodox tradition, Mount Thabor), Christ was transfigured, shining with a supernatural brilliance ( Mt. 17.1–8 ; Mk. 9.2–8 ; Lk. 9.28–36 ). He manifested God’s glory, the uncreated light, to three chosen disciples. It continued to affect them throughout their lives, transforming them. St. Peter and St. John wrote in their own words, in their epistles, of their experience of the glory, an experience which marks their writings. The persecutor Saul was transformed into St. Paul the apostle through a manifestation of this same uncreated light (Acts 9.3–7; 22.6–8; 26.13–18). The liturgical poetry of the Feast of the Transfiguration bears witness to the historical circumstances of the event. The disciples, especially St. Peter, had been scandalized at the prospect of the Messiah, his master, submitting to death. Christ allowed the divinity to shine through the flesh in order that the disciples might be able to bear the crucifixion, by knowing Christ’s divinity (Ware 1990: 477–88). It brings together the texts relating to the history of salvation, by which God revealed himself to the human race. In the biblical texts for Vespers, the events prefiguring and prophesying the transfiguration are read. They are the texts about Moses and Elijah in which their encounters with the divine glory are narrated (Ware 1990: 472–4; see Ex. 24.12–18; 33.11–23; 34.4–6, 8; I Kgs. 19). |
| 23. Dumnezeu v iubete i de la fiecare dintre voi ateapt c vei fi ucenicii i apostolii Lui. Devenii lumina lumii , ca cei din jur, vzând faptele voastre cele bune, s slveasc pe Tatl vostru Cel din ceruri (Mt. 5:14-16). Educai-v copiii în credin cretin, transmitei-le mrgritarele preioase ale credinei (Mt. 13-46), pe care voi ai primit-o de la prinii i strbunii votri. S nu uitai c „ai fost cumprai cu pre” (1 Cor. 6:20) – cu pre de moarte pe cruce a Omului i Dumnezeului Iisus Hristos. 24. Ortodocii i catolicii sunt unii nu doar de Tradiia comun a Bisericii din primul mileniu, dar i de misiunea propovduirii Evangheliei lui Hristos în lumea contemporan. Aceast misiune presupune un respect reciproc al membrilor comunitilor cretine, exclude orice form de prozelitism. Noi nu suntem concureni, dar frai, pe aceast concepie noi trebuie s ne bazm în toate aciunile noastre, în relaiile unora fa de alii i fa de lumea exterioar. Chemm pe catolicii i ortodocii din toate rile s învee a convieui în pace, dragoste i a gândi la fel unii pentru alii (Rom. 15:5). Este inadmisibil de a folosi mijloace nepermise pentru impunerea credincioilor de a trece dintr-o Biseric în alta, înclcând libertatea lor religioas i tradiiile personale. Noi suntem chemai s înfptuim în via porunca apostolului Pavel i s binevestim acolo unde Hristos nu fusese numit, ca s nu zidim pe temelie strin (Rom. 15:20). 25. Sperm c întâlnirea noastr îi va aduce contribuia la împcare acolo, unde exist neînelegeri între greco-catolici i ortodoci. Astzi este evident c metoda „uniatismului” din veacurile precedente, care prevedea aducerea unei comuniti în uniune cu alta prin ruperea ei de la Biserica sa, nu este o cale ce duce la restabilirea unitii. În acelai timp, comunitile bisericeti, care au aprut în urma unor circumstane istorice, au dreptul la existen i la satisfacerea necesitilor duhovniceti ale credincioilor lor, tinzând la instaurarea pcii cu vecinii. Ortodocii i greco-catolicii au nevoie de conciliere i de gsire a unor forme acceptabile de coexisten. |
| 1Пар.24:7 . И вышел первый жребий Иегоиариву, второй Иедаии, 1Пар.24:8 . третий Хариму, четвертый Сеориму, 1Пар.24:9 . пятый Малхию, шестой Миямину, 1Пар.24:10 . седьмой Гаккоцу, восьмой Авии, 1Пар.24:11 . девятый Иешую, десятый Шехании, 1Пар.24:12 . одиннадцатый Елиашиву, двенадцатый Иакиму, 1Пар.24:13 . тринадцатый Хушаю, четырнадцатый Иешеваву, 1Пар.24:14 . пятнадцатый Вилге, шестнадцатый Имеру, 1Пар.24:15 . семнадцатый Хезиру, восемнадцатый Гапицецу, 1Пар.24:16 . девятнадцатый Петахии, двадцатый Иезекиилю, 1Пар.24:17 . двадцать первый Иахину, двадцать второй Гамулу, 1Пар.24:18 . двадцать третий Делаии, двадцать четвертый Маазии. От имен перечисляемых в данных стихах лиц, глав священнических родов, получили название и священнические чреды. Такова чреда Иегоиаривова (стих 7), к которой принадлежал священник Маттафия со своими сыновьями, известными братьями Маккавеями ( 1Мак.2:1 ); Авиева (стих 10), из которой происходил Захария, отец Иоанна Крестителя ( Лк.1:5 ); Имерова (стих 14), из членов которой известен современник пророка Иеремии священник Пасхор ( Иер.20:1 ). 1Пар.24:20 . У прочих сыновей Левия – распределение: из сынов Амрама: Шуваил; из сынов Шуваила: Иедия; 1Пар.24:21 . от Рехавии: из сынов Рехавии Ишшия был первый; 1Пар.24:22 . от Ицгара: Шеломоф; из сыновей Шеломофа: Иахав; 1Пар.24:23 . из сыновей Хеврона: первый Иерия, второй Амария, третий Иахазиил, четвертый Иекамам. 1Пар.24:24 . Из сыновей Озиила: Миха; из сыновей Михи: Шамир. 1Пар.24:25 . Брат Михи Ишшия; из сыновей Ишшии: Захария. 1Пар.24:26 . Сыновья Мерари: Махли и Муши; из сыновей Иаазии: Бено. 1Пар.24:27 . Из сыновей Мерари у Иаазии: Бено и Шогам, и Заккур и Иври. 1Пар.24:28 . У Махлия – Елеазар; у него сыновей не было. 1Пар.24:29 . У Киса: из сыновей Киса: Иерахмиил; 1Пар.24:30 . сыновья Мушия: Махли, Едер и Иеримоф. Вот сыновья левитов по поколениям их. 1Пар.24:31 . Бросали и они жребий, наравне с братьями своими, сыновьями Аароновыми, пред лицем царя Давида и Садока и Ахимелеха, и глав семейств священнических и левитских: глава семейства наравне с меньшим братом своим. |
| Wh ere does this interest in religion come from? Why does the world remain “as furiously religious as it ever was, and in some places more so than ever” , as was noted by a well-known American sociologist of religion, Peter Berger (1929-2017), whom I knew well? It is because religions have colossal potential, which allows them not only to survive, but also to revive, like a phoenix, for a new life. And despite all the efforts of anti-religious forces, the traditional religions continue to exist and develop. Today’s world is characterized by the unprecedentedly high interdependence and interconnection. Therefore, becoming particularly important is the task of addressing a range of problems that pertain to the development of relationships between adherents of different religions – what is usually called “interreligious dialogue.” Nowadays we often run across the phrase “interfaith dialogue” in speeches of political, public and religious leaders, scholars, and experts, as well as in mass media. At the same time, giving an adequate description of this phenomenon in all the wide variety of its possible forms is a scientific task yet to be accomplished. The notion of interreligious dialogue has varying interpretations reflecting different concepts of its principles, tasks and forms. I would like to dwell on the Russian Orthodox Church’s understanding of interfaith dialogue. As for its doctrinal foundations, we are guided, first and foremost, by the example of Christ Himself. The Gospel describes some of Christ’s meetings with the Samaritans, Canaanites, and Gentiles. He treated them with mercy and love and made an example of the Roman centurion and his faith for His fellow-countrymen (Mt. 8:10). As St. Paul teaches us, “if possible, so far as it depends upon you, live peaceably with all” (Rom. 12:18). And St. Peter commands: “Make a defense to any one who calls you to account for the hope that is in you, yet do it with gentleness and reverence” (1 Pet. 3:15). It means that we must treat every person as our equal, with respect and love. The Lord Himself commanded us to preach love and goodness with our own life, our own relationships with those near and those far off. He said, “Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father which is in heaven” (Mt. 5:16). |
| Cohort. ad Graec. Cohortatio ad Graecos//PG. T. 6. Col. 261–311 (Увещание к эллинам). De resurrect. De resurrectione//PG. T. 6. Col. 593–1605/Ed. J.C.T. Otto. Corpus apologeticarum. Wiesbaden. 1971. T. 3. P. 126–158 (pyc. пер.: Иустин Мучеиик, св. Отрывок ο воскресении//Там же. С. 469–184). Dial. cum Tryph. Dialogus cum Tryphone//PG. T. 6. Col. 481–800 (pyc. пер.: Иустин Мученик , св. Разговор с Трифоном иудеем//Там же. C. 132–362). De monarch. De monarchia//PG. T. 6. Col. 382–390 (pyc. пер.: Иустин Мучеиик, ce. O единовластительстве//Там же. С. 455–164 Ps.-Iust. – псевдо-Иустин Orat, ad Graec. Oratio ad Graecos//PG. T. 6. Col. 229–240 (pyc. пер.: Иустин Мученик , св. Речь кэллинам//Тамже. C. 389–395). . Quaest. et resp. ad orth. Quaestiones et responsiones ad Orthodoxos//PG. T. 6. Col. 1249–1400 (Вопросы и ответы к православным). Ad Euphras. Epistula ad Euphrasiam sophistam (CPG. 1:1089) (Евфрасию Софисту o промысле и вере). Cohort. ad Graec. Cohortatio ad Graecos//PG. T. 6. Col. 241–312 (pyc. пер.: Иустип Мучеиик, св. Увещание к эллинам//Там же. С. 401–449). Ad Zen. et Seren. Epistula ad Zenam et Serenum//PG. T. 6. Col. 1184–1204 (Письмо к Зину и Серину). Conf. Confutatio dogmatum quorundam Aristotelicorum//PG. T. 6. Col. 1492–1564. (Опровержение некоторых догматов Аристотеля). Quaest. ad Graec. Quaestiones Christianorum ad Graecos//PG. T. 6. Col. 1401–1464 (Вопросы христиан к эллинам). Quaest. ad Christ. Quaestiones Garecorum ad Christianos//PG. T. 6. Col. 1464–1489 (Вопросы эллинов к христианам). Jul. Afr. Julius (Sextus) Africanus – Юлий Секст Африкан Chronograph. Cronographiae (Fragmenta)//PG. 10. Col. 63–94 (Хронография). Maximus Conf. Maximus Confessor – Прп. Максим Исповедник Opusc. Opuscula theologica et polemica ad Marinum//PG. T. 91. Col. 9–286. (Послания богословские и полемические к Марину). Schol. in MT Scholia in: Areop. MT//PG. T. 4. Col. 15–132. Scholia in Dionysium Areopagitum (pyc. пер.:Диописий Ареопагит. Сочинения. МаксимИсповедник. Толкования. СПб. 2002). |
| В Коране в связи с колдовством упоминаются ангелы Харут и Марут (Коран. Сура 2. Аят 102), рассказ о к-рых, возможно, восходит к преданию об Ианнии и Иамврии. Текст Долгое время о существовании апокрифа было известно лишь по упоминаниям у христианских писателей: одни признавали наличие текста, другие считали рассказ преданием. Так, Ориген утверждал, что в основе 2 Тим 3. 8 лежит письменный апокриф ( Orig. Comm. in Matth. 117 (in Mt 27. 9)//PG. 13. Col. 1769C; Ibid. 28 (in Mt 23. 37)//PG. 13. Col. 1637A). По мнению блж. Феодорита Кирского, ап. Павел опирался на незаписанное иудейское предание ( Theodoret. In 2 Tim 3. 8). По словам же свт. Иоанна Златоуста, имена волхвов либо содержались в предании, либо были открыты ап. Павлу Св. Духом ( Ioan. Chrysost. In 2 Tim. 8. 2). Однако в XX в. были обнаружены и изданы неск. фрагментов текста, найденных на папирусах и сохранивших значительную часть истории «И. и И.». Бóльшая часть греч. текста содержится в папирусе Честер-Битти (P. Chester Beatty XVI), датируемом сер. или 2-й пол. IV в. (примерно от 12 листов кодекса сохр. 99 фрагментов). Кроме того, имеется 4 греч. фрагмента Венского папирусного свитка (P. Vindob. gr. 29456 и 29828v) (III в.), из к-рых только 2 могут быть прочитаны, а также 2 неизданных греч. фрагмента P. Mich. 4925v (кон. II - нач. III в.), где содержится генеалогия Ианния и Иамврия (возможно, она служила началом повествования). Еще в XIX в. был обнаружен текст, т. н. латинско-древнеангл. билингва (Lond. Brit. Lib. Cotton. Tiberius B. Fol. 87v, XI в.; копия - Bodl. 614, XII в.), в к-ром в рассказе «О чудесах Востока» (De rebus in Oriente mirabilibus) была вставлена сцена некромантии из «И. и И.». Язык, датировка и происхождение Оригинальным языком памятника признается греческий, несмотря на присутствие в тексте ряда семитизмов, которые объясняются влиянием языка Септуагинты. Вероятно, следует различать время возникновения преданий об Ианнии и Иамврии и время составления апокрифа, известного по папирусным фрагментам. Если считать, что предание имеет дохрист. происхождение (возможно, возникло как мидраш на Исх 5-14), то о существовании текста впервые упоминает Ориген. Хотя в апокрифе много иудейских реалий (превозношение Моисея, запрет идолопоклонства и колдовства, увещевание не воевать против евреев), в папирусных фрагментах текста содержится ряд признаков христ. редакции. В частности, в Венском папирусе встречается слово χιζειν, что значит «помечать крестом» (буквой χ) или «перекреститься» ( Lampe. Lexicon. P. 1525), в папирусе Честер-Битти используется выражение «сойти во ад», к-рое характерно для христ. памятников. Наконец, идея покаяния, к-рая является лейтмотивом всего произведения, указывает скорее на христианскую, чем на иудейскую традицию. Вероятно, история была записана в Египте, поскольку сир. христ. авторам она практически неизвестна. Содержание |
| He had excellent knowledge of the rubrics of church services, and in part, the more complex rule of the St. Panteleimon cathedral, where Russian and Greek services were combined. Fr. Gabriel served freely in Greek, and read the Greek Gospels well. He was spiritually guided by elders of lofty spiritual life. Fr. Gabriel was a monk of prayer. He always said the Jesus Prayer. At night in his cell he almost never used a light—he read the cell rule from memory,” as eye-witnessed remembered about him. Schema-Archimandrite Gabriel In 1965, Fr. Gabriel was chosen as assistant abbot of the Russian St. Panteleimon Monastery on Mt. Athos, helping the elderly abbot of the monastery Ilian (Sorokin). After the repose of Abbot Ilian, Hieroschemamonk Gabriel was among the candidates for the abbacy, but at first Archimandrite Abel (Makedonov), who had arrived from the USSR, was chosen instead. However, the Holy Kinotis did not ratify this appointment because Fr. Abel had not lived long enough on Mt. Athos. Therefore Fr. Gabriel was appointed as second choice. His installation took place on April 26, 1971, and on May 13 he was elevated to the rank of Archimandrite. The years of his abbacy were very complicated. Despite the arrival of a small number of new monks, there were only twelve or thirteen monastics. The political situation in Greece was also still rather complicated: a military junta was in power (the government of the “black colonels”), which continued the politics of not allowing new monks into the Slavic monasteries. The new abbot continued the line of his predecessor, Schema-Archimandrite Ilian (Sorokin), who strengthened ties with the Russian Church. In a letter to Patriarch Pimen of Moscow and all Russia dated September 9, 1972, Schema-Archimandrite Gabriel wrote: “Our monastery is in an extremely difficult situation, especially due to the lack of brothers. With the passing of time the number of brothers is gradually decreasing—the elderly are dying, and there is no one to replace them. |
| Following the death of Archbishop Theodosius of Australia and New Zealand, the Synod of Bishops appointed Bishop Paul, Vicar of the German Diocese, to replace him. Archimandrite Mark was then elevated to the episcopacy and appointed Bishop of Munich and Southern Germany. The hierarchal consecration was performed on November 30, 1980 at the Synodal Cathedral of Our Lady of the Sign in New York. In accordance with ecclesiastical law, during the nomination, Archimandrite Mark read a sermon through which he threaded his concern for how he was to lead his flock. Warm words were spoken about his spiritual proximity to the great Serbian ascetic and theologian Archimandrite Justin (Popovic, +1979) and affinity for Holy Mt. Athos. His Eminence Metropolitan Philaret (Voznesensky, +1985) officiated at the consecration, along with Archbishop Vitaly (Oustinov, +2006) of Montreal and Canada; Archbishop Anthony (Medvedev, +2000) of San Francisco and Western America; Bishop Laurus (Shkurla, +2008) of Syracuse and Holy Trinity Monastery; Bishop Paul, and Bishop Gregore (Grabbe, +1995) of Manhattan. After the consecration, Vladyka Mark moved with a small group of monks to the Monastery of St. Job of Pochaev in Munich. The monastery underwent reconstruction and renovation. Since 1981, it has published the Vestnik Germanskoj Eparkhii [Messenger of the German Diocese], a publishing house was set up for Russian—and German-language materials, as well as a candle and incense factory. The monastery follows the Mt. Athos rule. In the fall of 1982, Bishop Mark, due to the serious illness of Archbishop Thilophius (Narko), became Bishop of Berlin and Germany, continuing to live at St. Job Monastery, from which he rules the Diocese. In the mid-1980’s, Vladyka Mark was appointed Administrator of the Diocese of Great Britain as well as the St. Alexander Nevsky Parish in Copenhagen. In 1991, the Synod of Bishops elevated Vladyka Mark to the rank of Archbishop. In 1997, he was appointed Overseer of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem. |
| The Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army, Prince Potemkin, came to Jassy along with Archbishop Ambrosius of Slovenia and Poltava. The latter wished to see the renowned Elder Paisius, and arrived in Niametz Monastery, where he was greeted by the monks. This was in 1790. That Sunday, Archbishop Ambrosius officiated at divine liturgy, during which he elevated the Elder to the rank of Archimandrite. The Elder was born in Poltava, and the Archbishop of Poltava performed the elevation. After the military operations ended, life gradually settled down, and the Elder continued to work as before: he did translations, wrote letters, guided the monks, but his strength was weakening, and he faltered. Not long before his fatal illness, he ceased his translating work. On November 5, 1794, he felt particularly weak and took to his bed. On Sunday, he felt better and came to church to partake of communion. Yet his weakness continued, and on November 15, 1794, at the age of 72, he died peacefully. News of the repose of Schema-archimandrite Paisius spread rapidly, and a great many monks and faithful gathered in Niametz, Bishop Benjamin came, and the funeral was performed at Ascension Cathedral, followed by his burial. And so we see that the resettlement of Elder Paisius, through Divine Providence, to Moldovlachia turned out to be very beneficial for his work. Had he remained on Mt Athos, first of all, his brotherhood would not have grown as it did because of a lack of resources and space, and secondly, he could not have had such a great influence on the spiritual life of Orthodox monasticism in Moldavia and Russia. Within Schema-archimandrite Paisius, personal holiness was combined with love for education, ability to organize monastic coenobitic life, the ability to attract and teach a great host of students, the skill in creating a school of spiritual asceticism and finally, a great literary talent which helped him complete an important, much-needed task—to correct old translations and also make new translations of the ascetic literature of the Holy Fathers. The literary works of Elder Paisius are varied. Finding among the Slavonic translations of the writings of the Holy Fathers extant at the time a great number of errors, he realized the importance of their painstaking review. For this he began to strenuously search Greek originals on Mt Athos. But these were not easy to come by, since no one ever offered such books for sale. For this reason he had to transcribe them himself, and pay others to do it. He found that by far not all works of the Holy Fathers had been translated into Slavonic. And the second part of this task, the translations themselves, he undertook in Moldavia after he moved there with his monks. |
| III. Для книг Нового Завета: Mt (Матфей), Мс (Марк), Lk (Лука), I (Иоанн), Аст (Деяния апостолов). Послания апостола Павла: R (Римлянам), 1К, 2К (1 и 2 Коринфянам), G (Галатам), Е (Ефесянам), Рн (Филиппийцам), Kol (Колоссянам), 1Тн, 2Тн (1 и 2 Фессалоникийцам), 1Т, 2Т (1и 2 Тимофею), Тт (Титу), Рнт (Филимону), Н (Евреям). Соборные послания: Jc (Иакова), 1Р, 2Р (1и 2 Петра), 1J, 2J, 3J (1–3 Иоанна), Jd (Иуды). Ар (Откровение). Эти сокращения используются также в Приложении 1. Кроме того, используются следующие обозначения: Ссылки на параллельные перикопы даются на внешнем поле более крупным кеглем (размером шрифта), ссылки на более мелкие отрывки – более мелким, обозначения тех отрывков текста, к которым относится параллель, приводятся курсивом, например: помета 2–17: L 3,23–38 на внешнем поле у Мт 1,2 обозначает, что перикопа Лк 3,23–38 параллельна по содержанию данной перекопе Mt 1,2–17 ; помета 3–6а: Rth 4,12, 18–22 на поле у Mt 1,3 обозначает, что указанные стихи из книги Руфь соотносимы со стихами Mt 1,3 –6а. Ссылки на другие места в пределах той же самой новозаветной книги ограничиваются указанием номера главы и стиха, если номер главы опущен, это означает, что речь идет о стихе (или стихах) в пределах той же самой главы. Например: 27, 17 на внешнем поле у Mt 1,16 относится к стиху Mt 27,17 ; 22 на внешнем поле у Mt 2,12 относится к стиху Mt 2,22 . Знак р, следующий за отсылкой, обозначает, что отсылка указывает на синоптическую параллель. Так, при стихе Jn 6,71 указание Mt 26 ,14р отсылает к пе- рикопе в Mt и к указанному параллельному месту. ! Восклицательный знак отмечает отсылки к тем стихам, около которых дан полный список мест, связанных между собою общей темой или употреблением одного и того же выражения. См., например, отсылку при Mt 4,1 к Н 4,15!, где приведен полный список мест, касающихся искушения Иисуса Христа. Если отсутствуют особые указания, все отсылки к Ветхому Завету имеют в виду текст и его деление на стихи и главы, как они представлены в издании Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartiensis. |
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