| The cry «Hosanna!» renders the Hebrew of Ps 118:25 , 7820 and similar Hebrew cries for salvation could address kings ( 2Sam 14:4; 2 Kgs 6:26); coupled with the branches (see below), this suggests that the crowds hoped for him as a king or national deliverer. 7821 Hence he is «king of Israel,» as Nathanael recognized (1:49). In John " s Gospel this royal expectation recalls 6:15, but on this occasion Jesus does not retreat, for his hour of enthronement on the cross is approaching. Ironically, the leaders of his people will claim no king but Caesar (19:15). 3. Scripture Fulfilled (12:14–16) The disciples did not recognize the allusion to Zech 9:9 7822 until after Jesus» death and resurrection (12:14–16), 7823 obvious as it may seem in retrospect. 7824 If extant later sources may reflect ideas circulating in the late first century, they suggest that this verse was understood messianically in early Judaism. 7825 Most ancient Mediterranean hearers would honor the image of a ruler who was merciful and kind to his enemies. 7826 John " s special touch is evident even in the details. It was not an unusual practice to abbreviate a narrative by omitting intermediaries, 7827 as Matthew seems to do on some occasions (Matt 8/Luke 7:3–4; Matt 9/ Mark 5:35 ); thus no one will be alarmed that Jesus himself «finds» the donkey (12:14), in contrast to the fuller version in the probably more widely circulated version of the passion week ( Mark 11:1–6 ). 7828 After all, even in that version, Jesus was ultimately responsible for locating the donkey ( Mark 11:2 ). But what is most theologically significant is that in John " s language Jesus finds the donkey–just as he gives the sop (13:26) and in other ways shows himself sovereign over the details of the Passion Narrative. That the disciples did not understand at first fits John " s version of the Messianic Secret. After Jesus» glorification, the Spirit would come (7:39) and cause the disciples to remember Jesus» message (14:26); his glorification thus allowed the disciples to recall Jesus» action and understand it in light of Scripture here (12:16). John had earlier offered a similar comment about the disciples after the resurrection remembering Jesus» costly zeal for the temple (2:22). The repetition suggests a key hermeneutical point for John: the biblical record and Jesus» ministry and glorification should be read in light of one another, led by the Spirit who continues his presence. 4. Immediate Responses to Jesus» Entry (12:17–19) |
| 5714 See Burridge, Gospel, 228. Van der Waal, «Gospel,» 35, argues that the transposition also negates the sequence of feasts in the story world to which 7alludes. 5715 Smith, Composition, 130; Beasley-Murray, John, xliii. 5716 E.g., Judg 1:9; 16:4 ; 2Sam 3:28; 8:1; 10:1; 13:1; 15:1; 21:18; 1 Chr 20:4; 2 Chr 20:1; Tob 11:1; Let. Aris. 179; Xenophon Anab. 6.4.12; cf. 1 En. 89:30; Josephus Life 427; see more fully the comment on John 5:1 . 5717 For a fuller exploration of the pattern, cf. Lee, Narratives, 12–13. 5718 The parallels with Marks story of the paralytic, based on the use of κραβαττς in both ( Mark 2:4, 9, 11–12 ; John 5:8–11 ), are inadequate to suggest a common source (Nunn, Authorship, 18; Schnackenburg, John, 2:96; cf. Mark 6:55 ; Acts 5:15; 9:33). The Markan term can denote «a «poor man " s bed»» (Horsley, Documents, 2:15), which may be why Matthew and Luke change it (Thiselton, «Semantics,» 93)–and why the same term would fit this story, which would be consistent with Mark on Jesus» healing methods. 5719 So Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:681, adding that John «has to " tack on» the motifs of Sabbath and sin (5:9b, 14)» to unite the story with the discourse that follows. 5720 See Witherington, Christology, 66. 5721 John 3:22; 5:14; 6:1; 7:1; 19:38; 21:1 ; cf. 13:7; Rev 1:19; 4:1; 7:9; 9:12; 15:5; 18:1; 19:1; 20:3. Elsewhere in the NT see esp. Luke (Luke 5:27; 10:1; 12:4; 17:8; 18:4; Acts 7:7; 13:20; 15:16; 18:1) but also Mark 16:8 ; Heb 4:8; 1Pet 1:11 ; cf. Mark 16:12 ; in the LXX, e.g., Gen 15:14; 23:19; 41:30 ; Exod 5:1; Num 8:22; 12:16 ; Esth 1:4; 3:1; 1 Esd 1:14; 5:1, 51; Tob 10:14; 1Macc 1:5; 11:54; 13:20; 14:24. 5722 Bowman, Gospel, 36–38, 99–159 (99–109, establishing the possibility, is better than 111–59, drawing parallels between Purim and John 5 ); Watkins, John, 111–12; this would fit between 4and 6(but only assuming a strict and unbroken chronology). 5723 Bruns, Art, 26; Rigato, «Quale»; cf. Brown, John, 1:225, who sees this as possible because of the discussion of Torah in John 5 . |
| 9087 Philo Sacrifices 130 and the texts in Barrett, John, 477; L.A.B. 23:9, 24:3, 25(amicus Do-mini); Sipre Num. 78.1.1; Exod. Rab. 45:2. Moses» special closeness to God also appears in Diaspora magical texts; see Gager, Moses, 140–45. Sib. Or. 2.245 is probably a Christian interpolation. 9088 Moses (four times); Israel (three times); sometimes Aaron, once each for Joshua, Noah, Abraham, and the three patriarchs (Johnston, «Parables,» 591). 9090 See Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 236; in ancient texts, Homer I1. 6.212–231; Cicero Fam. 13.34.1. 9091 Mitchell, «Friends,» 259, citing Cicero Amtc. 6.22; Aristotle N.E. 8.11.6, 1161a. Xenophon Cyr. 1.6.45 warns that those who treat potential friends as «slaves» will suffer justly. Slaves could not be friends in Aristotle N.E. 8.11.6–7, 1161b. 9092 Philo Migration 45; cf. Seneca Dia1. 1.5.6. The contrast between the image of «friends» and «slaves» in general is common, e.g., Sallust Jug. 102.6–7 (allies vs. subjects). 9094 Contrast Bousset " s overemphasis, which misses the context, on the «not servants» paradigm as a possibly anti-Pauline Christ mysticism (Kyrios Christos, 211–12). 9098 Wis 8describes her as a μστις, an initiate into Mysteries; this is related to God " s special love for her and her living with him (8:3). 9099 Some third-century C.E. paganism portrays personal knowledge of a deceased hero by conversation rather than dependence on dreams and visions, but this might reflect the spreading influence of early Christian spirituality (cf. Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, lxi-lxii, lxxvi). 9100 Hays, Vision, 154, comments on the remarkably egalitarian language here and its implications for the meaning of leadership in John " s community. 9101 It is a title in Luke 12(though stylistically a Lukan preference); cf. the charge in Matt 11:19; Luke 7:34. 9105 E.g., T. Ab. 2:3A. See fuller comment on 8:39–40. Abraham could share this chosen status with others, such as Jacob and Moses (Num. Rab. 3:2). 9106 Also rehearsed annually in the Passover haggadah, if these details were in wide use by the end of the first century (m. Pesah. 10:4). |
| Wisdom matches not only the prologue but other images of Jesus in the Gospe1. 3070 One pre-Christian work implies that Wisdom descended from heaven ( Bar 3:29–30 ). 3071 Wisdom is a special object of God " s love (αγπη, Wis 8:3), and sits by his throne (Wis 9:4; cf. Rev 3:21; 5:6). Wisdom " s descent from heaven and return 3072 provide a basic plot-line for not only the prologue but the Gospel (see fuller comment on 3:13). 3073 John was hardly the first Christian writer to develop a Wisdom Christology. 3074 Paul clearly does the same, for example, in 1Cor 1:24,30; 8:6 ; 2Cor 4:4 ; Col 1:15, 3075 some of these instances very likely representing pre-Pauline tradition. 3076 As early as his letter-essay " s proem, the writer of Hebrews likewise evidences «a Logos Christology in all but the name.» 3077 In the early twentieth century Rendel Harris pointed out that the first generation of Christians regarded Jesus as Wisdom, and this idea may have been in Jesus» mind as well, 3078 as others have argued in greater detai1. 3079 This identification also appears in later Christian texts. 3080 Wisdom could be identified with the Word; she came from Gods mouth ( Sir 24:3 ; cf. Wis 9:1–2). It is possible that John prefers Logos to Sophia for the same reason that Philo did: 3081 a masculine noun was more suitable (especially in the case of the Word incarnate in a male). But it is more likely that John prefers Logos because «Word» had broader OT connotations more apt to conjure up the image of Tor ah without excluding the common nuances his readers would have associated with Wisdom. It is Torah that John needs to make his point (1:17). 4. The Role of Torah in Judaism Jewish people studied Torah not only to learn how to live, but as an act of devotion toward God; 3110 its prescriptions were no more viewed as a burden than our modern traffic codes are for us. 3111 Although Torah could be said to consist of commandments, 3112 its sense with the sense of the law. 3113 The Essenes certainly regarded their laws as equivalent to Scripture. 3114 |
| 13 Anathema 11 of Constantinople II: Tanner (1990), 119. 14 Sherwood (1952), 3; see his full analysis of Amb. 7 in Sherwood (1955a), 72–222. 15 On Messalianism and the Macarian Homilies, see Stewart (1991). 16 See the footnote, ad loc. Other allusions to the Macarian Homilies can be found by consulting the index fontium in the editions of Maximus’ works in Corpus Christianorum. Series Graeca. See the Bibliography. 17 See, e.g., Amb. 20 (1236D-1241D) and Myst. 5 (672D-684A). 18 See, e.g., Amb. 19:1236C, Myst. prologue: 660B. 19 On Maximus’ understanding of religious experience, see Miquel (1966). 20 See des Places (1966), 9–10, citing Marrou (1943). 21 The quotation is from Century on Spiritual Knowledge 5 (des Places 1966 , 86) and concerns the meaning of thelesis: Opusc. 26:277C; Dialogue with Pyrrhus [Opusc. 28], 28:301 C. 22 See des Places (1966), 66–7, and also his article in Heinzer and Schonborn (1982), 29–35. 23 See Louth (1981), 125–31. 24 On Cappadocian thought see Otis (1958), and also, more recently but hardly as succinctly, Pelikan (1993). On the influence of the Cappadocians on Maximus, see G.C.Berthold in Heinzer and Schonborn, (1982), 51–9. 25 For a brief attempt to tackle this question see Louth (1993a). 26 See below, chapter 5 of the Introduction, and Amb. 41. 27 For more detail on Denys the Areopagite, see Louth (1989) and Rorem (1993). 28 See Suchla (1990), 1–91. 29 See Siddals (1983) and (1987). 30 See Louth (1986). 31 Translation from Luibheid (1987), 153f. 32 See the important paper: Gould (1989). 33 There has been considerable scholarly dispute about Maximus’ debt to the Areopagite; for further detail, see Louth (1993b). 34 See Amb. 71, below, and Andia (forthcoming). 3 MAXIMUS’ SPIRITUAL THEOLOGY 1 LP l. 97–106 (CCSG 23, pp. 32f.). 2 Psa. 44.3, quoted by Maximus in CT I.97 and Amb. 10.17:1128A, in reference to the transfigured Christ. 3 Bousset (1923), 304, cited by Sherwood (1955b), 235, n. 356. 4 For an introduction to Evagrius, see Louth (1981), 100–13; and for more on his influence among the Greek and the Syrians, see Guillaumont (1962). For Maximus’ attempt to correct Evagrian metaphysics, see below, chapter 5 of the Introduction. |
| 1 Dawut hem-de goun batutanlary Asafy, Heýmany hem-de Ýedutuny ogullaryny hyzmat ii üçin bölüp aýyrdylar. Olar lira, arfa hem kimwal çalyp pygamberlik etmelidiler. Hyzmat iini ýerine ýetirenler ulardyr: 2 Asafy ogullaryndan: Zakur, Ýusup, Netanýa, Asarela. Bular patyany emrine görä pygamberlik eden Asafy ogullarydy we onu garamagyndadylar. 3 Ýedutuny ogullaryndan: Gedalýa, Seri, Iaýa, imeý , Haabýa, Matytýa — jemi alty. Olar Rebbe lira bilen öwgi aýdyp, Ony öhratlandyryp pygamberlik edýän kakalary Ýedutuny garamagyndadylar. 4 Heýmany ogullary: Bukyýa, Matanýa, Uzyýel, ebuwal, Ýerimot, Hananýa, Hanany, Eliýata, Gidalty, Romamty Gezer, Ýobekaa, Malloty, Hotyr, Mahazyýot. 5 ulary hemmesi patyany görgüri Heýmany ogullarydyr. Bu ogullar Hemana ony beýik etmek üçin, Hudaýy beren wadasy bilen berlipdi. Hudaý oa on dört ogul bilen üç gyz berdi. 6 Bulary bary kakalaryny garamagynda Rebbi ybadathanasynda kimwal, arfa hem lira çalyp, aýdym aýdýardylar. Asaf, Ýedutun we Heýman patyany buýrugy astyndadylar. 7 Bular hem-de bulary Rebbi öünde aýdym aýtmaklyga türgenledirilen garyndalaryny bu ie ussatlary iki ýüz segsen sekiz adamdy. 8 Olary uludan-kiçä, halypadan-ägirde çenli bary borçlary üçin bije atdylar. 9 Birinji bije Asafy neslinden Ýusuba düdi; ikinji Gedalýa; doganlary we ogullary bilen on iki adam; 10 üçünji Zakura; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 11 dördünji Ýezer ; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 12 bäinji Netanýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 13 altynjy Bukyýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 14 ýedinji Ýesarela ; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 15 sekizinji Ýeagýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 16 dokuzynjy Matanýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 17 onunjy imgä; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 18 on birinji Azarel ; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 19 on ikinji Haabýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 20 on üçünji ubaýyla; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 21 on dördünji Matytýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 22 on bäinji Ýerimot; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 23 on altynjy Hananýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 24 on ýedinji Ýobekaa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 25 on sekizinji Hanana; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 26 on dokuzynjy Mallota; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 27 ýigriminji Eliýata; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 28 ýigrimi birinji Hotyra; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 29 ýigrimi ikinji Gidalta; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 30 ýigrimi üçünji Mahazyýota; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 31 ýigrimi dördünji Romamty Gezere düdi; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam. |
| Friedländer, Life Friedländer, Ludwig. Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire. Translated from the 7th rev. ed. by Leonard A. Magnus, J. H. Freese, and A. B. Gough. 4 vols. Vols. 1 and 4: New York: Barnes & Noble, 1907, 1965. Vols. 2 and 3: New York: Dutton, 1908–1913. Friedman, «Features» Friedman, Theodore. «Some Unexplained Features of Ancient Synagogues.» Conservative Judaism 36, no. 3 (spring 1983): 35–42. Friend, «Agency» Friend, Howard S. «Like Father, Like Son: A Discussion of the Concept of Agency in Halakah and John.» Ashland Theological Journal 21 (1990): 18–28. Frier, «Annuities» Frier, Bruce W. «Subsistence Annuities and per Capita Income in the Early Roman Empire.» Classical Philology 88 (1993): 222–30. Fritsch, «Angelos» Fritsch, I. «» ... videbitis ... angelos Dei ascendentes et descendentes super Filium hominis [Ιο. 1,51].» Verbum Domini 37 (1959): 3–11. Fritsch, Community Fritsch, Charles T. The Qumran Community: Its History and Scrolls. New York: Macmillan, 1956. Fritz, «Midrash» Fritz, Maureena. «A Midrash: The Self-Limitation of God.» Journal of Ecumenical Studies 22 (1985): 703–14. Fry et a1., Religions Fry, C. George, James R. King, Eugene R. Swanger, and Herbert C. Wolf. Great Asian Religions. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1984. Frymer-Kensky, «Relationships» Frymer-Kensky, Tikva. «Patriarchal Family Relationships and Near Eastern Law.» BA 44 (1981): 209–14. Fujita, «Plant» Fujita, S. «The Metaphor of Plant in Jewish Literature of the Intertestamental Period.» JSJ7 (1976): 30–45. Fuks, «Freedmen» Fuks, Gideon. «Where Have All the Freedmen Gone? On an Anomaly in the Jewish Grave-Inscriptions from Rome.» JJS 36 (1985): 25–32. Fuller, Formation Fuller, Reginald H. The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives. New York: Macmillan, 1971. Fuller, Gospel Fuller, Daniel P. Gospel and Law: Contrast or Continuum? Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980. Fuller, « " Jews»» Fuller, Reginald H. «The " lews» in the Fourth Gospe1.» Dialog 16 (1977): 31–37. |
| 5932 Jesus is essentially the Father " s voice in 5:37–40; one might compare him to a bat qo1. 5933 E.g., Westcott, John, 91; Morris, John, 330; Michaels, John, 82; Bruce, John, 136; Beasley-Murray, John, 78. 5934 Schnackenburg, John, 2:125, cites, e.g., 1QS 5.11; CD 6.7. See most fully Culpepper, School, 291–99, on darash and ζητω. 5935 So here, e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Hunter, John, 62; Brown, John, 1:225, citing, e.g., m. " Abot 2:7; see comment on 1:4. It was «the most meritorious of all good deeds» (Sandmel, Judaism, 184). 5936 So also Odeberg, Gospel, 224. 5937 Refuting someone on the basis of the very arguments or witnesses that person cites in his support was good rhetorical technique (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §101D; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; Matt 12:37; Luke 19:22; Tit 1:12–13 ). 5938 See Culpepper, School, 298–99. They do not «will» to come to him (5:40), though they had «willed» to listen to John momentarily (5:35). 5939 DeSilva, «Honor and Shame,» 520 (citing Seneca the Younger De constantia sapientis 13.2,5; Epictetus Ench. 24.1). 5940 Not needing such glory was commendable (e.g., Scipio in Macrobius Comm. 2.10.2, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225), though Diogenes the Cynic claimed to deserve public praise (Diogenes Laertius 6.62). 5941 Seeking glory was honorable only if sought in the right places ( Rom 2:7 ; Polybius 6.54.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.25.1; 5.27.2; Cicero Earn. 10.12.5; 15.4.13; Sest. 48.102; Valerius Maximus 2.8.5, 7; 4.3.6a; 5.7.ext.4; 8.14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.63–66; Orphic Hymn 15.10–11; Prov 22:1 ; see comment on 12:43). 5942 Cf. Michaels, John, 82. Brown, John, 1:226, suggests an allusion to Moses (leading naturally into 5:45–47), who sought God " s glory (Exod 34:29); cf. comment on 1:14–18. At least some later rabbis believed that Moses exalted God above everything else and after death God exalted him (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20). 5943 See comment on 14:13–14; comment on agency, pp. 310–17 in the introduction. Cf. also Sanders, John, 73. It is unlikely that this stems from Isaiah (pace Young, «Isaiah,» 223); though God " s name is a dominant motif in Isaiah, «coming» in his name more likely alludes to Ps 118:26 . |
| 10685 Hilhorst, «Wounds.» See Virgil Aen. 2.270–279; 6.446,494–499; Silius Italicus 13.825; cf. also Philostratus Hrk. 10.2 (where a spirit appears the same age as when he died). Thus one might amputate a corpsés extremities so its ghost could not exact vengeance (Aeschylus Cho. 439). 10686 Plutarch Caesar 37.3. 10687 Tertullian Against Marcion 4.40, used Jesus promising his body as bread against the docetic view of Jesus» body as a phantom; cf. Luke 24:39. 10688 E.g., Yamauchi, «Crucifixion,» 2. 10689 Yohanan " s skeleton from Givat ha-Mivtar confirms that legs were occasionally nailed in this period, as in early Athens (Stanton, Gospel Truth, 119; Brown, John, 2:1022; Brown, Death, 950–51; cf. Ps 22:16 ); piercing of feet was shameful even for a corpse (Homer I1. 22.396–397). 10690 E.g., Seneca Apoco1. 13, applied to Claudius " s arrival in the realm of Hades because he favored Eastern cults. 10691 Menander Rhetor 2.3,385.7–8 (i.e., the rhetor greeting a city in which he arrives or an official arriving there). 10692 E.g„ 1QM 17.7; Tob 13:10, 13–14; Jub. 23:30; 1 En. 5:7; 25:6; 47:4; 103:3; Pss. So1. 11:3; Sib. Or. 3.619; 2 Bar. 14:13; see comment on John 3:29 . 10693 E.g., b. Yoma 4b; Lev. Rab. 16(purportedly from Ben Azzai); Pesiq. Rab. 21:2/3; 51:4; Urbach, Sages, 1:390–92; see comment on John 15:11 . 10694 See Hubbard, Redaction. 10695 On the agreement of diverse sources concerning the sending and mission, cf. Guillet, «Récits.» That John substitutes a Gentile mission for an earlier Jewish one is nowhere implied (see Martyn, «Mission»). 10696 See, e.g., Mek. Pisha 1.150–153; on the Spirit and succession, see more fully the comment on 14:16. 10697 Lenski, John, 1368–69, suggests that they will dispense Christ " s peace. 10698 E.g., Laurin, John, 261; Bengel, Gnomen, 491. 10699 See our introduction, pp. 310–17; cf. also Barrett, John, 569. 10700 Stott, «Commission,» 5, borrows the anachronistic language of «a trinitarian framework» but accurately captures the relationships in their Johannine framework. |
| 5921 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.58–59. 5922 Let. Aris. 131–132, 156–157; see further Longenecker, Paul 54–58; Davies, Paul 27–29. Cf. Xenophon Mem. 4.3.13; Diodorus Siculus 12.20.2; Cicero Nat. d. 2.54.133–58.146; Seneca Benef. 6.23.6–7; Plutarch Isis 76, Mor. 382A; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.7, 10; 1.16.8; 2.14.11; Heraclitus Ep. 4; Theophilus 1.5–6. 5923 Other messianic claimants also appealed to promised signs as testimony of their identity (Talbert, John, 128, cites Josephus Ant. 18.85–87; 20.97,167–172). 5924 In Johannine theology, those who did see him through Jesus would be transformed, both spiritually in the present (1 John 3:6) and physically eschatologically (1 John 3:2). 5925 E.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3; see the source in Exod 19:9,11; 24:10–11. Philosophers spoke of hearing and seeing God through reason (cf. Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10). 5926 «Thunders» in Exod 19LXX is «sounds» or «voices» (φωνα). A later tradition even says this voice raised the dead (Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 20:15/18). 5927 Dahl, «History,» 133; cf. also Borgen, Bread, 151; Brown, John, 1:225; Schnackenburg, John, 2:52; Whitacre, Polemic, 68; see comment on 6:46. Against the bat kol here, see Odeberg, Gospel, 222. In Pirqe R. E1. 11, Torah shares God " s image; see comment on 1:3. 5928 Odeberg, Gospel, 223–24. Greeks told stories of gods unrecognized among mortals, as Jews did of angels (see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.105, 113–135; 17.484–487; Ovid Metam. 1.212–213; 2.698; 5.451–461; 6.26–27; 8.621–629; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Heb 13:2; cf. Gen 18 ; Tob 5:4–6,12; 9:1–5; Philo Abraham 114). 5929 Whitacre, John, 137, may be right to see polemic against mystical Judaism here; but we can account for the text sufficiently on the basis of any Torah-observent Jewish circles. 5930 See Philo Confusion 97,147; Flight 101; Heir 230; Planting 18; Spec. Laws 1.80–81,171; 3.83. Cf. Plutarch Isis 29, Mor. 362D; 43, 368C; 54, 373B; 377A. 5931 For a person having Torah in oneself, see, e.g., Deut 30:14 ; Ps 37:31; 40:8; 119:11 ; Lev. Rab. 3:7. Believers have Jesus " words in them ( John 15:7 ), Jesus in them (6:56; cf. 1 John 3:15 ), and remain in Jesus ( John 8:31 ). |
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