| 10526 See also Byrne, «Faith»; Talbert, John, 250; cf. 1Pet 1:8 . Faith here refers to faith in the resurrection (20:25, 27, 29; Hoskyns, Gospel, 540). 10527 The need to understand Scripture after the resurrection also fits the gospel tradition in Luke 24:25–27, 32,44–47 (Beasley-Murray, John, 373). 10528 Westcott, John, 290, favors Ps 16:10 , but no clues allow us to narrow down the range of possible verses. John 2could refer to Ps 69in John 2:17 , but that is likely only if the entire psalm is in view. 10529 See, e.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.3; 329.2.1; b. Pesah. 68a; Sanh. 90b; Gen. Rab. 20:10. 10530 A frequent rabbinic interpretive method, e.g., Mek. Nez. 10.15–16,26,38; 17.17; Pisha 5.103; b. Ber. 9a; 35a; B. Qam. 25b; Git. 49a; Ker. 5a; Qidd. 15a; 35b; Menah. 76a; Naz. 48a; Nid. 22b-23a; Roš Haš. 3b; 34a; Sanh. 40b; 51b; 52a; Sabb. 64a; Tem. 16a; Zebah. 18a; 49b-50b; Exod. Rab. 1:20; cf. CD 7.15–20; Chernick, «Application.» 10531 Typical in Jewish sources (e.g., t. c Ed. 3:4; Sipre Num. 1.4.1; see much fuller documentation in comment on 7:23). 10532 Throughout this Gospel, δε usually stands for divine necessity (e.g., 3:14, 30; 10:16). 10533 E.g., Euripides Medea 928; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; losephus Ant. 4.320. 10534 Their going out in 20may be simply «to them» (cf. 7:50) rather than to their homes (NRSV; NASB); in 20they are all together. 10535 Cf. Schneiders, «Encounter,» who argues that lohn presents Mary as the official witness of the resurrection, symbolic for the Johannine community (though her allusions to Song of Songs may be more dubious). 10536 Okure, «Commission.» Mary " s testimony may or may not (cf. Maccini, Testimony, 240–52) teach specifically about women " s testimony, but it prefigures Christian testimony in general, which implies the participation of women in that witness. 10537 Sanders, Figure, 280. 10538 Dio Cassius 58.4.5–6; 63.11.2–12.1. Josephus cites Jews» willingness to die for the law (Ag. Ap. 1.42–43). |
| “We are disappointed by the Palestinians’ intention to push through an emergency inscription against the recommendation of UNESCO’s own experts and without thoroughly consulting all stakeholders,” a statement said. It made clear that Washington’s objection stems from the rush job that an emergency candidacy implies and which prevents a full review including by those with a stake in the outcome. “We hope the Committee will act responsibly as good stewards of the World Heritage Convention, rather than allowing yet another U.N. forum to become a victim of politicization,” the U.S. statement said. “The site is sacred to all Christians.” An experts report, conducted for UNESCO by the Rome-based International Council on Monuments and Sites, which reviews all applications, concluded that the Palestinians failed to show that damage or dangers to the Church of the Nativity “make its condition an emergency that needs to be addressed … for immediate action necessary for the survival of the property.” It suggests the application be resubmitted under normal procedures with fuller detail. That takes about 18 months, meaning it could be re-nominated in 2014. “Palestinians are continuing with their bid, and they are still hopeful and optimistic that they will succeed,” said Palestinian government spokesman Ghassan Khatib. He declined to elaborate. The Palestinian delegation to UNESCO refused any comment until after the Saint Petersburg meeting. However, a letter circulating among delegations suggested a plot was afoot. In a letter, Ambassador Sanbar denounced a campaign of pressure against the bid from “those who do not want to see Palestine exercise its legitimate rights.” The June 11 letter, a copy of which was obtained by The Associated Press, included what is purported to be a statement of support for Palestinian leader Abbas signed in type by the Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox leaders, noting the Armenian was absent. That letter “gave some delegations the impression that the churches had changed their opinion and were no longer opposed to the inscription,” said one UNESCO official. “Was it designed for that purpose? I don’t know.” |
| Jesus indicates that those whose hearts are committed to God " s purposes will recognize that he does speak for God (7:17), because his own mission is bound up with God " s will (4:34; 5:30; 6:38; cf. 9:31). On Jesus not speaking «from himself,» cf., for example, 5:30; 7:18, 28; 8:28. (He implies that this commitment refers not only to doing God " s will, but «wishing» to do so, i.e., doing it truly, from the heart–cf. θλω in, e.g., 5:35,40; 6:21, 67.) 6398 Jesus sought not his own glory (7:18), but this could not be said for those who were unwilling to follow him (5:41,44; 12:42–43). That Jesus was true (cf. 1:9; 8:26) and no unrighteousness was in him (cf. 8:46; 16:10; 1 John 1:5; 2:29; 3:7 ) is characteristic Johannine language and counters any claim that he «leads the people astray» (7:12). Some of his contemporaries would have agreed that willingness to obey had to precede true understanding (7:17; see Sir 21:11 ). 6399 It proved more difficult to censure behavior in which one engaged oneself. 6400 Probably already by John " s day rabbis debated whether learning or doing the Scriptures took precedence; 6401 although the priority of learning became the prevailing opinion (as one might expect among sages whose life revolved around interpretation of the Torah), the debate testifies to the critical emphasis on obedience in early Judaism. 6402 2. True Keepers of the Law (7:19–24) Jesus has said that anyone who does God " s will must recognize that he is from God (7:17); now he explains why his hearers fail to recognize him. For early Judaism in general, including the early Jewish Christians, the Law was the supreme written embodiment or description of God " s will (see comment on Torah on the prologue). Yet his hearers were not truly keeping the Law (7:19); they were practicing lawlessness (8:34; 1 John 3:4), as their very attempts to kill him proved (7:19; 8:37,40; 1 John 3:12). Essentially, Jesus returns the charges of his accusers, standard conduct in ancient trial settings (see fuller comment on 8:37–51). 6403 |
| Matthew and Luke both follow a longer form of the Baptist " s saying in a fuller context which apparently speaks of a judgment baptism in fire as well as in the Spirit (cf. also Luke 12:49–50 in light of Mark 10:38–39 ). 4095 The contextual image of a harvest and threshing floor in that Q tradition often functioned in the Hebrew Bible as judgment and/or end-time imagery. 4096 Fire also symbolized eschatological judgment in this context (Matt 3:10, 12; Luke 3:9, 17) as in the Hebrew Bible; 4097 Jewish tradition also developed a doctrine of an eternal 4098 or temporary 4099 hel1. Like Mark, the Fourth Gospel omits the mention of fire baptism along with the context in Q that makes it clear that it represents eschatological wrath. 4100 Given the Baptists emphasis on repentance and the Essene association of the Spirit with eschatological purification, 4101 we need not doubt that he proclaimed such an eschatological baptism. 4102 Given the comparison between outpoured water and the Spirit in the biblical prophets (Isa 32:15; 44:3; Ezek 36:25–27; 39:29 ; Joel 2:28–29 ; Zech 12:10), the image of a Spirit baptism which supercedes a mere water baptism is natural (see esp. comment on the background of John 3in Ezekiel). Scholars have more often disputed whether the Gospels accurately reflect the original meaning of John " s prophecy. Following the Q form, some scholars have suggested that the Baptist " s «holy spirit» may extend the image of wind separating the wheat from the chaff, hence applying to a fiery wind that would purge Israel of its sinners; 4103 but beyond the possibility that a wordplay may lie behind the phrase, three reasons make it improbable that «spirit» does not refer to God " s Spirit: the phrase «holy spirit» is much more widely established in early Judaism with reference to the Spirit of God; both fire and wind can represent the purifying spirit of Yahweh in the Hebrew Bible; and all streams of tradition in which the saying is extant include the baptism in the Holy Spirit ( Mark 1:8 ; Matt 3:11; Luke 3:16; John 1:33 ), although three of the four gospels can speak of «God " s Spirit» in the context ( Mark 1:10 ; Matt 3:16; John 1:32 ). 4104 Contrasted with fiery judgment in Q (Matt 3:11; Luke 3:16), «holy spirit» may there refer to the purificatory aspect of the Spirit in early Judaism stressed in Essene circles. 4105 |
| John. L., 1908/5; Brooke A. E.A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Johanninene Epistles. Edinb., 1912; Moffatt J.The General Epistles. L., 1928; Dodd C. H. The Johannine Epistles. L., 1946; Schneider J. Die Briefe des Jakobus, Petrus, Judas und Johannes. Gött., 1961; Balz H., Schrage W. Die «Katholischen» Briefe. Gött., 1973; Bultmann R. K. The Johannine Epistles: A Comment. Phil., 1973; Houlden J. L. A Commentary on the Johannine Epistles. N. Y., 1973; Marshall I. H. The Epistles of John. Grand Rapids (Mich.), 1978; Wengst K. Der erste, zweite und dritte Brief des Johannes. Gütersloh; Würzburg, 1978; Brown R. E. The Epistles of John. Garden City (N. Y.), 1982; Grayston K. The Johannine Epistles. Grand Rapids, 1984; Kistemaker S. J. The New Testament Commentary: Exposition of the Epistle of James and the Epistles of John. Grand Rapids, 1986; Vouga F. Die Johannesbriefe. Tüb., 1990; Klauck H. J. Der erste Johannesbrief. Zürich, 1991; idem. Der zweite und dritte Johannesbrief. Zürich; Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1992; Schnackenburg R. The Johannine Epistles/Transl. R. Fuller, I. Fuller. N. Y., 1992; Vogler W. Die Briefe des Johannes. Lpz., 1993; Strecker G. The Johannine Letters: A Comment. on 1, 2, and 3 John/Transl. L. M. Maloney. Minneapolis, 1996; Beutler J. Die Johannesbriefe. Regensburg, 2000; Painter J. 1, 2, and 3 John. Collegeville (Minn.), 2002; исследования: Holtzmann H. J. Das Problem des ersten johanneischen Briefes in seinem Verhältnis zum Evangelium//Jb. f. protestantische Theologie. Lpz., 1881. Bd. 7. S. 690–712; 1882. Bd. 8. S. 128–152; Häring Th. Gedankengang und Grundgedanke des ersten Johannesbriefs//Theologische Abhandlungen/Hrsg. A. von Harnack. Freiburg i. Br., 1892. S. 171–200; Dobschütz E., von. Johannische Studien//ZNW. 1907. Bd. 8. S. 1–8; Nagl E. Die Gliederung des ersten Johannesbriefes//BZ. 1924. Bd. 16. S. 77–92; Lohmeyer E. Über Aufbau und Gliederung des ersten Johannesbriefes//ZNW. 1928. Bd. 27. N 2. S. 225–263; Fickermann N. St. Augustinus gegen das «Comma Johanneum»?//BiblZschr. |
| Изд.: Torrey C. C. The Lives of the Prophets: Greek Text and Translation. Phil., 1946; Milik J. T. 88. Rouleau des Douze Prophetes//Les Grottes de Murabba(?)lsquo;at/Ed. P. Benoit, J. T. Milik e. a. Oxf., 1961. Vol. 1. P. 181-205; Pl. LVI-LXXIII; Sperber A. The Bible in Aramaic: Based on Old Manuscripts and Printed Texts. Leiden, 1962. Vol. 3; 1973. Vol. 4b; Allegro J. A. Qumran Cave 4. I: (4Q158-4Q186). Oxf., 1968; BHS/Ed. K. Elliger. Stuttg., 1970. Vol. 10: Liber XII prophetarum; Gelston A., ed. The OT in Syriac. Leiden, 1980. Pt. 3. Fasc. 4: Dodekapropheton - Daniel-Bel-Draco; idem., ed. The Twelve Minor Prophets. Stuttg., 2010; Ziegler J., ed. Duodecim prophetae. Gött., 19843. (Septuaginta. VTG; 13); Biblia sacra iuxta Latinam Vulgatam versionem. R., 1987. Vol. 17: Liber duodecim prophetarum; Tov E. The Greek Minor Prophets Scroll from Nahal Hever (8HevXIIgr). Oxf., 1990. (DJD; 8); Fuller R. E. The Twelve// Ulrich E., Cross F. M., e. a. Qumran Cave 4. X: The Prophets. Oxf., 1997. P. 221-318; Pl. XL-LXIV. (DJD; 15); Horgan M. P. Pesharim//The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Transl./Ed. J. H. Charlesworth, W. M. Rietz. Tüb.; Louisville, 2002. Vol. 6b: Pesharim, Other Comment., and Related Documents P. 1-193; Ego B., ed. Biblia Qumranica. Leiden; Boston, 2005. Vol. 3B: Minor Prophets. Лит.: Delitzsch F. Biblischer Commentar über die Psalmen. Lpz., 1867; Eaton J. H. Obadiah, Nahum, Habakkuk and Zephaniah. L., 1961; Амусин И. Д., пер. Тексты Кумрана. М., 1971. Вып. 1; Rudolph W. Micha, Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja. B., 1977; Smith R. L. Micah, Malachi. Waco, 1984. P. 4-60; Gelston A. Peshitta of the Twelve Prophets. Oxf., 1987; Cathcart K. J., Gordon R. P. The Targum of the Minor Prophets: Transl. with a crit. Introd., Apparatus, and Notes. Wilmington, 1989; Seybold K. Profane Prophetie: Studien zum Buch Nahum. Stuttg., 1989; Mason R. Micah, Nahum, Obadiah. Sheffield, 1991; Gordon R. P. Studies in the Targum to the Twelve Prophets from Nahum to Malachi. Leiden; N. Y., 1994; Schwemer A. M. Vitae Prophetarum. Gütersloh, 1997; Spronk K. Nahum. Kampen, 1997; Fernández Marcos N. The Septuagint in Context: Introd. to the Greek Version of the Bible/Transl. W. G. E. Watson. Leiden etc., 2000; Floyd M. H. Minor Prophets. Grand Rapids, 2000; Berrin Sh. L. The Pesher Nahum Scroll from Qumran: An Exeget. Study of 4Q169. Leiden; Boston, 2004; Perlitt L. Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja. Gött., 2004; Fabry H.-J. Nahum. Freiburg, 2006; Moyise S. The Minor Prophets in Paul//The Minor Prophets in the NT/Ed. M. J. J. Menken. L.; N. Y., 2009. P. 97-114; Lange A. Biblical Quotations and Allusions in Second Temple Jewish Literature. Gött., 2011; Dines J. M. The Minor Prophets//The T&T Clark Companion to the Septuagint/Ed. J. K. Aitken. L.; N. Y., 2015. P. 438-455. |
| Соч.: поэтич.: Descriptio Helvetiae. Basel, 1514; Duo elegiarum libri ad Uldericum Zinlium Doggium. Basileae, 1516; муз.-теоретич.: Isagoge in musicen e quibusque bonis authoribus lat. et graec. ad studiosorum utilitatem multo labore elaborate. [Basileae, 1516]; DwdekacÒrdon. Basel, 1547. Hildesheim. N. Y., 1969r (нем. пер.: Uss Glareani Musick ein Usszug/J. L. Wonnegger. Basel, 1557, 15592. Lpz., 1975r; Dodecachordon/Hrsg. v. P. Bohn. Lpz., 1888; англ. пер.: Dodecachordon/Transl., transcr., comment. by C. A. Miller. [R.], 1965; рус. пер.: Додекахорд [фрагм.]/Пер.: М. В. Иванов-Борецкий//Муз. эстетика западно-европ. средневековья и Возрождения/Сост.: В. П. Шестаков. М., 1966. С. 388–413; Додекахорд/Пер.: Б. А. Клейнер//Клейнер Б. А. «Додекахорд» Г. Глареана: К исслед. 12-ладовой теории по первоисточнику: Канд. дис./МГК им. П. И. Чайковского. М., 1994. Т. 2); филологич., риторич., дидактич.: De ratione syllabarum brevis isagoge. De figuris compendiosa lucubratio, ex probatissimis authoribus, praesertim Diomede. Item elegiae quaedam H. Gl. Basileae, 1516; Ael. Donati Methodus primum scholiis utilissimis illustrata. Turigi, 1534; In Clarissimi vixi Ioannis Caesarii Iuliacensis Dialecticen vice commentariorum annotationes. Basileae, 1556; географич.: De Geographia Liber Unus. Basel, 1527; Математич.: De VI arithmeticae practicae speciebus H. Glareani epitome. [Freiburg i. Br., 1539]; метрологич.: Liber de asse et partibus eius. Basileae, 1550. Лит.: Fritzsche O. F. H. Loriti Glarean: Sein Leben und sein Schriften. Frauenfeld, 1890; M ü ller E. F. J. Glarean und Aegidius Tschudi: Ihre menschlichen u. gelehrten Beziehungen: Mit 38 Briefen Glarean " s aus d. Jahren 1533-1561. Freiburg i. Br., 1933; Turrell F. B. The Isagoge in Musica of H. Glarean//J. of Music Theory. 1959. Vol. 3. P. 97-139; Meier B. H. Loriti Glareanus als Musiktheoretiker//Beiträge z. Freiburger Wissenschafts- und Universitätsgeschichte. Freiburg i. Br., 1960. H. 22; Баранова Т. Переход от средневек. ладовой системы к мажору и минору в муз. теории XVI -XVII вв.//Из истории зарубежной музыки. М., 1980. Вып. 4. С. 6-27; Der Humanist H. Loriti, genannt Glarean, 1488-1563: Beitr. zu seinem Leben u. Werk/Verf. v. R. Aschmann [et al.]; hrsg. v. Ortsmuseum Mollis. Glarus, 1983; Холопов Ю. Н. Церковные лады//Муз. энцикл. словарь. М., 1991. С. 613-614; Mack H. -H. Humanistische Geisteshaltung und Bildungsbemühungen: am Beispiel von H. Loriti Glarean (1488-1563). Bad Heilbrunn (Obb.), 1992; Клейнер Б. А. «Додекахорд» Г. Глареана: К исслед. 12-ладовой теории по первоисточнику: Канд. дис. М., 1994. Т. 1; Fenlon I. Heinrich Glarean " s books//Music in the German Renaissance: Sources, Styles and Context/Ed. J. Kmetz. Camb., 1994. P. 74-102; Fuller S. Defending the Dodecachordon: Ideological Currents in Glarean " s Modal Theory//JAMS. 1996. Vol. 49. P. 191-224. |
| N. Y., 1995. Vol. 44. N 3. P. 341-359; Levine E. The Case of Jonah Versus God//Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research. N. Y., 1996. Vol. 62. P. 165-198; Десницкий А. С. Книга прор. Ионы - старая сказка?//Мир Библии. 1997. Вып. 4. С. 58-61; Рофэ А. Повествования о пророках: Лит. жанры и история/Пер. с итал.: О. Боровая. М.; Иерусалим, 1997; Палладий (Пьянков), еп. Толкование на книгу св. прор. Ионы// Он же. Толкования на книги св. пророков Ионы и Михея. М., 1998р. С. 1-97 изд.: Вятка, 1874]; Пропп В. Я. Морфология (волшебной) сказки: Ист. корни волшебной сказки. М., 1998; Эйделькинд Я. Д. К интерпретации книги Ионы//Библия: Литературоведческие и лингвист. исслед. М., 1998. Вып. 1. С. 83-112; Dassmann E. Jonas//RAC. 1998. Bd. 18. Sp. 678-689; Bewer J. A. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Jonah// Mitchell H. G., Smith M. P., Bewer J. A. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi and Jonah. Edinb., 1999r изд.: Edinb., 1912]; Frolov S. Returning the Ticket: God and His Prophet in the Book of Jonah//JSOT. 1999. Vol. 24. N 86. P. 85-105; Fuller R. Minor Prophets//EncDSS. 2000. Vol. 1. P. 554-557; Sherwood Y. A Biblical Text and Its Afterlives: The Survival of Jonah in Western Culture. Camb., 2000; Busse H. Jonah//Encycl. of the Qur " a n/Ed. J. D. McAuliffe. Leiden, 2002. Vol. 3. P. 52-55; Heller B., [Rippin A.] Yu nu s//EI. 2002. Vol. 11. P. 347-349; Lessing R. Just Where Was Jonah Going?: The Location of Tarshish in the OT//Concordia Journal. St. Louis, 2002. Vol. 28. N 3. P. 291-293; Jonah//The Twelve Prophets/Ed. A Ferreiro, T. C. Oden. Downers Grove, 2003. P. 128-148. (Ancient Christian Comment. on Scripture. OT; 14); Moberly R. W. L. Preaching for a Response?: Jonah " s Message to the Ninevites Reconsidered//VT. 2003. Vol. 53. N 2. P. 156-168; Guillaume P. The End of Jonah is The Beginning of Wisdom//Biblica. 2006. Vol. 87. Fasc. 2. P. 243-250; Zilio-Grandi I. Jonas, un prophète biblique dans l " islam//RHR. 2006. T. 223. |
| 20 У Rymer’a этот Джон ошибочно называется Ричардом. Strype поправляет эту ошибку грамоты. Parker, р. 53. 23 Strype, Parker, p. 55; Masonus 359; Fuller IX, 61; Denny et Lacey. App. III, lit. B.; p. 208. – Приговор подписали: Мэй, Уэстон, Лидс, Гарвэй, Йэйль и Буллингэм. 25 Буквально заимствованное из регистра, подробное описание церемонии посвящения, под заглавием: Rituum et ceremoniarum Ordo in consecratione Reverendissimi domini Matthaei Parker etc… см.: Wilkins, Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae. Vol. IV, p. 198–199. Londini 1737; Cardwell. Documentary annals of the reformed church of England. Vol. I. XLIX, p. 276–279. Oxford 1844; Burnet vol. II, Records, p. II, в. III. IX, p. 302–303, Masonus, p. 354–358, Denny et Lacey App. III, lit. C., p. 208–210. – См. также: Strype, Parker, p. 57–58, Heylyn, p 121, Fuller IX, 60–61 и др. – Нужно заметить, что у Wilkins’a и Cardwell’a в заглавии документа ошибочно обозначено не 17-е число декабря, а 16-е (decimo sexto), тогда как в других изданиях читается 17-е. Правильность последнего показания подтверждается многими свидетельствами, напр. заметками Паркэра и Мачина (о них у нас речь впереди), и единогласно признается историками. 27 Camdenus p. 24–25; Masonus p. 384; Fuller XI. 62–63; Strype. Parker p. 63–64; Strype. Annals I. 155; Stubbs. Registrum p. 82. 30 Заимствованное из парламентских журналов указание на это есть у Denny et Lacey p. 13. Билль обсуждался и в нижней и в верхней палате, но почему он не получил силы закона, – неизвестно. Быть может тогда находили его излишним в виду того соображения, которое, как увидим далее, высказано было после в Stat. 8 Eliz. ch. 1. 33 Дело Горна и Боннера см.: Strype. Annals. I. 377–382; Heylyn 173–174; Fuller IX, 79–80; Strype. Parker 126; Collier VI, 392–393; Denny et Lacey 12–13; Lingard VI, Note c. p. 669. – У последнего ссылка на статут ошибочна. 34 Stat. 8 Eliz. ch. 1. – Рассказ о парламенте и изложение содержания статута см. Heylyn 173–174; Strype. Annals I, 527–530; Fuller IX, 80; Collier VI, 437–442. Stat. 8 Eliz. ch. 1. – Рассказ о парламенте и изложение содержания статута см. Heylyn 173–174; Strype. Annals I, 527–530; Fuller IX, 80; Collier VI, 437–442. |
| 359 Fuller, Resurrection Narratives, p. 10; Wilckens, Resurrection, p. 2; Bultmann, Theology, vol. 1, p. 293; Dodd, Apostolic Preaching, pp. 13–14; «Risen Christ,» р. 125; Neufeld, Confessions, p. 27; Brown, Bodily Resurrection, p. 81. 360 Cullmann, Early Church, p. 64; Fuller, Resurrection Narratives, p. 10; Marx-sen, Resurrection, p. 80; Weber, The Cross, p. 59. 362 См. прежде всего: Fuller, Resurrection Narratives, pp. 11–12; Weber, The Cross, p. 59; Jeremias, Eucharistic Words, pp. 102–103. 363 В частности, Иеремиас приводит список подобных семитизмов (Jeremias, Eucharistic Words, pp. 102–103). См. также: Pannenberg,/?sws, p. 90; Fuller, Resurrection Narratives, p. 11; Foundations, p. 160; Weber, The Cross, p. 59. 367 Примеры такой датировки символа веры см.: Hans Grass, Ostergesche-hen und Osterberichte, Second Edition (Gottingen: Vanderhoek und Rupre-cht, 1962), p. 96; Leonard Goppelt, «The Easter Kerygma in the New Testament,» The Easter Message Today transl. by Salvator Attanasio and Darrell Likens Guder (New York: Nelson, 1964), p. 36; Thomas Sheehan, First Coming: How the Kingdom of God Became Christianity (New York: Random House, 1986), pp. 110, 118; Cullmann, The Early Church, pp. 65–66; Pannenberg, Jesus, p. 90; Dodd, Apostolic Preaching, p. 16; Hunter, Jesus, p. 100; Brown, Bodily Resurrection, p. 81; Fuller, Foundations, pp. 142, 161; Resurrection Narratives, pp. 81; Fuller, Foundations, pp. 142, 161; Resurrection Narratives, pp. 10, 14, 28, 48; Ladd, I Believe, p. 105. О " Коллинз отмечает, что, насколько ему известно, никто из ученых не считает, что этот символ веры появился после 40-х гг. н.э. Даже при такой датировке (40-е гг. н.э.) сделанные нами общие выводы, прежде всего в отношении раннего свидетельства очевидцев, остаются в силе. См. Gerald O’Collins, What Are They Saying About the Resurrection? (New York: Paulist Press, 1978), p. 112. Интересно отметить, что 14 лет спустя, когда Павел вернулся в Иерусалим и снова встретился с Петром и Иаковом, Евангелие было главной темой их бесед, о чем непосредственно упоминается в Гал.2:1–10 . |
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