| 20 Although the Gospels were probably «heard» more often than «read,» at least aristocratic audiences could be described by ancient writers as their «readers» (e.g., Polybius 9.2.6). 21 E.g., Theon Progymn. 2.5–33; even different genres of speeches require different kinds of styles (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 45–46); see also the ancient division of Pindar " s various kinds of hymns and songs (Race, «Introduction,» 1). Of course, such categories were never strictly observed even in Greco-Roman texts, and Israelite-Jewish tradition rarely reflected on the theoretical categories (Aune, Environment, 23). Mixed genres were common in the early imperial period (idem, «Problem,» 10–11,48). 24 Certainly ancient writers debated about intention, both regarding deeds and legislative purpose (see Hermogenes Issues 61.16–18; 66.12–13; 72.14–73.3). 26 See Kurz, Reading Luke-Acts, 173, also noting the extrinsic reality of this author and audience regardless of our ability to reconstruct them. 27 See, e.g., Allison, Moses, 3. If various authorial or redactional levels complicate the question of «authorial intention» in John (Smith, John 13), we mean the level of our completed Gospel in our earliest textual tradition, which we believe remained well within the range of earlier Johannine theology. 29 Talbert, Gospel, 2–3, observing that Strauss, Bultmann (see Bultmann, Tradition, 372), and their followers rejected the biographical category because they confused the two. 32 W. Schneemelcher in Hennecke, Apocrypha, 1:80; Riesenfeld, Tradition, 2; Guelich, «Genre.» The designation «Gospels» appears to date from the mid-second century (Aune, Environment, 18, cites Justin Dial 10.2; 100.1; Irenaeus Haer. 3.1.1; Clement of Alexandria Stromata 1.21), though some derive it from Mark " s (Kelber, Story, 15) or Matthews usage (Stanton, New People, 14–16) and it probably has antecedents in the LXX use of the term (Stuhlmacher, «Theme,» 19–25; Betz, «Gospel»). 34 So rightly Borchert, John, 29–30 (though noting differences between John and the Synoptics, p. 37). |
| The first person plural could refer to the world; certainly his tabernacling «among us» could be construed in that manner (1:10–11; cf. 12:35), though it is noteworthy that Jesus allows specifically disciples to begin to «dwell» with him (1:38–39; 14:23). Thus believers come to share the same intimacy the Word had with the Father (1:1–2). But «we» in «we beheld» (θεασμεθα), though not emphatic, probably signifies this intimacy only by analogy and points in the first case to a more specific, historical referent. «Behold» and its synonyms 3639 can apply both to seeing physically, which representatives of the world did (6:36; 15:24), and to seeing with eyes of faith (11:45; 14:7, 9; cf. 1 John 3:6; 3 John 11 ); but the latter is more likely here. Because Jesus revealed his glory in ways obscure to the elite but evident to the eyes of disciples (2:11; a continuing paradigm: 14:21–23), those who actually beheld his glory were those who came to believe him (11:40). The Johannine tradition also interprets the language with reference to the eyewitness of disciples (1 John 1:1–3), which fits the rest of this Gospel (19:35). Thus the most natural construal of the first person plural, if all source theories are held in suspension, is that John includes himself among the eyewitnesses. 3640 The eyewitnesses of the Words glory do not evoke the initiates of Hellenistic Mysteries, 3641 but Moses, who beheld God " s glory on Mount Sinai. 3642 (Greco-Roman myth reflects the notion that if the chief deity revealed his glory, a mortal who saw it would be consumed, 3643 and some ancient Israelite traditions reflect a similar conception. 3644 But Moses saw and was transformed, not consumed.) 3645 In other words, Jesus» eyewitnesses, including John, are mediators of a revelation greater than that of Moses but in a manner analogous to Moses; Paul depicts his own ministry in a similar manner in 2Cor. 3 ; 3646 the transfiguration in the Synoptics likewise alludes to this revelation, though as a single event. 3647 Although a connection between «light» and «glory» may not have been obvious to all ancient readers, it is quite possible that John alludes to his portrayal of Jesus as «light» (l:4–9). 3648 Those who could approach the prologue having heard the entire Gospel at least once would also think of others who saw the same glory Moses did, such as Isaiah in his vision in the temple (12:41; Isa 6:1–4). 3649 In this context, at any rate, «glory» especially alludes to the revelation of God to Moses in Exod 33–34, which could also be pictured as shining (cf. Exod 34:29). Whereas many commentators (such as Glasson and Teeple) compare Jesus in the Fourth Gospel with Moses, 3650 it is actually particularly his disciples who represent Moses, while Jesus parallels the glory that Moses witnessed on the mountain. 1D. The μονογενς Son (1:14,18) |
| That the soldiers act out the designs of the Judean authorities («the Jews») again reinforces John " s emphasis on the Judean leaders» primary responsibility for the events that take place–which makes their unwitting fulfilment of Scripture all the more noteworthy. Because it was widely known that crucifixion victims often took several days to die (Josephus Life 420–421), Jesus» death in a matter of hours in the passion tradition invited some explanation. Those bound with cords instead of nails probably survived longer, 10232 but this seems not the whole explanation. Here the explanation is that Jesus chose to die when he had completed his mission (19:30) and that he needed to do so before his bones could be broken (19:36). That his bones were in danger of being broken likely reflects the genuine historical practice of some crucifixions, but John also derives theological mileage from this as from other traditions he employs. The breaking of bones in this context derives from the piety of the Judean authorities, who were scrupulous about Sabbath observance (see comment on 5:9–12) and Passover (18:28) but whose piety John views negatively 10233 Romans normally allowed corpses to rot on crosses; Deut 21:23 , however, warned that this practice defiled the land. 10234 Undoubtedly, in practice, Judean authorities» sensitivities did invite some concessions from the Romans, especially during local festival times, when Romans sought to show particular benevolence to local populations even with respect to executions (Philo Flaccus 83). 10235 Even during nonfestal times, Romans appear to have normally deferred to Jewish sensitivities in the matter, for Josephus writes as if they were normally able to bury crucifixion victims before sunset (Josephus War 4.317). Although some later rabbis could argue that the religious duty of executing a murderer overrides the Sabbath, others responded that courts should not even go into session on the Sabbath. 10236 As a Sabbath during the festival time, this Sabbath was a particularly sacred one; by John " s chronology, it would be the first day of the Passover festival (the second day by the Synoptic chronology). 10237 Leaving the bodies hanging on any day would have violated Jewish custom; leaving them up on a Sabbath was worse; leaving them up on a festal Sabbath was unconscionable. The Judean leaders wish to safeguard the holiness of the day. Yet the passage again drips with Johannine irony, underlining a matter of serious religious incongruity (as in 18:28): those who have falsely convicted Jesus and secured his execution now express piety concerning Sabbath observance. |
| The first three days of Holy Week remind us of Christ’s last instructions with his disciples. These teachings are remembered in the celebration of the Great Compline, Matins, Hours, and Liturgy during these days. Christ the Bridegroom – The Matin services of the evenings of Palm Sunday, and Holy Monday, and Holy Tuesday, anticipating the events of the next day, share a common theme devoted to the Bridegroom Services derived from the Parable of the Ten Virgins that calls for preparedness at the Second Coming, for the “thief comes in the middle of the night”” (Math. 26:1-13). The Mysterion or Sacrament of Holy Unction is celebrated on Holy Wednesday, commemorating Christ’s anointing with myrrh. The service ends with the priest anointing the faithful with Holy Oil. Also, remembered is that on this day Judas betrayed Christ, which led to the tradition from Apostolic times of fasting on Wednesday throughout the year. Holy Thursday begins with the celebration of vespers and the Divine Liturgy of St. Basil with a Reserved Holy Communion in representation of the earthly presence of Christ realized at the Last Supper. In the evening, anticipating the Matins of Friday morning, the Holy Passion service of the reading of the Twelve Gospel is conducted. In these readings Christ’s last instructions to his disciples is presented, as well as the prophecy of the drama of the Cross, Christ’s prayer, and His new commandment. The twelve readings are: St. John 13:31 through 18:1 St. John 18:1 through 29 St. Matthew 26:57 through 75 St. John 18:28 through 19:16 St. Matthew 27:3 through 32 St. Mark 15:16 through 32 St. Matthew 27:33 through 54 St. Luke 23:32 through 49 St. John 19:38 through 42 St. Mark 15:43 through 47 St. John 19:38 through 42 St. Matthew 27:62 through 66. Epitaphios – Great and Holy Friday begins with reading of the Royal Hours leading up to Vespers of Friday afternoon during which the removal of the Body of Christ from the Cross is commemorated. The priest removes the Body of Christ, the Epitaphios, from the Cross, wraps it in a white cloth and carries it into the altar. In an evening service, called the Lamentations at the Tomb, the priest carries the Epitaphios, the painted or embroidered cloth representation of Christ, from the altar around the church before placing it in the Sepulcher, a bier symbolizing the Tomb of Christ. This procession, with the faithful carrying lighted candles, represents Christ’s descent into Hades. |
| This brief pericope is transitional, connecting those who respond to Jesus» signs in 2:1–22 with the incomplete faith of Nicodemus in 3:1–10. In 2the disciples responded to Jesus» sign with faith, but 2:23–24 makes clear that signs-faith, unless it progresses to discipleship, is inadequate. 4719 Jesus literally did not «believe» 4720 those who believed in him. 4721 (This wordplay may reflect a rhetorical technique similar to what some rhetorical theorists called diaphora.) 4722 Jesus» response was based on his knowledge of their character (2:24–25), which in turn would affect their actions (cf. 3:20–21). 4723 By claiming Jesus» knowledge of human character, John again affirms Jesus» deity. Jewish literature frequently warns against misplaced trust, 4724 sometimes, in Hellenistic aristocratic fashion, against trusting the masses. 4725 Jewish texts also emphasize God " s omniscience, hence that he would not misplace his trust; because he knew Ishmael, God did not choose him, calling Israel instead; 4726 likewise God created Abraham because he foreknew what would come from him. 4727 It was widely affirmed that God knew all things, including all human hearts. Of course, God was not the sole repository of divine knowledge in ancient traditions. Most acknowledged that sorcerers could derive supernatural knowledge from their spirit-guides; 4728 some attributed such abilities to particular philosophers. 4729 More to the point, prophets knew some matters supernaturally, including details about some peoplés thoughts; 4730 Jesus acts accordingly in the Synoptic tradition (e.g., Mark 2:8; 5:30 ). 4731 Similarly, in some traditions the Messiah would execute judgment in the end time according to supernatural insight. 4732 Later Jewish speculation suggested that God lent this ability to Enoch, 4733 who became the omniscient Metatron. 4734 But no mortal was omniscient about creation or the human heart, 4735 as John " s audience also must have recognized (1 John 3:20). Ancient Judaism and some Gentiles recognized that only God saw and knew everything, 4736 including human thoughts and deeds. 4737 God «who knows» or «searches» the heart ( Ps 7:9 ; Jer 17:10 ) became a familiar title for him in later texts. 4738 Long before the first century, Jewish people called God the επσκοπος (and synonyms), the one who oversees all things, 4739 especially concerning human hearts. 4740 That God sees yet remains unseen seems to have become a popular saying. 4741 In the context of John " s Christology elsewhere in the Gospel, he again affirms Jesus» deity here. Jesus» knowledge of human hearts has already appeared in the narrative (1:42, 48) and will continue to appear (5:42; 6:15, 61, 64; 16:19, 30; cf. Rev 2:2). |
| Theophilus of Antioch quotes the Gospel and attributes it to John by 181 C.E. (Theophilus 2.22); Tatian, Claudius Apollinaris, and Athenagoras had earlier used it as an authoritative source. 797 2B. Second-Century Orthodoxy and the Fourth Gospel It is not likely that such an important work as the Fourth Gospel circulated anonymously; while it does not explicitly identify its own author, the recipients seem to have known the identity of at least the beloved disciple (21:23–24). In a much earlier period, travelers regularly networked the Pauline churches (e.g., 1Cor 1:11; 11:16; 14:33; 16:12,19 ; 2Cor 9:2 ), and any Pauline scholar approaching Gospels research will be astounded at the lack of networking that Gospels scholars sometimes assume among the early churches. Pauline scholars in this case work with a much more solid base of explicit data than Gospels scholars do (see our comments on networking of early churches in our discussion of John and the Synoptics in ch. 1 of our introduction). Earliest Christian tradition seems to have exercised some ambivalence toward this Gospel, however; it is not recognized in the Roman fathers until the late second century. 798 Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, neglects this Gospel in his epistles although the focused ethical material of Q and Paul was undoubtedly more useful for his largely hortatory purpose. 799 Although allusions to Johannine language probably appear in the early second century (especially in Polycarp), our earliest complete «orthodox» citation is from Justin Martyr in the mid-second century, 800 but since he cites the Fourth Gospel (3:3) only once (in contrast to his Synoptic citations), it is possible that he cites instead an agraphon from pre-Johannine tradition or a subsequent tradition based on John. Osborne notes that the statement could derive from a baptismal liturgy, but counters that there are «many [other] coincidences of thought and expression» between John and Justin that suggest the latter " s knowledge of the former; 801 some other scholars concur. 802 Some suspect that Justin knows the Gospel but argue that he does not cite it like the Synoptics or regard it as among the memoirs of the apostles. 803 Clearly, early Christians cited some gospels (especially Matthew) more than others (such as Mark), but such preferences do not necessarily connote disapproval of the works they cite less. 804 Further, Justin, like most other of the earliest Christian authors, does not name the authors of the Synoptics any more than he cites the Fourth Gospel directly. But the argument is one of probability, and the support it adds to our case is helpful but limited. 805 Justin does not name his source, and use of the Fourth Gospel does not identify its author. |
| Moses» signs also generated «belief» (Exod 4:30–31), but as with signs-faith in the Fourth Gospel, those who had initially believed Moses turned on him when circumstances grew more difficult (Exod 5:21–23). Signs serve a christological function, but witness to Jesus» identity so aptly because John " s readers are presumably (given John " s pneumatology) also a «signs» community, in contrast to most of their opposition in the synagogue leadership (like Jesus» signless opposition in the Fourth Gospel). Thus, as Aune contends, John recounts Jesus» signs in part because the Johannine community itself was a charismatic community in which the miraculous activity of the risen Lord through the agency of the Spirit-Paraclete was being made manifest. The miraculous activity which characterized the ministry of Paul (Ga1. 3:3, 5; II Cor. 12:11–13; Rom. 15:18–19 ), and the communities which he founded ( 1Cor. 12 :9f., 28; Ga1. 3:5), and which characterized the early years of the church as recorded in the book of Acts, is also an important element in the experience of the Johannine community. 2408 This fits the epistemological conflict between the Johannine and local synagogue communities suggested above. Having noted this, however, we must return to our original caveat concerning the function of signs. John explicitly states that the first and last signs of Jesus» earthly ministry in this Gospel reveal his «glory,» forming an inclusio that invests all the signs with christological significance (2:11; 11:40). But Jesus» glory is ultimately revealed in the cross (12:23–25, 28–33); 2409 by the cross his character is ultimately revealed (see on 1:14), by this he would draw people to himself (12:32–33), and the death-resurrection complex becomes the ultimate sign (2:18–21). 2410 5C. Signs-Faith John 20:30–31 provides a clear indication that the «signs» are a focal point in the Fourth Gospel, calling one to faith. (The climactic sign in context is encountering the risen Christ.) Signs-faith is inadequate in the Fourth Gospel, but it is a valid step on the way to full discipleship. In understanding the relationship between signs and faith one should begin with the handful of texts mentioning both concepts in immediate proximity: |
| But if its narrative function (in terms of its full theological weight) is in some sense symbolic of an outpouring of the Spirit, one need not seek a chronological harmonization with Acts 2. 10663 As Bürge emphasizes, Luke-Acts itself provides a similar chronological situation: because Luke must end his Gospel where he does, he describes the ascension as if it occurs on Easter (Luke 24:51) even though he will soon inform or remind his readers that it occurred only forty days afterward (Acts 1:3, 9). Likewise, «knowing his Gospel would have no sequel,» the Fourth Evangelist theologically compressed «the appearances, ascension, and Pentecost into Easter. Yet for him, this is not simply a matter of literary convenience.... John weaves these events into " the hour» with explicit theological intentions.» 10664 1B. The Setting (20:19) By announcing that it was evening on the first day of the week (20:19), John informs the reader that the first revelation to the gathered disciples occurred shortly after the resurrection appearances began. Although some question the timing, 10665 it certainly appears consistent with the gospel tradition ( 1Cor 15:5 ). 10666 Luke in particular indicates that Jesus left two Judean disciples about sundown (Luke 24:29, 31) and the disciples hurried immediately to Jerusalem (Luke 24:33), where Jesus greeted all the disciples together (Luke 24:36). Mark " s Galilean emphasis makes sense of why Jesus promises an appearance to the disciples in Galilee ( Mark 14:28; 16:7 ), which John does not treat as incompatible with a prior Judean appearance such as in Luke ( John 21:1 ). The disciples would also be continuing in their most intense mourning period at this time; later rabbinic traditions suggest that such mourning included sitting without shoes on the ground, abstaining from working, washing, anointing, and even study of Torah. 10667 John may mention the time of day particularly to connect the events of this paragraph closely with the one that preceded. 10668 There Jesus surprised Mary, who did not recognize him, and commissioned her to tell his other followers the remaining detail of his mission (20:17), which she carried out (20:18). Now he commissions the disciples to carry his message to those who are not yet his disciples (20:21–23); the story world presumes that they, too, would prove obedient to their commission (17:20). |
| The preliminary scourging here (19:1) is more serious than the maximum thirty-nine lashes allowed by the law ( Deut 25:3 ) and administered by synagogue communities (cf. 2Cor 11:23–24 ). Even if its placement in the narrative would suggest to attentive first-century readers a «judicial warning» rather than a preexecution scourging as in Mark 15:15 , 9950 the beating could be serious; and given their knowledge of Jesus» impending crucifixion, many readers might not have noticed the distnction anyway. Like many other peoples, 9951 Romans did not limit the number of lashes, and thus sometimes victims not even sentenced to death died or were disabled under cruel supervisors. 9952 Indeed, Josephus had opponents scourged «until their entrails were visible» (War 2.612) and reports a procurator laying bare a man " s bones, though the man survived (War 6.304). This form of scourging also proved more severe than most Roman public corporal disciplines as well (cf. Acts 16:22; 2Cor 11:25 ); 9953 sometimes this kind of scourging caused death itself. 9954 Unlike the lesser fustigatio (beating), the severer disciplines of flagellatio (flogging) and especially verberatio (scourging) accompanied the death sentence, 9955 although John " s audience and even John himself probably would not have recognized these fine distinctions. 9956 Whereas Romans used rods on freepersons and sticks on soldiers, they used scourges on slaves or provincials of equivalent status. 9957 In the Synoptic tradition Pilate orders the preliminary scourging that, whether with rods or whips, generally preceded crucifixion and other forms of capital punishment. 9958 In John he offers an earlier scourging, but in light of the negative outcome of Pilatés complaint to the Jerusalem aristocracy, it will have served the same purpose. Probably stripped 9959 and tied to a pillar or post, 9960 Jesus was beaten with flagella– leather whips «whose thongs were knotted and interspersed» with pieces of iron or bone, or a spike; 9961 it left skin hanging from the back in bloody strips. 9962 Various texts 9963 attest the horror with which this punishment was viewed. Soldiers normally executed this task in the provinces. 9964 Some felt that the flagellum was merciful because it so weakened the prisoner as to hasten his death on the cross. 9965 That the Gospels mention but do not describe the practice makes them read more like official reports than rhetorical documents with a heavy element of pathos at this point; 9966 nevertheless, John " s audience would undoubtedly understand the basic procedure, for floggings and executions were generally public affairs in the Roman Empire. |
| Mary at the Tomb (20:1–18) The faithfulness of Mary Magdalene frames, hence unites, the first two paragraphs of the resurrection narrative (20:1–2, 11–18), emphasizing the important roles played by women in this narrative–whose behavior again shames the supposedly bolder men (see comment on 19:25). 10477 Eastern Christianity later called Mary «isapostolos,» «equal to the apostles.» 10478 Some early medieval commentators found in women " s initial resurrection announcement a reversal of Evés role at the fal1. 10479 As in the earliest tradition, Mary is the first to find the tomb empty and the first to see Jesus risen from the dead. 1. The Empty Tomb (20:1–10) Mary comes to the tomb first (20:1), and because she remains at the tomb after the male disciples leave (20:10–11), she also receives the first resurrection appearance in 20:15–16. 1A. Mary " s Discovery (20:1–2) Although the narrative focuses on Mary (perhaps for purposes of reader identification, esp. at 20:16, after she returns to the tomb), John undoubtedly knows the tradition that several women came to the tomb together, of whom Mary was one ( Mark 16:1 ; Luke 23:55–24:1). This is evident both from the plural ο " ιδαμεν in 20and the unlikelihood of the disciples» allowing a woman to travel alone (especially when she was not from the area). 10480 The focus on Mary may permit the focus on personal relationship the narrative seems to develop (compare 20with 10:3), and fits John " s characteristic «staging» technique of often focusing on individuals (e.g., 3:1–9; 4:7–26; 5:1–9; 9:1–7; 11:20–37). That it was yet dark (20:1) could symbolize Mary coming from darkness to the light (cf. 3:21); but in contrast to Nicodemus, Mary appears so positively here that other explanations are more likely. Because the Synoptics mention only that it was early but John that it was «dark» (cf. also 13:30), John may play on his light-and-darkness symbolism a different way; the light of the world was about to be revealed in its darkness. 10481 The darkness may indicate Mary " s fear (cf. 3:2) or may emphasize her devotion (cf. 20:16–17) in coming as soon as possible after the Sabbath and the night that followed it. Other accounts show mourners coming at the moment of dawn to show their affection for someone they loved dearly. 10482 Thus, perhaps as the priests were eager to dispense with Jesus as «early» as possible (18:28), she is unable to sleep and eager to demonstrate her devotion as early as possible. |
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