| Jesus withdraws from the intense conflict in Jerusalem (ch. 5) and encounters a different sort of response in Galilee (ch. 6). The «other side» of the lake (6:1) contrasts with Jesus» usual Galilean location on the west side of the lake (e.g., 2:1, 12; 4:45–46), though the exact location is uncertain. 5972 That crowds would flock to Jesus (6:2) fits the rest of the gospel tradition (e.g., Mark 9:15 ; Matt 4:24) and what we know about the response of crowds to popular teachers. 5973 Johns mention of the «mountain» in v. 3 could reflect a minor allusion to the Moses tradition that will dominate the following discourse, especially given the repetition of the mountain in 6:15; probably Matthew had already employed the mountain image to this end (Matt 5:l). 5974 Its primary literary function here, however, appears to be an inclusio with 6:15, 5975 suggesting either that Jesus withdrew on both occasions from overzealous multitudes (6:2) or that Jesus withdrew from militant but uncomprehending followers (cf. 2:23–25) the way he had from active opponents (5:45–6:1). The nearness of the Passover (6:4) explains the flourishing of grass (6:10), which was not always available in much of the «wilderness» (e.g., 1 En. 89:28). The grass already present in the gospel tradition (Matt 14:19)–especially the «green» grass ( Mark 6:39 )–suggests that the nearness of the Passover is a genuine historical reminiscence. 5976 Grass could recall biblical images of abundant provision for livestock sometimes linked with God " s provision for his people ( Deut 11:15 ), but John " s audience would probably not seek biblical allusions in this aspect of the setting. 5977 The primary function of the grass in 6is probably simply to indicate that the ground was easier to sit on (e.g., Virgil Ed. 3.55). The mention of Passover and spring further suggests that at least a year has passed since 2in the story world, developing John " s plot. The language of this verse probably alludes to the language of 2(especially εγγς and «feast of the Jews»; cf. also 11:55; Tabernacles in 7:2), suggesting that one read both passages in light of the impending Passover; Jesus encounters rejection in both passages because he defies traditional expectations of his messianic role. 5978 The most important function of John s mention of Passover is thus that it sets the rest of the chapter in the context of the paschal lamb, and perhaps in the context of the earlier gospel tradition " s passion narrative. Just as Jesus» entire ministry becomes a transfiguration (1:14) and John places the temple cleansing before the public ministry (2:14–22) to bracket the whole, John again invites us to understand Jesus» whole ministry in terms of the passion leading to the cross. (See comments on eucharistic interpretations of the discourse, below.) |
| About Pages Проекты «Правмира» Raising Orthodox Children to Orthodox Adulthood The Daily Website on How to be an Orthodox Christian Today Twitter Telegram Parler RSS Donate Navigation His Beatitude Patriarch John X of Antioch expresses gratitude for humanitarian aid to the Syrian people admin 23 April 2013 April 19, 2013 His Beatitude Patriarch John X of Antioch and All the East sent a letter to Metropolitan Hilarion of Volokolamsk, chairman of the Moscow Patriarchate’s Department for External Church Relations, in which he expressed his gratitude for humanitarian aid collected for the Syrian people in Russia by the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society with the blessing of His Holiness Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia. “We are very thankful for your gesture of solidarity and brotherhood in these difficult days, His Beatitude Patriarch John writes. “This gesture certainly helps our misplaced people to face the horrible circumstances they are encountering. The Syrian people are turning to the Church for help, and we are working hard to provide all humanitarian support possible and alleviate their sufferings. We are very grateful for your prayers as well.” Humanitarian aid was collected on March 31-April 12, 2013. The Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, with the participation of the Russian Orthodox Church, collected around seventy tons of humanitarian cargo, including flour, sugar, salt, cereals, medicaments, and bandaging materials. Monetary donations of over three million rubbles, collected during this campaign, will go to purchasing medicaments and medical equipment. A plane with the first consignment of cargo arrived in Syria on April 14. All humanitarian aid will be delivered to Syria by the end of April 2013. Source: DECR Tweet Donate Share Code for blog His Beatitude Patriarch John X of Antioch expresses gratitude for humanitarian aid to the Syrian people admin April 19, 2013 His Beatitude Patriarch John X of Antioch and All the East sent a letter to Metropolitan Hilarion of Volokolamsk, chairman of the Moscow Patriarchate’s Department for External Church Relations, in which he expressed his gratitude for humanitarian aid collected for the Syrian people ... |
| We should remember that whereas John strongly emphasizes realized eschatology, he does not thereby abandon all future eschatology (e.g., 5:28–29; 6:39, 40, 44, 54; 12:48; 21:22–23). That Jesus was no longer physically present with the Johannine community was obvious, and the Lukan tradition of an ascension was the most obvious spatial solution to the current fact (Luke 24:50; Acts 1:9–11; cf. Mark 16:19 ; Rom 8:34 ; Eph 1:20 ; Col 3:1–2; Heb 1:3). Matthew, Mark, and John close before the point where the event would be described (Mark even before resurrection appearances), but the ascension is presupposed by Jesus» Parousia from heaven, a teaching found in Paul " s earliest letters (e.g., Phil 3:20; 1 Thess 4:16; 2 Thess 1:7). 10627 It appears multiply attested outside the Gospels, at least on a theological level ( Eph 4:8–10 ; 1Tim 3:16 ; Heb 4:14; 7:26; 8:1; 9:24; 1Pet 3:22 ). That the Spirit came as another advocate, standing in for Jesus, suggests that John also understood that Jesus would be absent from the community, while not «in spirit,» yet in body (cf. 1 John 2:1 ). 10628 Jesus would not only go to the Father and return to give them the Spirit; though it is not John " s emphasis, he also implies that Jesus would remain with the Father until the «last day,» when those in the tombs would arise. It is also clear that ancient writers could predict events never recounted in their narratives but that the reader would understand to be fulfilled in the story world; the Greek East " s favorite work, the Iliad, could predict, without recounting, the fall of Troy, which was already known to the Iliad " s tradition and which it reinforced through both subtle allusions and explicit statements in the story. 10629 The book ends with Hector " s burial, but because the book emphasized that Hector was Troy " s last adequate defender, 10630 this conclusion certainly implies the tragic demise of Troy. The Odyssey predicts but does not narrate Odysseus " s final trial, 10631 but in view of the other fulfillments in the story, the reader or hearer is not left with discomfort. The Argonautica will not directly address Medeás unpleasant slaying of Pelias yet hints at that tradition. 10632 Likewise, that Mark probably ends without resurrection appearances ( Mark 16:8 ) hardly means that Mark wanted his readers to doubt that they occurred (cf. Mark 14:28 )! John probably assumes the tradition of the ascension more widely held by his audience, just as he has probably assumed their knowledge of a more widely circulated passion tradition in earlier narratives. |
| Third, Turner argues that the Paraclete is a substitute or replacement for Jesus» presence (14:16–17) yet Jesus continues appearing to the disciples after 20(20:26–29; 21:1). Again, I would respond that this weights the meaning of replacement too heavily; after all, the Spirit also replaces Jesus» presence in Acts (Acts 1:8–11), but this does not preclude a very rare subsequent resurrection appearance (Acts 9:3–4). We might expect overlap even more in John, for whom the cross and exaltation are theologically a single event, than for Luke, whose scheme of salvation history is more chronologica1. Turner adds here that no empowerment of the disciples convinces Thomas. But Thomas, like Nathanael and the Samaritans, «comes and sees» (1:46; 4:29; cf. 1:39)–now, however, in the midst of the community. Fourth, Turner points out that the disciples remain behind locked doors in 20and still do not understand in 21:15–17, and argues that these experiences appear too anti-climactic to fulfill the glorious promises of John 14–16 . In my opinion, this is a stronger argument, pointing at least to a strand of dissonance in John " s narrative, created by the historical experience of a later Pentecost that his narrative must stop before recounting. It does not, however, negate the fact that in this short encounter (20:19–23) nearly every promise associated with the Spirit " s coming appears at least proleptically. 10655 Part of the conflict between views here may be semantic: are we speaking of the historical events behind John " s Gospel or of the theological points he is emphasizing by the arrangement of the elements in his narrative? Some of Turner " s observations may suggest legitimate complexities or incongruities in John " s language. These in turn may suggest that John is aware of a subsequent Pentecost event and lays emphasis on an earlier event that also provided an encounter with the Spirit. 10656 On the level of Johannine theology, however, this event ties together diverse elements of Jesus» promise of the Spirit, fulfilling a function theologically analogous to Pentecost in Acts: the promised Spirit has come, so the church must live in the empowerment provided. (Even in Acts, on the theological level, the gift of the Spirit is of a piece with Jesus» resurrection and exaltation; as in Acts 2:32–33 [even though they are chronologically distinct; Acts 1:3–5].) |
| Those who «delivered» Jesus directly to Pilate were the Jewish leaders (18:30, 35), 10030 though Judas (18:2, 5, 36) and Pilate himself (19:16) provide other links in the same chain of guilt and in the end it is Jesus himself who «delivers» over his life (19:30). By declaring that those who handed Jesus to Pilate are guiltier because (δι τοτο) his authority comes from «above,» that is, from God, the text clearly implies that the high priests» authority did not come from that source. This probably represents an allusion to the Roman interference in the appointment of high priests and perhaps also to Caiaphas " s participation in what appeared to many of his contemporaries unscrupulous politics (see comment on 11:49). Pilatés predecessor Valerius Gratus (15–26 C.E.) had appointed Caiaphas as a priest with whom Rome could work, and Pilate had retained him. 10031 Jesus» answer reflects his willingness to face death, regularly associated with courage and virtue in ancient Mediterranean texts 10032 –for instance, the Spartan boy who allegedly let a fox eat its way through his abdomen to prevent capture during training exercises. 10033 Yet Jesus» allusion to authority «from above» may remind John " s audience of the one whose authorization from above is beyond that of all others (3:27, 31, 35). 5. Handing Over the Jewish King (19:12–16) Pilate may have some interest in justice, but he exhibits greater interest in protecting himself politically (19:12). After a final repudiation of Jesus» rulership (19:14–15), he delivers Jesus «to them» (19:16). On the literal level, this handing over of Jesus means simply «handing him over to their will» (Roman soldiers remain in charge of the execution in 19:23); but on the symbolic level, John again reinforces that it was the machinations of the Judean aristocracy, not the specific hostility of Rome, that would bring about Jesus» execution (18:31–32; 19:6). 5A. Pilatés Political Dilemma (19:12) Pilatés response to Jesus» words is striking: he seeks all the more to release him (19:12). Again the narrative seems to imply that Pilate was taking Jesus» words seriously; but John recognizes that it is possible even to believe Jesus» words yet fail to affirm them because one loves human honor more than God " s (12:42–43). Provincial governors were generally politically ambitious men of senatorial rank aspiring to yet higher offices; 10034 bad reports could mar onés political ambitions. Pilate, who was of lower rank by birth but had gained his office through the graces of the anti-Jewish Sejanus (Tiberius " s immediate agent of government), was more politically vulnerable than most. 10035 Further, more is at stake now than merely political advancement; governors who abused their power could be tried, 10036 but the greatest crime for Romans, even worse than murdering onés father, was treason. 10037 To release a self-proclaimed king (19:12) was to accommodate treason, hence to warrant execution oneself! 10038 |
| The people here are essentially the leaders of the people who bear primary responsibility for leading them to oppose Jesus: hence «the Jews» (18:38; 19:7,12,14) are the «leading priests and officers» (19:6, 15). A flat, composite character, they speak with one voice like a chorus in a Greek tragedy. 9924 1. Preferring a Terrorist (18:38b-40) Pilatés first presentation of Jesus leads to repudiation; the chief priests, who supposedly hand over Jesus for a treason charge (18:33–35) and will claim no king but Caesar (19:15), yet want freedom for an insurgent instead (18:40). 9925 Their real objections to Jesus» claim to be «son of God» may lie elsewhere (19:7; cf. 5:18; 10:33–36), but John " s Asian audience will undoubtedly hear in their claim a support for the emperor cult (19:15), for lack of allegiance to which the Jewish Christians are being betrayed to the Roman authorities. 1A. Pilatés Attempt to Free Jesus (18:38b-39) The conflict between Pilate and the Jewish leaders continues to unfold, emphasizing the responsibility of the leaders of Jesus» own people without denying that of Pilate. 9926 Luke shares with John Pilatés threefold claim to find no guilt in Jesus (Luke 23:4, 14, 22; John 18:38; 19:4, 6 ); if John " s source is not ultimately Luke, then both draw on a common passion tradition here. If Jesus was no threat, Pilate would naturally be inclined to release him (18:39), just as an equally unscrupulous governor a few decades later would release another harmless prophet the chief priests wanted silenced (Josephus War 6.305). 9927 The negative response of the priestly aristocracy is predictable, and one familiar only with this Gospel and not the rest of the gospel tradition (e.g., Mark 15:6–15 ) 9928 might assume that the «Jews» who protest here (18:40) represent the elite with whom Pilate has been dealing (18:28, 35). But the elite often spoke for the masses who trusted and followed them, and John " s audience probably already knows the basic passion story from other sources (cf. |
| «House» and «temple» language in the Fourth Gospel invites comparison between the old and new temples. Herod " s temple was the site of Jesus» presence ( 10:23), teaching (7:14,28; 8:20; 18:20), healing (5:14), and rejection (8:59; 11:56). But the Son would remain in the Father " s «house» (8:35), and would prepare «rooms» for his followers to dwell with him there (14:2, 23); essentially Jesus would prove to be the new temple (2:14–21), the locus of God " s presence with his people (Rev 21:22). Explanatory teaching typically accompanied prophetic actions in the biblical tradition, so Jesus probably uttered a proclamation while protesting the activities in the temple, and it is very possible that this proclamation included Scripture. 4686 Unlike Mark, however, John does not cite Isa 56and Jer 7:11 . Some have suggested that John draws from Zech 14:21; 4687 the links between the two texts, however, are inadequately convincing to support any specific verbal allusion. Further, John 2if pressed fully may ground Jesus» hostility in a somewhat different offense than Mark " s account; here those who profane the Father " s house do so with merchandise, whereas in Mark they profane it by treating it as a place of refuge for sin rather than a witness to the nations. Nevertheless, John repeats the basic substance of the tradition behind the Markan proclamation: those ruling the temple have profaned it, and Jesus is challenging their authority. In the Fourth Gospel, Jesus himself will become the new temple (2:19–21), consistent with the Markan cornerstone tradition. 4688 Jewish tradition emphasized zeal for God " s law and God " s temple, a zeal that could sometimes be expressed violently ( Num 25:11 ). Thus the «zealous ones» could slay anyone who stole a vessel from the temple. 4689 One can make a case that this tradition of Jesus» «zeal» derives from an earlier period in which Jewish Christians could share the term with those who sometimes defined «zeal» in terms of Phinehas " s act of vengeance in Num 25:11 4690 –perhaps a period before the term had been co-opted by the revolutionary group calling themselves «zealots» in the war with Rome. |
| 4932 Whether or not in conjunction with Hellenistic influence, 4933 this emphasis is not an unnatural development of the terms semantic range. 4934 Paul, an early Christian writer who shares many ideas with John, seems to have emphasized this moral frailty of flesh ( Rom 7:5, 14, 18, 25; 8:3–13; 13:14 ). John, however, does not use flesh with necessary connotations of sin (e.g., 1:14); for him, flesh simply retains its biblical and early Jewish connotation of creaturely, human frailty. As with Paul, this frailty is inadequate for the true worship of God, for which only the Spirit is adequate ( Gal 5:19–23 ; Phil 3:3 ). If Nicodemus like Paul would boast in the flesh, in his religious standing before God from a human perspective ( Phil 3:4–6 ), he had to learn that trusting the flesh was vain, and he must worship in the Spirit ( Phil 3:3 ; see comment on John 4:23–24 ). When John interprets the new «spirit» of Ezekiel, born from God " s Spirit, and contrasts it with human flesh, born from natural birth, he presumably means by this «spirit» something akin to what his contemporaries meant when they contrasted «spirit» (or its synonyms) with «flesh» (or its synonyms). Greeks for centuries, and later Romans, regularly differentiated soul and body, 4935 usually emphasizing the immortality of the former 4936 (although exceptions existed). 4937 Some Greek thinkers denigrated the body, even regarding it as a tomb from which one might be released at death. 4938 Contrary to common scholarly opinion, however, early Judaism generally accepted this differentiation between the soul and body. Such differentiation does not surprise us in Josephus (Ag. Ap. 2.203) and other hellenized sources, 4939 but also appears in many sources traditionally viewed as less hellenized. 4940 Jewish sources, both those traditionally regarded as more hellenized 4941 and other sources, also usually embraced the immortality of the soul; 4942 this seems to have posed little conflict in their minds with the doctrine of the resurrection. |
| The leaders fear that Jesus» signs (11:47) will produce faith among «all people» (11:48), ironically fulfilling the purpose of Jesus» coming into the world and John " s witness (1:7–9), foreshadowing the Gentile mission (12:19–21). Their fear begins to come to pass in 12:18, where even Jerusalem " s crowds begin to follow Jesus because of this sign (cf. also 12:11). (In John, unlike the Synoptics, the crowds do not later pass judgment against Jesus; the responsibility for persecution against Jewish Christians lay primarily at the feet of the nation " s recognized leaders.) Ultimately, their very plan to have Jesus killed to prevent all from coming to him (11:48–50) will have the opposite result (12:32)–thereby confirming the widely recognized ancient view that even attempts to thwart fate (or God " s plan) would simply help fulfill it. 7709 The authorities» frantic question, «What are we doing?» (11:47) is answered in the parallel context in 12:19, when the Pharisees complain that «We are not doing good» (literally, profiting nothing) and that the world is finally going after him (12:19). In a sense, John offers the hostility of such leaders as the reason that the world did not more quickly embrace Jesus. 7710 In a document addressing an audience after 70 C.E., the elités fear that the Romans would take away their place and nation if they did not execute Jesus (11:48) is a striking irony. 7711 If John " s audience felt like many other Jewish Christians, they probably viewed Jerusalem " s destruction as the direct consequence of Jesus» execution (Matt 23:31–39)! Such irony fits earlier biblical models; thus, for example, the very matter that Egypt feared (Israel " s freedom because of their strength–Exod 1:10) the Egyptians provoked by oppressing them (Exod 2:23–25). (The «nation» may mean Judeás freedoms as a national entity in Syria-Palestine; the «place» may refer to Jerusalem but probably refers to the temple.) 7712 Caiaphas " s claim that the priests «know nothing at all» (11:49) represents the epitome of Johannine irony, like the Pharisees» admission that they do nothing good (12:19). The informed readers of the Gospel by this point will read such statements on a much more literal level than their speakers in the story world intended them! 7713 (On unintended truth, see comment on 11:51.) But Paul Duke may be right to point out, perhaps tongue-in-cheek, that while it is true that they know nothing (underlined by three negatives), the high priest goes on to show that he knows even less. 7714 |
| About Pages Проекты «Правмира» Raising Orthodox Children to Orthodox Adulthood The Daily Website on How to be an Orthodox Christian Today Twitter Telegram Parler RSS Donate Navigation California Doctors Warn They’ve Seen More Deaths to Suicide Than Coronavirus Source: Faithwire Tré Goins-Phillips 23 May 2020 Photo by engin akyurt/Unsplash Doctors from one county in California are warning they’ve seen more deaths due to suicide than as a result of the coronavirus. “The numbers are unprecedented,” Dr. Michael deBoisblanc of John Muir Medical Center in Walnut Creek told KABC-TV , noting he’s seen “a year’s worth” of suicides in the last month. As of Friday, Contra Costa County reported 36 deaths from COVID-19. According to a 2017 estimate , there are 1.14 million people living in the county. Later in his conversation with the local news outlet, deBoisblanc said he believes it is time for coronavirus-induced restrictions to be lifted, noting the original intent of the stringent lockdowns was to slow the spread of the infection, as to not overwhelm hospitals and to build up resources to care for those who need medical attention while fighting the virus. Kacey Hansen, a 30-year trauma nurse from John Muir Medical Center, said she has never seen anything like she’s seeing now. She is concerned not only about the rising number of suicide attempts, but also in the hospital’s ability to maintain its standard success rate in saving patients. “What I have seen recently, I have never seen before,” she reflected. “I have never seen so much intentional injury.” While members of the trauma team have expressed concerns about continuing the stay-at-home orders, the John Muir Health organization released a statement this week saying it supports the lockdowns: John Muir Health has been, and continues to be, supportive of the Shelter-in-Place order put in place by Contra Costa County Health Services to prevent the spread of COVID-19. We realize there are a number of opinions on this topic, including within our medical staff, and John Muir Health encourages our physicians and staff to participate constructively in these discussions. |
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