| Burridge, Gospels Burridge, Richard A. What Are the Gospels? A Comparison with Graeco-Roman Biography. SNTSMS 70. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Burridge, «Gospels and Acts» Burridge, Richard A. «The Gospels and Acts.» Pages 507–32 in Handbook of Classical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic Period, 330 B.C.-A.D. 400. Edited by Stanley E. Porter. Leiden: Brill, 1997. Burridge, One Jesus Burridge, Richard A. Four Gospels, One Jesus? Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994. Burridge, «People» Burridge, Richard A. «About People, by People, for People: Gospel Genre and Audiences.» Pages 113–46 in The Gospels for All Christians: Rethinking the Gospel Audiences. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998. Burrows, More Light Burrows, Millar. More Light on the Dead Sea Scrolls. New York: Viking, 1958. Burrows, «Prologue» Burrows, Millar. «The Johannine Prologue as Aramaic Verse.» JBL 45 (1926): 57–69. Burrows, Theology Burrows, Millar. An Outline of Biblical Theology. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1946. Burton, «Plan» Burton, Ernest D. «The Purpose and Plan of the Gospel of John: The Readers of the Gospel, and Its Purpose.» The Biblical World 13 (1899): 36–41. Bury, Logos-Doctrine Bury, R. G. The Fourth Gospel and the Logos-Doctrine. Cambridge: W. Heffer 8c Sons, 1940. Busada, «Calendar» Busada, Charles. «Calendar and Theology: An Investigation into a Possible Mutable Calendric System in the Fourth Gospe1.» Ph.D. dissertation, Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2003. Busto Saiz, «Sabiduria» Busto Saiz, José Ramon. «Sabiduria y Tora en Jesus ben Sira.» EstBib 52 (1994): 229–39. Buzzard, « John 1:1 » Buzzard, Anthony. « John 1:1 : Caveat Lector (Reader Beware).» Journal from the Radical Reformation 10, no. 1 (2001): 4–19. Byatt, «Numbers» Byatt, Anthony. «Josephus and Population Numbers in First Century Palestine.» PEQ 105 (1973): 51–60. Byrne, «Faith» Byrne, Brendan. «The Faith of the Beloved Disciple and the Community in John 20 .» JSNT23 (1985): 83–97. |
| 3694 Wis 7:22 (μονογενς). Rabbinic texts often identify God as the «unique» or «only» one of the world (e.g., Sipra Sh. M.D. 99.2.3; b. Pesah. 118a–as Abraham was; p. Meg. 1:9, §1; Roš Haš. 1:3, §42; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:1; Gen. Rab. 98:13; Num. Rab. 10:5; Song Rab. 1:9, §2, with a second-century attribution, if reliable). 3695 See Harris, Jesus as God, 84–87, also noting that the issue is not Jesus being «begotten» but being the only one of his kind. 3696 E.g., martyrs» hope «full of immortality» (Wis 3:4). In John, cf. fulness of joy (3:29; 15:11; 16:24; 17:13) or of physical bread (6:12; cf. 6:13,26) or water (cf. 2:7, different term). 3697 Emphasizing «a unified cosmos» (Lincoln, Ephesians, 73; cf. Long, Philosophy, 157); cf. the Cynic Diogenes in Diogenes Laertius 6.2.38. Some suspect popular Stoic influence on the use of the term in Pauline epistles, e.g., Benoit, « " Pleromá»; Lyonnet, «Adversaries,» 147–48. 3698 Bury " s references to the Logos being «full» of divine graces (Logos Doctrine, 28–29; cf. Philo Alleg. Interp. 3.77–78; Planting 87–89; Confusion 123) may be relevant as a parallel usage to John 1:14 , though not as a source for it. In Hellenistic Judaism, the omnipresent God (Let. Aris. 131–132; Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.44; 3.4; Confusion 135–136; Names 27; cf. 2 En. 39:5; Cicero Resp. 6.17.17; cf. references in Knox, Gentiles, 163; Moore, Judaism, 1:370–72), the Spirit, and Wisdom fill the cosmos (Wis 1:7; Sir 24:25 ; cf. Sib. Or. 3.701; cf. Bogdasavich, " Pleroma»), but «fulness» does not always appear in a technical sense (e.g., Sir 1:16 ). 3699 E.g., Irenaeus Haer. 1.1.1; Prayer of the Apostle Paul (trans. Dieter Mueller, NHL 28); Gospel of Truth (trans. George W. MacRae, NHL 37). Sandmel, Judaism, 474 n. 5, is among those who dismiss the gnostic sense in John here. It is unlikely elsewhere in the NT as well; cf., e.g., Overfield, «Pleroma»; Arnold, Ephesians, 83–84; Baggott, Approach, 70; Lincoln, Paradise, 146; Hamerton-Kelly, Pre-existence, 183; Yamauchi, Gnosticism, 46; contrast, e.g., Hanson, Unity, 117. |
| 1874.12–21; Stowers, Letter Writing, 142–46; Lewis, Life, 80–81. 8373 Holwerda, Spirit, 20 n. 52; also Calvin, John, 2(on John 14:2 ), though denying the «degrees» interpretation prevalent in his day. Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 60, appeals to Philo to make this a symbol of the Logos. 8374 Pass, Glory, 66–68; MacGregor, John, 305 (as a metaphor for «God " s immediate presence»); cf. Sanders, John, 321 (a king " s palace). Michaels, John, 252, thinks the allusion is to the temple but that it is used as a metaphor for heaven. 8376 T. Zebah. 13:6. Cf. t. Sukkah 4:3/b. Sukkah 53b, attributed to Hillel, in which God says to Israel, «If you come to My house, I come to your house» (Urbach, Sages, 1:577; Sandmel, Judaism, 240). Cf. also Buchanan, Hebrews, 161. 8379 Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 68.2.1; he suggested that God " s people and kingdom is even now being built (68.2.2). 8382 Porphyry Marc. 11.191–193,196–198; 19.318–319 (νες is Attic for νας); cf. also his neoplatonist alternative in which either the divine or an evil δαιμνιον dwell in (νοικω) the soul ι Marc. 21.333–336; cf. 19.321–322; 21.331–332, 336–339). 8386 Epictetus Diatr. 2.8.14. The Loeb translator (1:262–63) translates temporally, «when» he is present, but the participle can as easily be taken as «since.» One could beseech Mithras to «dwell» in onés ψυχ (PCM 4.709–710), an entreaty that might have erotic overtones (so Betz, Papyri, 52) or may even reflect Christian influence. Cf. 1 John 3:9 . 8387 Seneca Ep. Luci1. 73.16 (after arguing that good people are divine, 73.12–16). In a different vein, Ovid Fasti6.5–6 claimed that a god was in mortals, leaving them seeds (semina) of inspiration; cf. divinizing intimacy and union in Iamblichus V.P 33.240. 8388 If Aune, Prophecy, 33–34, is correct that pre-Christian Greek literature has barely any real examples associating Pythian prophecy with possession, the OT background may be prominent here. 8391 OTP 1(ed. Charles, 196). In 10:3, where God dwells, God will rescue the person and exalt him. |
| 4472 So nicknamed for his refusal to step outside a circle until God sent rain; such circle-drawing implied forceful demands (e.g., Livy 45.12.5). 4473 Young, Theologian, 171–80, associates rabbinic chutzpah with the Gospel tradition in further detai1. Independently, I thought «chutzpah» the most apt description of this boldness (Keener, «Pneumatology,» 138–39; idem, Background Commentary, 154). 4476 Dixon, Mother, 179; Simon, «Women» (on Valerius Maximus 8.3); cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.44.1–8.54.1; Tacitus Ann. 16.10; Plutarch Cor. 34.1–2; Alex. 12.3; 21.1–3. Cf. also appeals to prefects with special concern for women " s powerlesness (e.g., P.Sakaon 36 in Horsley, Documents, 4:132–33; Lysias Or. 32.11–18, §§506–511). 4477 Plutarch Alex. 39.7. For ancient expectations of honoring and obeying parents and for stereotypical images of parents, see Keener, «Family,» 354–58. 4478 Diogenes Laertius 9.7.42 (the differentiation from κρη does not make it any less standard for general usage); Achilles Tatius 4.15.2; Jdt 11(Holofernes to Judith); cf. 4 Macc 15:17; 16:14; p. Nid. 1:4, §2. 4479 E.g., Haenchen, John, 1:173; Beck, Paradigm, 55. In earlier custom, it could apply affectionately to onés wife (Homer Od. 4.266; 8.424; 23.350; cf. perhaps Homer Od. 19.555, though Odysseus here acts as a beggar) but could also be curt (Sophocles Ajax 293). Colwell and Titus, Spirit, 113, wrongly suppose that she is no longer Jesus» mother because of his adoption by God in ch. 1, but this makes little sense of our passagés preference for her relational title over her name. 4480 Maccini, Testimony, 101 notes that Jesus never uses this of a woman he knows except his mother; but the data pool is small, since the only remaining use in this Gospel is the Samaritan. 4481 E.g., Sei. Pap. 1:318–19, lines 2, 21. For onés sister (probably wife), see P.Oxy. 528.2; P.S.I. 209.1. 4486 Feuillet, Studies, 35; Brodie, Gospel, 174–75. Culpepper, Anatomy, 134, regards this as possible but uncertain. Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 32, thinks the woman is an allegorical symbol for sensation, as in Philo (Creation 59; Alleg. Interp. 2.12)! |
| 4320 Especially in traditional Jewish idiom, e.g., 1 Kgs 4(cf. 2LXX); 2 Kgs 18:31; Isa 36:16; Mic 4:4 ; Zech 3:10; 1Macc 14:12; cf. Bernard, John, 1:63; Hoskyns, Gospel, 182; Barrett, John, 185; Scott, Parable, 332. Koester, «Exegesis,» ingeniously connects this image with the messianic branch of Zech 3:8–10, but given the breadth of OT allusions possible, this connection is improbable. 4321 Sus 54, 58. That the expression in Susanna became proverbial (Moule, followed by Fenton, John, 45), is, however, improbable (Barrett, John, 185). Others (e.g., Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 31) transform the fig tree into a symbol for Judaism; Michaels, «Nathanael,» suggests a midrashic-style allusion to Hos 9:10 , but this would require that text to read, «I saw Israel under the fig tree» rather than as a fig tree. 4322 See also Barrett, John, 185. 4323 In one later story, someone supernaturally (and convincingly) reveals what happened to her inquirer on his journey when he seeks to test her (Eunapius Lives 468); pagans might think such a revealer divine (470). But see esp. comments on 2:24–25. 4324 This Johannine pattern was noticed at least as early as Chrystostom Hom. Jo. 19 (on 1:41–42). 4325 Cf. also Hoskyns, Gospel ρ 182. 4326 Whitacre, Polemic, 81. 4327 See Herzfeld, «Hospitality,» 80. 4328 Theissen, Stories, 161 (citing among early Christian references Matt 12:23; 14:33; Luke 5:8; 7:16; John 6:14 ; Acts 8:10; 14:11–12; 16:30; 28:6). 4329 Howton, «Son,» 237, suggests that John infuses the term with more meaning than it had previously carried. 4330 Tilborg, Ephesus, 33–38, notes «king» titles in Ephesian inscriptions; an audience in Asia might have contrasted Jesus with the emperor, as in the East the title would connote the king of Persia or Parthia (Aristophanes Ach. 65). 4331 For God as king, see Zech 14:9,16; Jdt 9:12; Tob 13:6; 2Macc 12:15; 1 En. 25:3,5; 91:13; Sib. Or. 1.73; 3.11,56,499,560,704; T.Ab. 15:15A; Philo Good Person 20; 1Tim 1 (pace Oke, «Doxology»); Aristophanes Plutus 1095; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.40; Cleanthes Hymn to Zeus (Stobaeus Ecl 1.1.12, in Grant, Religion, 153); references to «King of kings» below. The royal image for the supreme deity was natural; in unrelated societies, see Mbiti, Religions, 58–59. For Roman imperial propaganda concerning the cosmic implications of imperial rule and its applicability to early Christian proclamation of Jesus, cf., e.g., Fears, «Rome.» |
| 7834 Robinson, Trust, 88; Strachan, Gospel, 159. Strachan, Gospel, 159, also allows the possibility of proselytes; proselytes clearly went up (Safrai, «Relations,» 199–200; Acts 2:10), but «Greeks» would be an unusual term for them here. 7836 So, e.g., Bernard, John, 2:430; Schnackenburg, John, 2:381; Michaels, John, 214; cf. Regopoulos, «λληνβς,» who finds most likely hellenized pagans. Bernard wrongly supposes, however, that this fact supports a Gentile audience (John, 2:429). Yet Matthew, with a clearly Jewish audience, stresses the Gentile mission far more heavily than John does! 7838 Sanders, Judaism, 130, arguing that in Josephus only Palestinian Jews were required to come annually (Josephus Ant. 4.203). 7841 Morris, Gospel, 591. Given ethnic tensions there, most of those in Alexandria were probably less likely to have been disposed toward Judaism. 7842 Morris suggests (ibid.) that it was because of Philip " s Greek name; Andrew (12:22) also had one. Greek names were fairly common (cf. Cohen, «Names»; but Let. Arts. 47–50 probably reflects an Egyptian rather than Palestinian milieu; Williams, «Personal Names,» 109, limits them mainly to the more hellenized urban elite), but far more common among Diaspora Jews (Leon, Jews, 107–8; Acts 6:5; p. Git. 1:1, §3), though the cultural interchange of names in the East was ancient (Astour, «Names»). 7844 Schnackenburg, John, 2:382, believes it «a direct refusal» until Jesus undergoes death (12:24). 7846 Schnackenburg, John, 2:382. Shedd, «Meanings,» 251, argues that their desire to «see» Jesus (12:21) is fulfilled in Jesus» glorification (12:23). 7847 E.g., Price, «Qumran,» 34; Griffiths, «Deutero-Isaiah,» 360; Lindars, Apologetic, 83, 234; Barrett, John, 214. 7851 Seed must be buried and hidden to produce fruit (Epictetus Diatr. 4.8.36); teachers widely used grains as illustrations (Lucretius Nat. 2.371–373; Epictetus Diatr. 2.6.11). Cf. also the image of dying (albeit metaphorically) to live in b. Tamid 32a. Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 56, improbably appeals to the ear of corn in the Eleusinian Mysteries. |
| 10757 Dibelius, Tradition, 188–89. 10758 Brown, Death, 949–50. Gos. Pet. 6:21; Ign. Smyrn. 1.2 also mention the nails. 10759 Stauffer, Jesus, 152, cites Jewish accusations against Jesus of practicing magical resurrections, this also being a trick. 10760 Apparent eating was sometimes visionary (Tob 12:19); for the strange nature of a demigod " s eating, cf. Philostratus Hrk. 11.9. 10761 Blackburn, «ΑΝΔΡΕΣ,» 193, emphasizes the distinction between Apollonius proving he has not yet died and Jesus proving that he has risen bodily. 10762 The same factor may account for Jesus» appearance here after a week, and Philostratus " s report that Protesilaos appeared roughly that often (Hrk. 11.3), though there it is to provide regular gardening instructions. 10763 For arguments that Thomas " s faith is a positive model here, see Charlesworth, Disciple, 301, 307–8,312–13. 10764 See Xavier, «Thomas,» citing also 14:5. 10765 Also Cullmann, Christology, 308; Fenton, John, 206; Harris, Jesus as God, 127–28. A slightly smaller pneumatological inclusio appears in 1with 20:22. 10766 For refrains, e.g., one in Catullus 61.4–5,39–40,49–50,59–60; and others cited in our introduction to the prologue (p. 338). One repeated throughout Catullus 64 (e.g., 64.333,356) appears in slightly fuller and more explicit form in 64.327. In the case of an incredible report, one should also save it for a climax, first establishing credibility along the way (Rhet. Alex. 30,1438b.4–10). 10767 See Harris, Jesus as God, 105–29. 10768 Hoskyns, Gospel, 548, with most of early Christianity, against Theodore of Mopsuestia. The conjunction of «Lord» and «God» and lack of vocative indicates far more than Thomas " s vocative address of 14(cf. 13:25, 36–37; 14:8, 22; over thirty times in the Gospel). 10769 Ellis, Genius, 296; cf. Deissmann, Light, 361; Hoskyns, Gospel, 548. See esp. «my God» and «my Lord,» Ps 35 (LXX 34:23) 10770 E.g., I En. 84:5. Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 77, cites the distinction between «God» and «Lord» in Philo Dreams 1.163; but the joint use in Philo Sobriety 55 may be more to the point. |
| 58 . He who exerts himself bodily in order to adorn the soul with the manifold virtues pays to God the debt of good work that is required of him. 59 . He who has completed the sixth day, the day of preparation, in works of righteousness has crossed over to the repose of spiritual contemplation. During such contemplation his intellect, grasping in a divine manner the inner essences of created beings, ceases from all movement. 60 . He who for our sake shared in God’s rest of the seventh day also for our sake participates in God " s deifying energy on the eighth day, that is, in the mystical resurrection, and leaves lying in the sepulchre His linen clothes and the napkin that was about his head (cf. John 20: 6 – 7 ). Those who perceive this, like Peter and John, are convinced that the Lord has risen. 61 . The Lord " s tomb stands equally either for this world or for the heart of each faithful Christian. The linen clothes are the inner essences of sensible things together with their qualities of goodness. The napkin is the simple and homogeneous knowledge of intelligible realities, together with the vision of God, in so far as it is granted. Through these things the Logos is initially recognized, for without them any higher apprehension of what He is would be altogether beyond our capacity. 62 . Those who bury the Lord with honour will also see Him risen with glory, but He is not seen by anyone else. For He can no longer be apprehended by His enemies as He does not wear those outer coverings through which He seemed to let Himself be captured by those who sought Him, and in which He endured suffering for the salvation of all. 63 . He who buries the Lord with honour is revered by all who love God. For he has not allowed the Lord’s body, nailed to the cross, to be left exposed to the blasphemy of unbelievers, but has befittingly delivered Him from derision and insult. Those who sealed the tomb and set soldiers to watch (cf. Matt. 27: 66) are hateful because of their scheming. When the Logos had risen, they slandered Him, saying that His body had been stolen away. In the same way, as they bribed the false disciple with silver to betray the Lord – by false disciple I mean a pretence of holiness for the sake of display – so they bribed the soldiers to make a false accusation against the risen Saviour. Whoever possesses spiritual knowledge knows the significance of what has been said, for he is not ignorant of how and in how many ways the Lord is crucified, buried and rises again. Such a person makes corpses, as it were, of the impassioned thoughts which have been insinuated by the demons into his heart, and which through the temptations they suggest cut in pieces the qualities of moral beauty as if they were garments (cf. Matt. 27 : 35); and he breaks like seals the impressions stamped deeply into his soul by the sins of prepossession. |
| 2-я пол. XIII - нач. XIV в. ознаменовались постоянными конфликтами мон-ря с горожанами Б.-С.-Э. из-за распределения торговых пошлин и аббатской юрисдикции над городом, от к-рой тот стремился освободиться. Крупные столкновения произошли в 1264 и 1292 гг., в 1327 г. мон-рь был разграблен восставшими горожанами, а его аббат выслан во Фландрию. После вмешательства короля в 1328 г. горожан обязали ежегодно выплачивать мон-рю 2 тыс. марок в качестве возмещения ущерба. В 1345 г. епископ Норичский, воспользовавшись ослаблением мон-ря, попытался распространить на него свою власть, но Б.-С.-Э. смог оказать сопротивление, используя свое влияние в Риме. В 1398 г. папа Бонифаций IX даровал аббату право не ездить после избрания за окончательным утверждением в Рим; избранный монахами, он становился аббатом сразу после выборов и мог получить благословение у любого епископа по собственному выбору. Аббатство пользовалось и др. привилегиями: аббат имел право лично посвящать своих монахов в сан диакона или поручать любому епископу рукополагать монахов Б.-С.-Э. во пресвитеров. В 1415-1429 гг. была предпринята перестройка церкви. По своему доходу Б.-С.-Э. было 5-м среди бенедиктинских аббатств Англии (после Вестминстера, Гластонбери, Сент-Олбанса и Кентербери). Мон-рь был известен б-кой, насчитывавшей более 2 тыс. томов, и скрипторием, из к-рого вышли экземпляр иллюстрированной Библии, хранящийся в наст. время в колледже Корпус Кристи в Кембридже, а также «Житие св. Эдмунда» (The P. Morgan Library, N. Y.). Аббатство было распущено в нояб. 1539 г. по приказу кор. Генриха VIII . Ист.: Chronica Jocelini de Brakelond de rebus gestis Samsonis abbatis monasterii Sancti Edmundi. L., 1840. N. Y., 1968r; Tymms T. V. Handbook of Bury St. Edmunds. L.,1905. Лит.: Thompson J. -R. The Records of St. Edmund of East Anglia. Bury, 1890. 2 vol.; Memorials of St. Edmunds Abbey/Ed. T. Arnold. L., 1890-1896. 3 vol.; Davies H. W. C. The Commune of Bury St. Edmunds//EHR. 1909. Vol. 24. P. 316-317; idem. The Liberties of Bury St. Edmunds//Ibid. P. 423-431; Graham R. A Papal Visitation of Bury St. Edmonds and Westminster, 1234//EHR. 1912. Vol. 27. P. 729-737; Goodwin A. The Abbey of St. Edmunds bury. Oxf., 1931. |
| С. Paparrigopulo. Histoire de la civilisation hellenique. Paris 1878 p. 194. Об этом любопытном вопросе речь будет ниже. F. Gregorovius. Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter von der Zeit Justinian " s bis zur turkischen Eroberung. Stuttgart, 1889. Bd. I, S. XVIII- XIX. N. Н. Baynes (ed.). A Bibliography of the Works of J. B. Bury. Cambrige, 1929. Это прекрасная работа. На страницах 1-124 приведена биография Бьюри; на с. 124 - некролог; на с. 125-175 - полная библиография его трудов. J. В. Bury. A History of the Later Roman Empire from Arcadius to Irene (395-800), London, 1889, vol. I, preface, p. VII. J. В. Bury. A History of the Later Roman Empire... vol. I, p. 1. cm. Также: G. Ostrogorsky. Die Perioden der byzantinischen Geschichte. - Historische Zeitschrift, Bd. CLXIII, 1941, S. 235, Anm. 1. J. В. Bury. A History of the Later Roman Empire... vol. I, pp. V-VII. Это введение отсутствует во втором издании, однако оно имеет отношение к нашему обзору. См. также: F. Dolger. Review: Bury. - Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Bd. XXVI, Heft 1-2, 1926, S. 97. Ibidem. М. Rostovzeff. The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire. Oxford, 1926, p. 628. См. том, посвященный памяти Ламброса, на современном греческом: , 1851-1919, изданный А. Н. Скиасом, с. 5-29; библиография работ Лаброса - с. 35-85; неопубликованные рукописи работ, найденные после его смерти, с. 86-138; см. также: Е. Stefanou. Spyridon Lambros, 1851-1919; Xenophon Siderides, 1851-1929. - Echos d " Orient, XXIX, 1930, pp. 73-79. Работы Лаброса по византинистике еще недостаточно оценены. (Ни в примечании, ни в библиографии А. А. Васильев не указал выходных данных тома памяти Ламброса, изданного А. Н. Скиасом. - Науч. ред.) Abriss der byzantinischen Kaisergeschichte, S. 1067. A. A. Vasiliev. Histoire de l " Empire Byzantin. Vol. 1-2. Paris, 1932. Перевод с русского П. Бродина и А. Бургиной, издано А. Пикаром (A. Picard), с предисловием Ш. Диля. Утверждение, встречающееся на обложке, что книга переведена с русского, неверно. Перевод сделан с английского издания, впрочем, переводчики могли использовать устаревшее русское издание. См. также библиографию о различных изданиях работы. |
|
|
