| 8179 Cf., e.g., Xenophon Cyr. 3.1.36,41, who repeats a statement using a synonym for servitude. Orators sometimes repeated themselves as a rhetorical technique, but Demetrius considered this unsuitable for written works (226, as cited in Anderson, Glossary, 77, s.v. μιμητι.κν). 8180 E.g., Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.28.38; Aulus Gellius 1.4; 2.5.1; cf. Robbins, «Plutarch and Gospels,» 146–55. 8183 The «articular nominative» (not an accusative) here functions as a vocative (Barrett, John, 443). 8184 With Barrett, John, 443. «Teacher» could also be an exalted title, depending on who was taught («heaven and earth» in T.Ab. 11:3B). «Call» (13:13) could bear an exalted function (e.g., Acts 2:21; Gen. Rab. 39:16) but is not required by the term itself. 8185 Cf.Fenton,/o/m, 143,citing 13:20; 14:12; 20:21,23. Culpepper, John, 206, regarding the language of 13:14–15, points to parallels for «exemplary» deaths (2Macc 6:27–28,31; 4 Macc 17:22–23; Sir 44:16 ); see our comment on 13:34. 8187 Pesce and Destro, «Lavanda,» compare the inversion at the Saturnalia festival where masters temporarily served slaves. 8189 Cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.2.36, who seeks not to be better than, but at least not worse than, Socrates. 8190 Pesiq. Rab. 36:2, concerning God and the Messiah; Alexander " s exhortations in Arrian Alex. 5.26.7; 7.10.1–2. 8191 See, e.g., Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 229. Certainly the servant " s role to obey the master was a commonplace (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 128, §40D). 8192 Sanders, John, 309, following Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:557, claims that a disciple would even wash the master " s feet. 8193 Goodman, State, 78; t. B. Qam. 9(comparing rabbis to fathers and implicitly to slaveholders). Later texts also assume that rabbis held higher status than disciples and should never take a lesser position (e.g., Lev. Rab. 22:6). 8194 R. Eliezer b. Hyrcanus in " Abot R. Nat. 25A. Serving a teacher might prove more important than studying with him (Tannaitic tradition in b. Ber. 7b). |
| 4113 On the prophetic Spirit, see Keener, «Pneumatology,» 69–77. 4114 On the Spirit of purification in Judaism, see ibid., 65–69. 4115 In Matthew, cf., e.g., Meier, Matthew, 25. 4116 Whitacre, Polemic, 98. 4117 Jeremiah in 4 Bar. 3:5; apparently David in a manuscript of Ps 152 (but omitted in other Syriac MSS); Israel in Syriac Ps 155 (perhaps also 1 En. 39:7); the righteous in T. Job 4:11/9. Cf., however, the «Chosen» or «Elect» who judges on the throne in Similitudes of Enoch (e.g., 1 En. 39:6; 45:3,4; 49:2; 51:3, 5; 52:6,9; 61:5); 4Q534 1.10 applies it to some eschatological leader. 4118 E.g., Brown, John, 1:55; Ladd, Theology, 44. Ross, «Titles,» 281, prefers «chosen» because John favors variety in his christological terms in the first chapter. 4119 Metzger, Commentary, 200. Michaels notes (John, 18) that John did not alter «holy one» to son in 6(compare Matt 16with Mark 8:29 ). 4120 Contrast Cullmann, Christology, 72–73, who contends that only John preserves this original form of the declaration, which he derives from Isa 42(which does fit the context of Spirit bestowal; see below). 4121 The arguments for this position are summarized in Marshall, «Son or Servant,» 327; Marshall argues (pp. 327–32) that υις is origina1. 4122 One may note, e.g., the probable use of Isa 53 in Mark 10 (as advocated above; Moulder, «Background,» regards Luke 22as Jesus» most explicit reference to himself as Servant). 4123 Cranfield, «Baptism,» 61. 4124 On Acts 13:32–33 (interpreting the psalm concerning Jesus» resurrection/enthronement), cf. Dahl, «Abraham,» 148; Goulder, Acts, 53; Hengel, Son, 23. Cf. Midr. Pss. 2, §9 (messianic, after the woes). 4125 See, e.g., Longenecker, Exegesis, 177. The emphasis of Lindars, Apologetic, 211, on the metaphysical as over against the resurrection interpretation of Heb 1:5, appears to me mistaken. Ps 2:7–8 and 110are also linked in 1 Clem. 36.3–5 (ANF 1:15), but Clement is probably dependent on Hebrews here, citing Heb 1:3–4 and also Ps 104 (Heb 1:7). |
| 1325 E.g., Virgil Aen. 1.314–315, 657–660; 5.618–620; 7.415–416; 9.646–652; Ovid Metam. 11.633–638. Cf. Helen " s phantom in Euripides Helen 31–36, following the Recantation of Stesichorus. 1329 Often observed; e.g., Borchert, John, 79–80; see most thoroughly Yamauchi, Gnosticism; idem, «Gnosticism.» 1332 See the parallels in Pagels, Pau1. Perkins, «Christologies,» contrasts Johannine and Nag Hammadi Christologies. 1333 MacRae, «Gnosticism»; Evans, «Prologue,» 395. Koester, Introduction, 2:211, gives Hypostasis of the Archons as an example of reworked materia1. 1335 Goppelt, Theology, 1:17–18; Bruce, «Myth,» 92; Brown, John, l:lv; cf. idem, «Thomas,» 155–77; Stark, «Empire.» 1336 The Hermetica illustrate how hellenized Egyptian cults sought to compete with Hellenism in general, just as Judaism and others had to (Pearson, «Hermeticism»). 1339 Dodd, Interpretation, 11. Lefkowitz, Africa, 100–101, stresses the neoplatonic and gnostic elements. 1340 Dodd, Interpretation, 10–53, esp. 34–35, 50–51. Kümmel, Introduction, 218, notes that the main Hermetic ideas are lacking in John, and therefore doubts a direct relationship, but posits a common source in gnosticism for both of these and Philo. 1346 Ibid., 40–41; this is based on an incomplete but representative sampling of Septuagintal vocabulary. In the control group, all words shared by John and the Hermetica are also found in the LXX. 1349 Jonas, Religion, 39, derives their name from manda, «knowledge,» but Drower, Mandaeans, 11, shows that this is impossible. For their beliefs, see Yamauchi, «Mandaean Studies,» 89, 94–95. 1350 Kümmel, Theology, 264; Schmithals, Apostle, 185, n. 385, says this is «less disputed today than ever»; but cf. Casey, «Gnosis,» 54. 1351 His index reveals more references to Mandaism and the Hermetica than to almost any other source (most of his rabbinic material is from Billerbeck). 1353 Burkitt, Gnosis, 107–10; Wilson, «Studies,» 37 (critiquing Jonas); cf. Yamauchi, «Mandaean Studies,» 95. 1356 Smalley, John, 45–47; Bruce, «Myth,» 91. Burkitt, Gnosis, 102, shows that Mandaism derives from Christian heterodoxy; see also Drower, Mandaeans, 21–22. |
| 10146 See Jeffers, World, 43–44; Watkins, John, 388. John leaves unstated the irony of a soldier afterward wearing (or perhaps selling) the very tunic Jesus had worn. 10153 Schnackenburg, John, 3:274; Beasley-Murray, John, 347. An allegorical application of νωθεν as a play on the tradition ( Mark 15:38 ) or more likely on John " s vertical dualism (3:3, 7, 31; 19:11) is plausible but difficult to make sense of. 10157 E.g., Homer Od. 11.432–434, 436–439 (even though Clytemnestra also slew Cassandra in 11.422); Euripides Orest. 1153–1154. (The subtext of the Iliad was that male warriors were fighting because of women, such as Helen and Briseis; cf. esp. I1. 9.339–342.) 10159 Pace Barrett, John, 551. Women relatives were typically allowed, e.g, to visit a man in prison (e.g., Lysias Or. 13.39–40, §133). 10162 See, e.g., Josephus Ant. 4.320 (Israelite society); Homer I1. 18.30–31, 50–51; 19.284–285; Sophocles Ajax 580; Euripides Here. fur. 536; Thucydides 2.34.4; Cicero Fam. 5.16.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; Livy 26.9.7; Valerius Maximus 2.6.13; Pomeroy, Women, 44; Dupont, Life, 115. Ancients did, however, expect both parents of a crucified person to mourn (Sipre Deut. 308.2.1). 10163 Cf., e.g., Valerius Maximus 5.4.7 (cited in Rapske, Custody, 247); 9.2.1; Polybius 5.56.15 (mob action); Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.267 (on Athenian execution of women); Ovid Metam. 13.497 (among captives; cf. Polybius 5.111.6, in a camp). 10168 Ilan, Women, 53, following Hallett, Fathers, 77–81. «Mary» (and variations) was «easily the most popular woman " s name in lst-century Palestine» (Williams, «Personal Names,» 90–91, 107). If one sister had two names, perhaps she came to use the shared name after marriage removed her from her original home? 10169 One could argue that one Mary in Mark 15is Jesus» mother ( Mark 6:3 ; cf. Matt 13:55; 27:56), but if Jesus was the eldest (or even if he was not), one would expect «mother of Jesus» there unless the passion had somehow terminated that relationship (certainly not Lukés view, Luke 24:10: Acts 1:14). |
| 1482 E.g., Virgil Aen. 6.585–594; earlier for Macedonians, Arrian Alex. 4.11.1–9; 4.12.1. Even Greeks regarded neglect of onés mortality as hubris (Sophocles Ajax 758–779). 1483 See P. Pet. 3.43 (2), co1. 3.11–12 (Ptolemies); Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 1.27–28; Dio Chrysostom Or. 32.26. Scholars regularly refer to this phenomenon (cf., e.g., Brown, «Kingship»; Jones, Chrysostom, 105; Ramsay, Luke, 139; Knox, Gentiles, 11; Conzelmann, Theology, 11; Lohse, Environment, 216–18); some parallels exist even between ancient Egyptian and Roman divine kingship (Ockinga, «Divinity»). 1484 Even early in his reign people had been calling him δεσπτης and θες (Dio Cassius 67.13.4), and Rome had long been sensitive concerning secret gatherings unsanctioned by the state, especially in Rome itself (Livy 39.15.11; 39.18.9). 1485 The early literature is colored by distaste for Domitians evil temperament and deeds (Pliny Ep. 9.13.2; Tacitus Hist. 4.86; Plutarch Mor. 522E; Suetonius Titus 9), but it may well have been earned. 1488 Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 7–8; Aulus Gellius 15.11.3–5; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.488; cf. Jones, Chrysostom, 45; Koester, Introduction, 1:316. 1489 See Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.17; Koester, Introduction, 1:316; Reicke, Era, 293–302; Ramsay, Churches, 91; Parkes, Conflict, 87. It is unclear whether by «Jewish ways» (LCL) and «atheism» Dio Cassius 67.14.1–2 includes Christians, but the policies described in Pliny " s correspondence with Trajan (Ep. 10.96–97; cf. Fishwick, «Pliny») were no doubt instituted under Domitian (Ramsay, Empire, 212–13, 259–61; pace Downing, «Prosecutions»). Pliny himself was usually more humane (cf. Bell, «Pliny»). 1490 Lohse, Environment, 83. Domitian apparently disliked Judaism (Suetonius Dom. 12; Ramsay, Church, 268, 355), despite its official exemption from emperor worship (Goppelt, Times, 107; Reicke, Era, 284–86). 1492 Klauck, «Sendschreiben,» attributes the persecution not to Domitian per se but to pagan urban society as a whole. Significantly, compromise with the world is a greater danger than persecution for most of the seven churches; see Talbert, Apocalypse, 25; Smith, «Apocalypse»; Giesen, «Ermutigung.» But three of the churches faced persecution; both problems are in view (Keener, Revelation, 37–39; Beale, Revelation, 28–33). |
| 6641 For attestation of the figure in the Jesus tradition, cf. Luke 2:32; applied differently, Matt 5:14. «Light of the world» also appears in pagan texts, not surprisingly in an invocation to Helios the spirit, power, and life of the world (Macrobius Sat. 1.23.21, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225). 6642 Comfort, «Pericope.» 6643 See Hanson, Gospel, 116, noting that John employs Zech 14in John 7:38 . 6644 E.g., Westcott, John, 123; Glasson, Moses, 60; Dodd, Interpretation, 349; Brown, John, 1:343–44; Longenecker, Exegesis, 153; Yee, Feasts, 80. Philo also associated the festival with light (Bernard, John, 2:291). 6645 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.118; m. Sukkah 5:3–4; h. Sukkah 52b-53a (a Tanna); see also Safrai, «Temple,» 895. Glasson, Moses, 60–61, less convincingly finds an allusion in Zech 14:6–7, the Tabernacles lection (see comment on 7:38). Although Hanukkah ( John 10:22 ) is «the feast of lights» (Josephus Ant. 12.325), John only makes the association with the biblical festival of Sukkoth. 6646 Noted here by, e.g., Hunter, John, 86; Longenecker, Exegesis, 154; some may have expected its eschatological restoration (Glasson, Moses, 64). The older ritual may have revered God as the creator of light (Urbach, Sages, 1:60). 6647 Scripture ( Ps 105:39–41 ; Neh 9:12, 15) and subsequent Jewish tradition connected these various symbols of wilderness sojourn (Glasson, Moses, 62–63; see comment on 7:38). 6648 See Prov 4:19 ; cf. also, e.g., Gen. Rab. 60:1. 6649 E.g., 1QS 3.21; 4.11 (the way of those outside the community); a hymn in 1QS 11.10 ( ); Pesiq. Rab. 8:5; see also Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414. 6650 E.g., Job 33:30 ; Ps 56:13 ; cf. Job 3:16; 18:18 ; Ps 38:10; 36:9; 49:19 ; Prov 29:13 ; Eccl 12:2 . 6651 Cf. 1QS 3.7 ( ); see also Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414; Coetzee, «Life,» 64. 6652 Odeberg, Gospel 286–87. Charlier, «L " exégèse,» thinks Jesus claims deity here. 6653 E.g., Isocrates Nie. 46–47, Or. 3.36; Plutarch Praising 15, Mor. 544D; see further references under the introductory comment on John 5:31–47 . |
| 2631 Gezerah sheva was a common interpretive device in Tannaitic (e.g., Mek. Pisha 5.103; Nez. 10.15–16, 26, 38; 17.17 [Lauterbach 1:41; 3:75–77,130]) and Amoraic (e.g., b. Ber. 9a; 35a; B. Qam. 25b; Git. 49a; Ker. 5a; Qidd. 15a; 35b; Menah. 76a; Naz. 48a; Nid. 22b-23a; RoS Hal 3b; 34a; Sanh. 40b; 51b; 52a; Šabb. 64a; Tern. 16a; Zebah. 18a; 49b-50b; Exod. Rab. 1:20) texts; the use of one authoritative text to interpret another also appears elsewhere (e.g., CD 7.15–20). 2632 Not a characteristic Markan title (Kingsbury, Christology, 110–11, though it probably means more when it does occur than Kingsbury suggests). 2633 «Not A but B» was a typically Jewish didactic manner of implying, «Not only A but Β as well»; similar antimony is used here (Jeremias, Theology, 259; cf. Moule, Mark, 99; Argyle, Matthew, 170; against Grant, Gospel, 193). 2634 Besides Hegesippus " s witness to a Palestinian tradition about Jesus» relatives (Eusebius Hist, ecc1. 3.19; 3.20.1–6; 32.3–6; cf. Julius Africanus To Aristides, cited by Jeremias, Jerusalem, 291), Jesus» Davidic descent constitutes the unanimous witness of Paul ( Rom 1:3–4 ) and later NT writers, and, despite the polemical situation, is never challenged by Jewish opponents in extant records. By contrast, arguments for Hillel " s Davidic descent first clearly appear ca. 200 C.E. (Safrai, «Self-Government,» 411–12; Stern, «Aspects,» 617), although a third-century scholar cited a genealogical scroll in Jerusalem (Gen. Rab. 98:8). Before 70 Jerusalem contained genealogical records for priests (1 Esd 5:39–40; Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.36; cf. t. Hag. 2:9; Sanh. 7:1; p. Ketub. 1:9, §1); scholars differ over the existence of other precise genealogies (Johnson, Genealogies, 99–108; contrast Jeremias, Jerusalem, 181; Stauffer, Jesus, 14), but the ability to establish onés purity of lineage was essential (p. Ter. 7:1; cf. Johnson, Genealogies, 88–95), and Davidic ancestry would not be easily forgotten. 2635 Gentile Christians, unfamiliar with the Jewish style of argument noted above, would hardly have created a pericope which to them could have called into question Jesus» Davidic origin (even Matthew, writing for Jewish readers, sought to guard the saying from misinterpretation; see Gundry, Matthew, 451). |
| 4766 Safrai, «Education,» 964–65. As a ruler (3:1), Nicodemus would not have to work during the day. 4767 E.g., Judg 6:27 ; 1Sam 28:8; 2 Kgs 25:4; Sophocles Ajax 47; Ant. 494; E1. 1493–1494; Euripides E1. 90; Iph. taur. 1025–1026; Livy 27.5.18; Ovid Metam. 7.192; Lucian Phalaris 1; Hermogenes Issues 50.14–16; Maximus of Tyre Or. 19.4; Gen. Rab. 74:7; Pesiq. Rab. 8:2. Even the Scrolls could use «night» and «darkness» literally at times (4Q299 frg. 5, lines 1–4). 4769 So also John Chrysostom Hom. Jo. 24 (on 2:23–3:4), though noting that Nicodemus acts more courageously in 7and 19:39. 4770 As often noted, e.g., Hoskyns, Gospel, 211; Ellis, World, 63; Barrett, John, 204–5; Ellis, Genius, 52–53; Brown, John, 1:130; Morris, John, 211. The symbolic use of «night» appears elsewhere in the Jesus tradition (Luke 22:53), but John " s light/darkness dualism draws from a broader base of imagery. 4772 Schnackenburg, John, 1:366, suggests that Nicodemus " s agenda behind his question is the desire for eternal life «which preoccupied all Jews.» Others did ask the question (e.g., b. Ber. 28b, bar.; cf. Luke 3:10; Acts 2:37; 16:30), but Schnackenburg overstates the case here. 4775 See Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.21.29–4.22.32; Quintilian 8.3.11–12; 9.3.66–67; Rowe, «Style,» 132; Anderson, Glossary, 93, 127; idem, Rhetorical Theory, 283–85; cf. Blass, Debrunner, and Funk, Grammar, §488. For clarifying word meanings normally, see Rhet. Alex. 25, 1435b. 19–22; for deliberate ambiguity and homonymy, see Anderson, Glossary, 81–82; for discussion of homonyms (words sharing the same name but a different «essence»), see, e.g., Porphyry Ar. Cat. 61.10–68.3. Cf. also συζυγα (Anderson, Glossary, 111) and ντανκλασις (ibid., 20). For an example, see τρυφν and τρφειν in Musonius Rufus 9, p. 70.28–31; or κρακας and κλακας in Diogenes Laertius 6.1.4. 4777 E.g., Book of the Dead spells 145–146; Plutarch Isis 78, Mor. 382F-383A; Heraclitus Ep. 5; Frankfurter, Religion in Egypt, 261–62. The soul returns to its place of heavenly origin (e.g., Maximus of Tyre Or. 41.5; Menander Rhetor 2.9,414.21–23); this can be portrayed as divinization (2.9, 414.25–27). Some philosophers, including later Platonists, prepared for such ascents by «ascending» out of bodily attention into contemplation of the divine (e.g., Porphyry Marc. 6.103–108; 7.131–134; 10.180–183; 16.267–268; 26.415–416; cf. Col 3:1–2). |
| 5665 This is a summary statement, like those frequently found in Mark, Philostratus, and Josephus (cf. Aune, Environment, 54). 5667 Schnackenburg, John, 1:462; Boring et a1., Commentary, 96; and Davies and Allison, Matthew, 2:460, cite Pindar O1. 12.13–16; Apollonius of Tyana Ep. 44; Dio Chrysostom Or. 47.6. 5669 Liv. Pro. 2(ed. Schermann §25 p. 81); 6(ed. Schermann §17 p. 60); 7:1–2 (ed. Schermann §14 p. 51); Jub. 1:12; Josephus Ant. 10.38; 4 Bar. 9:31; Pesiq. Rab. 26:1/2; see further Amaru, «Prophets»; Schoeps, «Prophetenmorde.» 5670 Davies and Allison, Matthew, 2:460, who also regard Gos. Thom. 31 and P.Oxy. 1 as likely expansions of Lukés version. Compare also εδξαντο in John 4with δεκτς in Luke 4:24. 5671 While those who emphasize the connection to the following context are correct, they are incorrect to relate it only weakly to the preceding context (as Feuillet, Studies, 39–43, does). 5672 «Cana of Galilee» probably serves as a geographical inclusio bracketing 2:1–11, but this might increase, rather than decrease, its representative function. 5674 Jesus» arrival after two days (4:43,46) may also constitute a link with the first Cana miracle (2:1; Moloney, Belief 177). 5675 Also others, e.g., Moloney, Belief 190; Maccini, Testimony, 108–9; Borchert, John, 220; Culpepper, John, 146. 5678 See Qedar, «Weights.» Paganism is widely attested in first-century Palestine (cf., e.g., Flusser, «Paganism»; Hirschfeld, «Town-Plan»; Gersht, «Reader»; di Segni, «Inscription»); cf. the second-century Roman temple in Upper Galilee in Magness, «Observations,» and the late-second-century Roman villa near Jerusalem in Edelstein, «Villa.» 5680 Cf. Moloney, Belief 183. Besides Romans who lived in Capernaum (Laughlin, «Capernaum»), some soldiers passed through places in Galilee (Dar and Kokkinos, «Inscriptions»). 5681 Feuillet, Studies, 45. So also Origen Comm. Jo. 13.395 (but he believes the Gentile symbolizes Abraham father of Israel, 13.402). Calvin, John, 1(on John 4:46 ), suggests a noble in Herod " s court, but maybe sent by Caesar. Tannaim disagreed as to whether Israelites or Gentiles prevailed in the land of Israel (p. Demai 2:1,22c). |
| 8076 Dunn, Baptism, 188. One may contrast interpretations in which the foot washing prefigures Christian baptism (Robinson, Studies, 166; cf. Sylvia Mary, Mysticism, 126–27; Moloney, «Reading»). 8078 Thomas, Footwashing, 126–85, argues that the Johannine community probably employed it as a religious rite. Early Christians retained it as part of baptism, and it persists among some German Pietists and some Anabaptists and Pentecostals today (Martin, «Footsteps,» 43), as well as in Catholic Holy Thursday rites (I owe this observation to Joseph Carey). 8079 Thomas, Footwashing, 42–44 (citing Homer II. 16.235; Od. 22.454–480; Strabo Geog. 7.328; Fabius Pictor De jure sacerdotis 16; Pliny Nat. 24.102). 8083 Carcopino, Life, 39–10. The saying in Lucian Demonax 4 also may correlate unwashed feet with ignorance (hence perhaps with lower-class status). 8084 The tradition that Jerusalem " s streets were swept daily (b. Pesah. 7a) may nostalgically exalt old Jerusalem (cf. tamer epideictic representations of cities such as Isocrates Panathenaicus; Panegyricus; Aelius Aristides Oration to Rome); Jerusalem is idealized as early as Utopian imagery in Let. Aris. 116 and, eschatologically, Tob 13:9–18; 5Q15 (see Licht, «Town Plan»). 8087 Aulus Gellius 1.9.8. On Greco-Roman foot washing for hygiene, see Thomas, Footwashing, 44–46; on Jewish foot washing for comfort, see 31–35. 8095 Gen. Rab. 60:8. A donkey owner had to wash a donkey " s feet (Epictetus Diatr. 1.19.5). Cf. Hierocles, p. 58.27–30=Stobaeus Eel 4.25.53 (Van der Horst, «Hierocles,» 157). 8096 Barrett, John, 440, cites Mek. Nez. 1 on Exod 21to argue that Jewish, unlike Gentile, slaves were exempted from such labor (also Beasley-Murray, John, 233); but cf. also comment on 1:27. 8099 See Thomas, Footwashing, 40–41. This may have been limited by some to Gentile slaves only (see note 48). 8103 It was less common in Greco-Roman thought, though not absent even there (see Lincoln, Ephesians, 235, citing Josephus War 4.494; Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.10; 3.24.56; see esp. Good, King). |
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