| 6812 The contrasting tenses in the two lines of 8allow the interpretation that Jesus «saw» (perfect) the Father in «a préexistent vision» (Brown, John, 1:356); but cf. the present tense in 5:19–20. Bernard, John, 2:310, and Michaels, John, 143, take ποιετε as imperative, hence a challenge to kill him (contrasted with the alternative imperative for true children of Abraham in 8:39). 6813 M. " Abot 5:19; Dibelius, James, 168–74. He even became the model Pharisee (p. Sotah 5:5, §2). 6814 For more detail, see further DeSilva, Honor, 202–6. 6815 See ibid., 194 (citing esp. 4 Macc 13:24–26 and texts in Philo). 6816 Cf., e.g., the «children of the prophets» in 1 Kgs 20:35; 2 Kgs 2:3, 5, 7, 15; 4:1, 38; 5:22; 6:1; 9:1. See more fully under John 13:33 . 6817 4 Macc 9:21 (βραμιαος νεανας). 6818 4 Macc 15(OTP2:560). 6819 Ps.-Phoc. 178; t. Sanh. 8:6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:6; Lev. Rab. 23:12; probably Wis 4:6; cf. Aristotle Po1. 2.1.13,1262a. Children were said to bear the images of their parents ( Gen 5:3; 4 Macc 15:4; LA.B. 50:7; Chariton 2.11.2, 3.8.7; Philostratus Hrk. 52.2; P.Oxy. 37). 6820 Homer Il. 16.33–35. 6821 Lysias Or. 13.65–66, §135 (noting that the defendant " s brothers had all been executed for crimes); cf. Rhet. Alex. 35, 1440b.5–13; in nonlegal contexts, Theophrastus Char. 28.2. Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 161, rightly note that ancients could infer ancestry from behavior or the reverse. 6822 A rhetorical attack used, when possible, before classical Athenian juries (Aeschines False Embassy 78; Ctesiphon 172). 6823 Lysias Or. 30.1–2, §183; for honorable background, e.g., Aeschines False Embassy 148–150. For honorable birth as a matter of praise, e.g., Xenophon Agesilaus 1.2. 6824 Lysias Or. 10.2, §116; Plutarch Cicero 26.6. 6825 Phaedrus 6. Aristocrats assumed that thieves usually had some dishonest lineage on one side or the other (Sophocles Searchers 280–283). 6826 Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.25.611; cf. Acts 23:6. Pindar praises a victor who is also son of a victor (Ryth. 10.12). |
| The passage also provides Jesus a prophecy fulfilled in 18:25–27, thereby confirming for John " s audience Jesus» role as a true prophet and guaranteeing the reliability of his other statements. 8352 Scholars debate the exact time of the cockcrow (13:38; 18:27); some point to the 3 A.M. trumpet call, called the gallicinium, or «cockcrow,» of the Roman guard in the Fortress Antonia. 8353 Various other periods for Palestinian cockcrow have been noted. 8354 This is not, however, the most obvious allusion either for Galilean disciples or for Diaspora readers of the Gospe1. Most people were not sufficiently awake during the nocturnal crowings to notice them; the most common use of cockcrow in ancient texts was to herald the dawn or a period immediately preceding it. 8355 In any case, Brown may well be right in citing Cicero: «Is there any time, night or day, that cocks do not crow?» 8356 The important point for the narrative is that, despite Peter " s vehement protestations, his denial is quite imminent! 8049 Noted by others, e.g., ibid., 18. Some source-critical theories have divided 13:1–20 into two independent earlier narratives (Georg Richter, summarized in Segovia, Relationships, 88), but this is unnecessary. 8051 Brown, John, 2:550; Michaels, John, 231; ÓDay, «John,» 721; to display a virtue even to the point of death was viewed as praiseworthy (Valerius Maximus 4.5.6). The Targum (Tg. Yer. 1 and 2 on Deut 32 ) describes Moses» impending death similarly (Glasson, Moses, 74). Cf. the eschatological «last day» (6:39,40,44, 54; 8:24,48; 11:24; 12:48; cf. 7:37; 8:56). 8052 Cf. Grayston, Epistles, 81–82, who thinks ludas may represent the Johannine Epistles» dissidents. 8054 All things in Jesus» «hands» in 13is significant; tradition said that all things were in God " s hands (4Q266 frg. 18, co1. 5, lines 9–10; but for delegation, cf. Matt 11:27; Luke 10:22). 8058 If the meal was gender-segregated, it is not likely the women would be doing much serving (in contrast to 12:2), since they would also be partaking somewhere. 8059 Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 96; Dupont, Life, 98–99; Haenchen, John, 2:110; Anderson, Mark, 104 (the position was not limited to banquets; cf. Valerius Maximus 5.1.ext.lb). For reclining at banquets, see, e.g., Plato Rep. 2.372D; Xenophon Anab. 6.1.4; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 47.5; Martial Epigr. 3.30.1 (recumbis); Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 2.14; Athenaeus Deipn. 1.18ab; Let. Aris. 181, 183; t. Ber. 4:20; Sipre Deut. 41.2.5; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 6:3; b. Ber. 37a, 42b-43a; Ecc1. Rab. 9:8, §1; this may have pertained only to adult males (Xenophon Symp. 1.8, where a boy sits beside his father). |
| 6156 Some suggest that this adjective may reflect later rabbinic discussion concerning whether manna was angels» food (Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:482; Brown, John, 1:262). The idea is early enough ( Ps 78:25 ; Wis 16:20) but probably irrelevant here; «true» is a frequent christological adjective in John (see comment on 1:9). 6158 Cf. Buchanan, Hebrews, 134–35; Montefiore, Hebrews, 135–36; Clifford, «Tent,» 226; Cassuto, Exodus, 322. 6162 Also Painter, John, 49. Wisdom also offers food and drink in Prov 9:5 ; cf. 24:13–14; «divine law» as food in Porphyry Marc. 26.411–413,416. Some (e.g., Smith, John 160; Turner, Spirit, 63) also cite Isa 55in view of 55and the contextual quotation of 54:13. John " s midrash probably does read the wisdom materials in light of Isa 54–55, but the sapiential background is most conspicuous. One drinks of wisdom also in Philo Flight 166. 6163 The contrast is more rhetorical than substantive; one thirsts for more of Wisdom and one thirsts for nothing but Jesus, but one could also thirst for more of Jesus and nothing but Wisdom without contradicting the sayings. Cf. Isa 49:10, drawn on in the Johannine community (Rev 7:16). 6164 Most commentators note the frequent predicative «I am» sayings (e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 167; Brown, John, 1:534; Michaels, John, 96). 6168 Barrett, John, 68–69, citing 6:39,40,44, 54; cf. 1Pet 1:5 . The «last day» represents the life of the coming world in Exod. Rab. 52(a probably Amoraic legend about a Tanna). Although «last» can mean eschatological without meaning «final» (1 John 2:18, but this is anarthrous), the proposal that, despite Jesus» audience in the story world, «last day» refers to merely the last day of a «church age» (Strombeck, Rapture, 187–88) is without exegetical merit. 6170 Rhetoricians classified opening repetitions as αναφορ or επαναφορ (or, more technically, when repeating several words, επιβολ); see Anderson, Glossary, 19 (cf. 52); Rowe, «Style,» 131; elsewhere in the NT, Watson, «Speech to Elders,» 200; Anderson, Rhetorical Theory, 170; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 579; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 86; in LXX, see Lee, «Translations of OT,» 779. |
| 5864 Dan 7:22 ; Wis 3:7–8; 1 En. 95:3; 98:12; lQpHab 5.3–4, misinterpreting Hab 1:12–13; 1QM 14.7; 16.1. In Dan 7 , the «saints» must represent God " s people (Di Leila, «Holy Ones»; Poythress, «Holy Ones»; Hasel, «Saints»), not angels (pace Dequeker, «Saints»). 5865 See, e.g., m. " Abot 4(God " s prerogative alone); Deut. Rab. 1:10; 2 Bar. 19:3; Urbach, Sages, 1:123; more broadly, Sib. Or. 4.183–184; 1 En. 9:4; 60:2; 62:2; 47with 46:2; T. Ab. 14:6A. This point is often noted by commentators (e.g., Schnackenburg, John, 2:107; Morris, John, 319). 5866 E.g., 3 En. 31:1; p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 10:9. 5867 E.g., with reference to the new year; t. Roš Haš. 1:13; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:4; 23:1. 5868 Cf. Carson, John, 254. 5869 E.g., Philo Sacrifices 9; Num. Rab. 15:13. 5870 Mek. Pisha 1.88ff. Some later rabbis even interpreted Isa 42:8, which reserves God " s glory for himself, to claim that God would not share glory with another besides Israel (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 21:2). 5871 Vespasian, linking himself with Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius, in CIL 6.930; ILS 244 (Sherk, Empire, 124–25). 5872 Realized and future eschatologies are hardly incompatible and need not suggest later redaction. Qumran " s collection includes various eschatological schemes (cf. Mattila, «Eschatologies,» on 4Q246 and 1QM). 5873 Cf., e.g., Dio Cassius 45.47.5; Lucretius Nat. 3.1046; Macrobius Comm. 1.11.2 (Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 224); Epictetus Diatr. 1.5.4; Heraclitus Ep. 5; Sir 22:11–12 ; Eph 2:1 ; Gen. Rab. 39:7; Exod. Rab. 5:4; Ecc1. Rab. 9:5, §1; Gen 2as understood in Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.106; perhaps 4 Ezra 7:92; cf. spiritual resurrection in Jos. Asen. 8:9/11. 5874 So the Targumim (Abrahams, Studies, 2:44; McNamara, Targum, 123). The twofold death in some MSS of Gen. Rab. 96simply refers to the pain of a Diaspora burial, as the «second death» of Phaedrus 1.21.11 refers to ridicule at death. For more on «life,» see comment on 1:4–5. 5875 E.g., Josephus Ant. 8.220–221; Dio Cassius R.H. 19.61; Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Moses in Josephus Ant. 3.85–87; 4.329; see further in introduction, pp. 310–17. |
| 6741 T. Mos. 3:14. 6742 E.g., Sipre Deut. 305.2.1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2(Tannaitic tradition); 12:25; 15:5. Cf. traditions on the four kingdoms ( Dan 2; 2 Bar. 39:7; 5/7?. Or. 8.6–11; Midr. Pss. 40, §4; cf. Lucas, «Origin»). 6743 Philo Rewards 137; Good Person 36. One enslaved might be said to have lost half onés worth (Homer Od. 17.322–323), and the impoverished free, as much as aristocrats, resented treatment as slaves (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 19.9.4; Livy 4.3.7; Dio Cassius 8.36.3; Chariton 1.11.3). Although high-status slaves existed (e.g., Herodian 1.12.3; see our comment on 1:27), a slavés position was otherwise socially low (e.g., Cicero Acad. 2.47.144; Num. Rab. 6:1). 6744 Homer Od. 17.320–321; Sir 33:24–30 ; b. Qidd. 49b. 6745 Lucian [Asin.] 5. 6746 Terence Self-Tormentor 668–678; Lady of Andros 495; Chariton 2.10.7; Apuleius Metam. 10.7,10; cf. MacMullen, Relations, 116. 6747 Plato Ale. 1.135C; Achilles Tatius 7.10.5; Chariton 6.5.5; Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Sotah 1:6; b. Menah. 43b-44a, bar.; Syr. Men. 154–67. 6748 Homer Od. 24.252–253; Chariton 1.10.7; 2.1.5; T. Jos. 11:2–3. 6749 Homer Od. 4.63–64; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Apuleius Metam. 4.23. 6750 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42. For manual labor, see, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.25.2; further Finley, Economy, 40–41; Luwel, «Begrip.» Manual laborers themselves were probably more pleased with their status (Martin, Slavery, 44–46,123–24; Lenski, «Crystallization»). 6751 E.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.30; 1.9.20; 1.12.24; 1.13.3; 1.24.17; 1.29.16; 2.7.13; 2.13.18; 3.24.74; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.33; 6.2.43; probably Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100E. Also Jeremias, Jerusalem, 351, citing a baratta in b. Qidd. 28a. To call one a «son of a slave» was to imply one s illegitimate birth (Josephus Ant. 13.292)–a charge one polemical document, probably from the early first century, levels against the Jerusalem priesthood (T. Mos. 5:5). 6752 M. B. Qam. 8:6; see further development of this idea in texts in Bonsirven, Judaism, 61. Some suggest that even Roman Jewish freedmen omitted mention of their manumission because Judaism acknowledged only God as master (cf. Fuks, «Freedmen»), but this probably assumes too monolithic a view of Roman Judaism. |
| 8028 See esp. Lacomara, «Deuteronomy,» 66–67,82; also Smith, John (1999), 265. This may suggest that early readers educated enough to contemplate such distinctions may have viewed the discourse as deliberative rhetoric, though Kennedy, Interpretation, 73–85 (see esp. 77), makes a case for epideictic rhetoric; and one could identify even elements of forensic rhetoric (questioned by Burridge, «Gospels and Acts,» 519, because it «is not a single speech»). But John 13–17 does not fit expected patterns for any «rhetorical» speech (rightly Stamps, «Johannine Writings,» 618). 8030 Cf., e.g., Xenophon Apo1. 30; Aune, Prophecy, 178; many references in Malina and Rhorbaugh, John, 221–22. People also believed that deities sometimes warned people in advance of their own death (e.g., Plutarch Alc. 39.1–2; but contrast Xenophon Symp. 4.5). 8034 Jub. 36:1–11; 4Q542 (on which see Falk, «4Q542»); Tob 4:3–21; 14:3–11; 1Macc 2:49–69; Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs; 2 En. 2:2; p. Ketub. 12:3, §§12–13; Ta c an. 4:2, §8; Tg. Onq., Tg. Seof. 1, and Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 49 (in each case the most expansive part of the Targum); Bauckham, Jude, 131–35; in conjunction with deathbed visions, e.g., p. c Abod. Zar. 3:1, §2; Sotah 9:16, §2; Tg. Neof. on Gen 49:1 ; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 49:1 . On testaments, see further McNamara, Judaism, 89–92; Kolenkow, «Testament»; Collins, «Testamentary Literature»; in the rabbis, cf. Saldarini, «Deathbed Scenes.» T. Ab. may be a nontestament because of Abraham " s refusal to die, hence failure to prepare (see Kolenkow, «Role»; cf. T. Ab. 15:7–10). 8035 E.g., Plato Phaedo; Xenophon Cyr. 8.7.6–28; Babrius 47; cf. Menander Rhetor 2.15, 430.9–434.9. These differ from the farewell speech genre (propemptikon) in which one wishes farewell to a traveler (Menander Rhetor 395.4–30; Stowers, Letter Writing, 55–56). 8037 Testaments typically sought to provide for those left behind, which Jesus does especially through the Paraclete; see Müller, «Parakletenvorstellung.» 8042 Neusner, «Death-Scenes,» rightly notes the similarity of structure but divergence in other respects between Jesus» and rabbinic farewell scenes. |
| 7001 Given the narrative genre, the most likely direct allusion is to the book of Jeremiah, where God hid Jeremiah in the temple and so protected him from harm ( Jer 36:26 ); 7002 here, however, Jesus as God " s agent hides himself. Yet because Jesus is the «I am» (8:58), on a theological level, Jesus withdrawing from the temple may also evoke a state of Ichabod–God " s glory withdrawing from a polluted and rebellious sanctuary ( Ezek 5:11; 8:4; 9:3; 10:4, 18 ). 7003 Jewish teachers spoke of the withdrawal of God " s presence from the earth or from among groups of people (3 En. 5.14) 7004 and particularly from the temple (2 Bar. 8:1–2; 64:6) 7005 because of peoplés sins. 7006 Jewish people prayed for the return of God " s presence to Zion. 7007 One recalls accounts of divine Wisdom rejected on the earth, hence wandering and departing ( Sir 24:6–22 ; cf. comment on John 1:10–11 ). 7008 6302 Cf. Attridge, «Development,» on 7:1–36. 6303 Meeks, Prophet-King, 59, follows Dodd (Interpretation, 345–54) in arguing that the discourses of chs. 7–8 in John «form one cycle whose central theme is Jesus» open manifestation»; cf. Pancaro, Law, 57. 6304 Stauffer, Jesus, 174, connects the revelation of Jesus in the narrative with God " s manifestation of himself during the biblical feasts. 6305 See Meeks, Prophet-King, 42–43. Rochais, «Scénario,» argues that 7:1–52 is a unity with the sort of divided scenes and dialogues one expects in a Greek drama. 6306 E.g., Menander Rhetor 1.3, 365.27–29; for festivals as subjects of these speeches, 1.3, 365.30–366.10, 22–28. 6307 E.g., m. Ker. 1:7; " Abot R. Nat. 38A; 41, §114B. Greeks and Romans often taught outside temples (see Watson, «Education,» 310; cf. Iamblichus V.P. 9.50; 21.96), but the location did not constitute these lectures a distinctive genre (Siegert, «Homily,» 421 n. 1). 6308 Michaels, «Discourse.» 6309 M. Sukkah 5:1; see further the comment on 7:37–39. 6310 Later rabbis also emphasized (and probably exaggerated) the dutiful attendance (e.g., Ecc1. Rab. 1:7, §8); Diaspora pilgrims certainly could not attend all the pilgrimage festivals (Safrai, «Relations,» 191). In biblical times, see Josephus Ant. 8.225. 6311 Deissmann, Light, 115–16, noting the pagan association of the Jewish festival with Dionysus. |
| The claim that Jesus would rebuild the temple himself may allude to some messianic hopes, 4710 but the attestation for this portrait of a single builder of a new temple is much rarer than attestation for that role for God himself. 4711 Jesus» opponents could have heard this claim, like some of his later ones in the Gospel (5:18; 8:58–59; 10:33), as implicitly blasphemous and offensive to their law. 4712 At this point, however, they simply misunderstand him (2:20; cf. 3:4). Jesus himself is the foundation of the new temple (cf. comment on 7:37–39), the place for worship (cf. 4:23–24) and revelations (1:51). 4713 And with the irony characteristic of this Gospel, their misinterpretation of Jesus proves partly correct: by killing Jesus they would also invite the destruction of Herod " s temple (see 11:48). Whereas Jesus acts in «zeal» for the temple (2:17), his hearers in the story world must assume the opposite. Whereas some sectarian groups felt that the temple was defiled and invited judgment, most Jewish people probably aligned with the perspective of those in power, namely, that the temple was virtually impregnable. 4714 Other wise teachers and prophets also were said to offer true sayings that could be understood only in retrospect; thus the ancient reader would recognize Jesus as at least a great teacher or prophet here. 4715 At the same time, John means more than this in the context of his whole Gospel: the disciples themselves would not understand Jesus» words apart from the retrospective illumination of the Paraclete (2:22; 14:26). 4716 More than likely, their experience remains paradigmatic for the Johannine Christians, who also required further instruction, hence the Fourth Gospe1. 4717 The disciples remember both Scripture and Jesus» words (2:22); that both are on the same level, as God " s word, fits Johannine theology (3:34; 5:47; 6:63, 68; 8:47; 14:10, 24; 17:8). 4718 But as central as Scripture was in understanding Jesus» identity (1:45,49), it was not sufficient apart from the retroactive testimony of Jesus» resurrection (12:16; 20:9; cf. Luke 24:8). John " s audience will learn that this retroactive illumination of the disciples derived from the Holy Spirit (14:26). Untrustworthy Believers (2:23–25) |
| 3255 E.g., Sophocles Searchers 212–215 (Sei. Pap. 3:44–45); Euripides Antiope 69–71; Pirithous 22–24 (Sei. Pap. 3:124–125); Virgil Aen. 1.28; Ovid Metam. 2.714–747; 3.1–2, 260–261; 4.234–244; 5.391–408; 10.155–219; 14.765–771; Achilles Tatius 1.5.5–7; Apuleius Metam. 6.22; Apollodorus 3.8.2. On very rare occasions a mortal escaped, outwitting the deity (Apollonius of Rhodes 2.946–954). 3257 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.244–246,275; Athenagoras 20–22; Theophilus 1.9; Ps.-Clem. 15.1–19.3. 3258 E.g., Euripides Bacch. 94–98; Appian R.H 12.15.101; Ovid Metam. 3.261–272, 280–309; 4.416–530. 3259 E.g., Euripides Hipp. 1–28,1400–1403 (because deities desire honor, Hipp. 8); Apollonius of Rhodes 3.64–65. 3263 E.g., Ovid Tristia 1.2.4–5. Even if Homer authored both the Iliad and the Odyssey, it remains noteworthy that the former portrays a much less harmonious pantheon; later Roman sources (e.g., the Aeneid) also portray their deities more favorably than the Iliad. 3264 Odysseus in Euripides Cyc1. 606–607. In prayer, pagans often piled up as many names of the deity they were entreating as possible (e.g., Homer I1. 1.37–38, 451–452; 2.412; PGM 4.2916–2927; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus; more restrained, ILS 190) and reminded a deity of favors owed, seeking an answer on contractual grounds, as many ancient texts attest (e.g., Homer Il. 1.39–41; 10.291–294; Od. 1.61–62,66–67; 4.762–764; 17.240–242; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.417–419; Virgil Aen. 12.778). 3265 E.g., Pliny Nat. 2.5.17; Seneca Dia1. 7.26.6; Nat. 2.44.1–2.45.1; Maximus of Tyre Or. 5.1; 35.1. 3268 Cf., e.g., Diogenes Laertius 7.1.134, 148; Seneca Nat. 1.pref.13. Pantheism was also more widespread (cf. Virgil Georg. 4.221–222, 225; Aeschylus frg. 34, from Clement of Alexandria Stromata 5.14, p. 718; Aeschylus LCL 2adds Philodemus On Piety 22). 3270 Frequently, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 2.1.25; cf. the identification also in Ps-Aristotle De mundo (according to Grant, Gods, 78). 3271 E.g., Chariton 3.3.16; Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351DE; T. T. 8.2.4, Mor. 720A. Cf. Plato Alcib. 1.124C: Socrates spoke of his guardian (επτροπος) as θες. |
| 7818 Schnackenburg, John, 2:374. He could have even sought to assimilate Passover with Tabernacles to reemphasize his earlier Tabernacles motifs. 7820 Noted, e.g., by Jerome Homilies 94. It may have come to function as a jubilant cry (as some words became in Gentile refrains, e.g., Callimachus Hymns 2 [to Apollo], 21, 25, 97, 103; Catullus 61.117–118,137–138,142–143; Menander Rhetor 2.7,409.11–13); Augustine Tr. Ev.Jo. 51.2 explains it as an interjection. 7822 Of the extant gospels, only the two with the most Jewish audiences, Matthew and John, make the Zechariah allusion explicit (Longenecker, Christology, 112). All four gospels include the colt (for breaking a colt, see Xenophon Horsemanship 2.1–5; Maximus of Tyre Or. 1.8). 7824 With modifications (cf., e.g., Schuchard, Scripture, 71–84): «Do not fear, Zion» may derive from Zeph 3(cf. Isa 10:24; 40:9; Smith, John 236, adds especially Isa 35:4; 40:9), midrashically linked with «Rejoice, daughter of Zion» (Zech 9:9). Menken, «Redaktion,» attributes some changes to Jewish traditions (cf. Gen 49:11 ). Later rabbis applied the messianic promise of salvation (here omitted) to the suffering Messiah (Pesiq. Rab. 34:2). 7825 B. Sanh. 99a; Gen. Rab. 75:6; Ecc1. Rab. 1:9, §1. A second-century Tanna expected the messianic fulfillment at the time of the templés rebuilding. 7826 E.g., Diodorus Siculus 27.16.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.54.2; Polybius 1.72.3; 3.99.7; 39.7.3–6; Arrian Alex. 1.17.12; 4.19.6; Appian R.H. 10.4.24; Cornelius Nepos 8 (Thrasybulus), 2.6; Herodian 1.2.4; cf. also Josephus Life 353; Sipre Deut. 323.4.1; despite Achilles» more commonly vengeful personality, Homer 17. 24.507–508, 665–670; see further Good, King, 47–49. 7831 Yet in Exodus the wisest of Egypt recognized their state while Pharaoh remained hardened (Exod 10:7); in view of the one greater than Moses, such a comparison portrays the Pharisees as harder than the pagans. 7833 Contrast the reportedly Tannaitic tradition that glory did not dwell in the second temple because Cyrus was responsible for its rebuilding (Pesiq. Rab. 35:1). On appointed times, see comment on 2:4; 7:6. |
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