| The gates were corroborated by additional evidence of Jewish activity at Qeiyafa, including thousands of sheep, goat, cow and fish bones, and the absence of non-kosher pig bones, Kaplan said. Evidence of cultic activity throughout the city was also unearthed, as well as two inscriptions written in the Canaanite script. One was incised on a jar and contains the Hebrew name Eshbaal, son of Beda. The second was inscribed on a pottery shard with only a few identifiable words, including “king” and “judge.” Many of the letters seem to reflect Hebraic writing. Garfinkel suggests this is the earliest writing documentation of the Hebrew language discovered to date. Among the pottery on the site, less than 2 percent was typical Philistine pottery. Kaplan said if the community had been Philistine, a minimum of 20 percent of Philistine design should have been found. Of the 24 weapons and tools discovered, 67 percent were made from iron and 33 percent from bronze. Use of iron during this period by other sites in Judah, such as Arad and Beersheva, helped archeologists identify Qeiyafa as a Judean site. Bible Lands curator Yehuda Kaplan. Credit: Maayan Jaffe-Hoffman. Finally, casemate walls - two thinner, parallel walls with empty space in between and a belt of houses abutting the casemates, incorporating them as part of the construction - are reminiscent of the type of urban planning found only in Judah and Transjordan. Garfinkel explained that before the period of King David, people lived in small farming communities. Around 11th BCE, these agrarian communities became urban societies. “In this, the biblical tradition has historic memory,” Garfinkel said. “If we ask, ‘Where is archaeology starting to support biblical tradition, Khirbet Qeiyafa is the beginning.” There’s only one other archaeological reference to King David found in Israel, the Aramaic inscription from the mid-9th century BCE found at Tel Dan. This inscription, on display as part of the new exhibit, is attributed to Hazel, king of Damascus, who boasts about killing a king of Israel and a king of Judah, the latter of which is referred to in the inscription as “King of the House of David.” |
| Moreover (wholly aside from the question of John " s relation to Mark), Jesus changing Peter " s name is attested independently in a special Matthean source (Matt 16:17–18) and, in less detail, Mark ( Mark 3:16 ). 4230 That such significant words do not appear in the parallel Markan narrative may be explained either by their absence from Mark " s source at that point or by Mark " s portrayal of the original disciples in an ambiguous light; 4231 at any rate, this may represent a floating tradition not directly connected with Peter " s confession. 4232 (John is not particularly concerned with maintaining the original context of the saying, however; he reports even the confession in a context very different from that of Mark; cf. John 6:67–70 , where also Judas, rather than Peter, is called a devi1. 4233 Peter " s «you are» the holy one in 6may respond to Jesus» «you are Simon» in 1:42, though an earlier «you are» confession appears in 1:49; cf. 4:19; 11:27.) Despite the undoubtedly independent confirmation of the saying in two divergent sources, many scholars regard the name change story as inauthentic. Some view it as a prophecy, probably from the Petrine party, 4234 or offer still more speculative proposals; 4235 others more objectively argue for an originally purely Matthean construction based on the parallelism, 4236 but parallelism need not indicate even a later structure (cf. the Q form of the beatitudes and Jeremias on Jesus» Aramaic rhythm). Against their position one may point to the particularly heavily Semitic construction in Matthew " s language in that passage. 4237 Evidence also allows that Jesus would have spoken, in some saying (if not this one), of a future community, since most teachers trained disciples for this purpose; 4238 dependence on the Hebrew Bible and contemporary Qumran usage indicates the plausibility of Jesus» use of a term that could translate as «church.» 4239 Although many view the pronouncement as a postresurrection saying, 4240 this premise is unnecessary given Jesus» preparation for a future community (providing ethics for a community; provoking his own death in Jerusalem but– on our reading–viewing himself as the eschatological Son of Man and Lord at God " s right hand who would reign in the kingdom after his enemies were subjected). |
| Seminary. Louisville, 1949. 15. Deissmann, Adolf. «Hellenistic Greek with Special Consideration of the Greek Bible». In The Language of the New Testament: Classic Essays. JSNT supp. series # 60. Edited by Stanley E. Porter, 39–59. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991. 16. Durie, D. Greek Grammar: A Concise Grammar of New Testament Greek. Canberra, Australia: privately printed, 1981. 17. Elliott, Wm. E. «Conditional Sentences in the Greek New Testament». Th.D. diss., Grace Theological Seminary, 1981. 18. Fanning, Buist. Verbal Aspect in New Testament Greek. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990. 19. Fitzmyer J.A. A Wandering Aramean: Coll. Aramaic Essays. Missoula (Mont.), 1979. 20. Friberg, Timothy. «New Testament Greek Word Order in Light of Discourse Considerations». Ph.D. diss., University of Minnesota, 1982 21. Gingrich F. W. The Greek New Testament as a Landmark in the Course of Semantic Change//JBL. 1954. Vol. 73. P. 189–196. 22. Hill D. Greek Words and Hebrew Meanings: Studies in the Semantics of Soteriological Terms. Camb., 1967. 23. Horsley, G. H. R. «The Linguistic and Historical Context of the Greek of the NT: The Evidence of Contemporary Documents». Ph.D. diss., Macquarrie Univ., Australia, 1985. 24. Louw J.P., Semantics of New Testament Greek, Society of Biblical Literature, 1982. 25. Lund N. W. Chiasmus in the New Testament. Chapel Hill, 1942. 26. McKay K. L. A New Syntax of the Verb in New Testament Greek: An Aspectual Approach. Studies in Biblical Greek, 5. New York: Peter Lang, 1994. 27. Morgenthaler R. Statistik des neutestamentlichen Wortschatzes. Zurich, 1958. 28. Moule C. F. D. An Idiom Book of New Testament Greek. Camb., 1963. 29. Moulton J. H., Milligan G. The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament. Illustrated from the Papyri and Other Non-Literary Sources. L., 1930. 30. Mussies, Gerald. «Greek as the Vehicle of Early Chris-tianity». New Testament Studies 29 (1983): 356–69. 31. Palmer, Micheal. Levels of Constituent Structure in New Testament Greek. New York: Peter Lang, 1995. |
| Review of M. Stone, Fourth Ezra (Hermeneia) in Interpretation 46, 322, 324. Review of G. Boccaccini, Middle Judaism: Jewish Thought, 300 B.C.E. to 200 C.E. in Shofar 11, 152-54. 1993 " The Care and Keeping of Scrolls, " Comparative Civilizations Review 28, 152-61. " The Scrolls, the Apocrypha, and the Pseudepigrapha, " Hebrew Studies 34, 35-47. " Biblical Interpretation in 1 Enoch and Jubilees " in The Pseudepigrapha and Early Biblical Interpretation (ed. J. H. Charlesworth and C. A. Evans; Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Supplement Series 14/Studies in Early Judaism and Christianity 2; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press) 96-125. Review of P.R. Davies and R.T. White, eds., A Tribute to Geza Vermes: Essays on Jewish and Christian Literature and History in Catholic Biblical Quarterly 55, 193-95. Review of J. Naveh, On Sherd and Papyrus: Aramaic and Hebrew Inscriptions from the Second Temple, the Mishnaic and Talmudic Periods (Hebrew) in Religious Studies Review 19, 274. Review of Philip R. Davies, ed., Second Temple Studies: 1, Persian Period in Catholic Biblical Quarterly 55, 626-27. Review of M. Fishbane, et al. , eds., " Sha " arei Talmon " : Studies in the Bible, Qumran and the Ancient Near East Presented to Shemaryahu Talmon in Hebrew Studies 34, 129-31. 1994 The Dead Sea Scrolls Today (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans). The Community of the Renewed Covenant: The Notre Dame Symposium on the Dead Sea Scrolls (edited by Eugene Ulrich and James VanderKam; Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity 10; Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994) Editor, Qumran Cave 4 VIII: Parabiblical Texts, Part 1 (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XIII; Oxford: Clarendon Press) (and J.T. Milik) " Jubilees, " pp. 1-185 in Qumran Cave 4 VIII: Parabiblical Texts, Part 1 " Messianism in the Scrolls " in The Community of the Renewed Covenant: The Notre Dame Symposium on the Dead Sea Scrolls (edited by Eugene Ulrich and James VanderKam; Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity 10; Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994) 211-34 |
| 5568 See Scott, Spirit, 54, contrasting the Stoics and John. Tatian 4 accepts the Stoic understanding of «spirit» but subordinates this to God " s Spirit. For the materialistic sense of πνεμα in Stoicism, see Long, Philosophy, 155–58; Chevallier, Souffle, 41–42; Keener, Spirit, 7–8. 5569 E.g., Philo Sacrifices 95. For Philós heavy stripping of anthropomorphism, cf., e.g.. Marmorstein, Anthropomorphism, 4–6. 5571 «When he comes» (4:25) is also language John applies to the other Paraclete (15:26; 16:8, 13). He will also «announce all things» (16:15). 5573 Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 13, derives Μεσσας not from the Hebrew mashiach but from the Aramaic meshicha, also found in the Palestinian Syriac Bible. Samaritans did not adopt the title «Messiah» before the sixteenth century C.E. (Meeks, «Jew,» 178; Jonge, Jesus, 104–5). 5574 Regularly observed, e.g., Klausner, Paul, 295; Cullmann, Christology, 19; Teeple, Prophet, 63–64; MacDonald, Samaritans, 362–63; Bruce, History, 37–38; Longenecker, Christology, 34; Olsson, Structure, 191; Appold, Motif, 72. The Mosaic Taheb was the fifth article of the Samaritan creed (Brown, John, 1:172) and appears in Memar Marqah 2.40.28; 4(Boring et a1., Commentary, 264–65). 5576 MacDonald, Samaritans, 15; Bruce, Books, 131–32. Bowman, Documents, 263–83, collects materials on the Taheb, but our sources are unfortunately quite late (nineteenth century). Purvis, «Samaritans,» 183, adds that the Taheb would also be like Joshua. 5577 Bowman, Documents, 21; Boring et a1., Commentary, 264–65. For the emphasis on Moses in the third- to fourth-century C.E. Samaritan Memar Marqah, see Bowman, Documents, 253. 5585 ÓDay, Word, 45–46. Stauffer, Jesus, 186–88, finds a theophanic formula here even on the level of the story world, but a messianic revelation is more likely (Witherington, Women, 60; cf. 167 η. 70). 5587 Commentators often recognize the custom presupposed here (e.g., Barrett, John, 240; Brown, John, 1:173). 5588 Liefeld, «Preacher,» 240; he illustrates on pp. 239–41 with Irenaeus Haer. 1.13.1,3; 1.23.2,4; Lucian Runaways 18. |
| Childs B. S. Biblical Theology of the Old and New Testaments. Theological Reflection on the Christian Bible. Minneapolis, 1992. Cohen D. Law, Sexuality and Society: The Enforcement of Morals in Classical Athens. Cambridge, 1991. Cook E. M. Dictionary of Qumran Aramaic. Winona Lake, 2015. Crossan J. D. The Greatest Prayer. Rediscovering revolutionary message of the Lord’s Prayer. London, 2011. Cullmann O. Christ and Time. The Primitive Christian Conception of Time and History. London; Philadelphia, 1962. Dalman G. Die Worte Jesu. Band 1. Leipzig, 1930. Davies W. D., Allison D. C. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel according to Saint Matthew. Vols. 1–3. Edinburgh, 1988–1997. Davies W.D. The Setting of the Sermon on the Mount. Cambridge, 1964. Davis J. F. Lex Talionis in Early Judaism and the Exhortation of Jesus in Matthew 5. 38–42. London; New York, 2005. Deines R. Not the Law but the Messiah: Law and Righteousness in the Gospel of Matthew – An Ongoing Debate//Built upon the Rock. Studies in the Gospel of Matthew/edited by D. M. Gartner and J. Holland. Grand Rapids; Cambridge, 2008. P. 53–84. Deutsch C. Hidden Wisdom and the Easy Yoke. Sheffield, 1987. Dibelius M. Die Bergpredigt. Botschaft und Geschichte. Tübingen, 1953. Dodd C. H. The Primitive Catechism and the Sayings of Jesus//New Testament Essays. Studies in Memory of T. W. Manson/ed. By A. J. B. Higgins. Manchester, 1959. P. 106–118. Dupont J. Les béatitudes. Vol. 1: Le problème littéraire. Bruxelles, 1958. Evans C. A. Matthew. Cambridge, 2012. Fiebig P. Das Vaterunser. Ursprung, Sinn und Bedeutung des christlichen Hauptgebetes. Gutersloh, 1927. Fitzmyer J. A. The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins. Grand Rapids; Cambridge, 2000. Fitzmyer J. A. The Gospel according to Luke (X-XXIV). Introduction, Translation and Notes. New York, 1985. France R. T. The Gospel of Matthew. Grand Rapids; Cambridge, 2007. Gardner R. B. Matthew. Scottdale, 1991. Gerhardsson B. The Matthaean Version of the Lord’s Prayer//The New Testament Age. Essays in Honor of Bo Reicke. Vol. I/ed. by W. C. Weinrich. Macon, GA, 1984. P. 207–220. |
| Jerome and the Vulgate//A History of Biblical Interpretation/Ed. A. J. Hauser, D. F. Watson. Grand Rapids (Mich.), 2003. Vol. 1: The Ancient Period. P. 355-379; Sugano K. Das Rombild des Hieronymus. Fr./M., 1983; Estin C. Les psautiers de Jérôme à la lumière des traductions juives antérieures. R., 1984; eadem. Les traductions du Psautier//Le monde latin antique et la Bible. P., 1985; Scourfield J. H. D. Jerome, Antioch and the Desert: A Note on Chronology//JThSt. N. S. 1986. Vol. 37. P. 117-121; idem. Notes on the Text of Jerome, Letters 1 and 107//CQ. 1987. Vol. 37. P. 487-497; idem. Consoling Heliodorus: A Comment. on Jerome, Letter 60. Oxf., 1993; idem. A Note on Jerome " s Homily on the Rich Man and Lazarus//JThSt. N. S. 1997. Vol. 48. P. 536-539; Hayward C. T. R. St. Jerome and the Aramaic Targumim//JSS. 1987. Vol. 32. P. 105-123; idem. St. Jerome " s Hebrew Questions on Genesis: Transl. with an Introd. and Comment. Oxf., 1995; Adkin N. The Ninth Book of Quintilian " s Institutio Oratoria and Jerome//Arctos. N. S. Helsinki, 1988. Vol. 32. P. 13-26; idem. Gregory of Nazianzus and Jerome: Some Remarks//Georgica: Greek Stud. in Honour of G. Cawkwell. L., 1991. P. 13-24; idem. Jerome on Virginity: A Comment. on the Libellus de virginitate servanda (Letter 22). Camb., 2003; idem. «Ad fontem sermonis recurramus Hebraei»: Jerome, Marcella and Hebrew (Epist. 34)//Euphrosyne. N. S. Olisipone, 2004. Vol. 32. P. 215-222; Dechow J. F. Dogma and Mysticism in Early Christianity: Epiphanius of Cyprus and the Legacy of Origen. Macon (Georgia), 1988; Jérôme entre l " Occident et l " Orient: Actes du Colloque de Chantilly (sept. 1986)/Ed. Y.-M. Duval. P., 1988; Pellistrandi St. À propos d " une recherche prosopographique: Jérôme, Bonose et la vocation monastique//Jérôme entre l " Occident et l " Orient. 1988. P. 14-25; Dulaey M. Jérôme «éditeur» du «Commentaire sur l " Apocalypse» de Victorin de Poetovio//REAug. 1991. Vol. 37. P. 199-236; idem. Introduction// Victorin de Poetovio. |
| During this time, Sergius al-ras Ayni, (died in Constantinople in 536 AD), one of the earliest and greatest translators from Greek into Syriac (Aramaic), translated various works on medicine, including 26 books of Galen " s works into Syriac. This made them available in the Kingdom of Khosru I and to the Ghassan Tribe whose influence extended to the outskirts of Medina. Khosru I, (Arabic Kisra) King of Persia from 531–579, was known as Khosru the Great. His troops conquered areas as far away as Yemen. He also loved learning and started several schools. «The school of Jundi-Shapur became, during Khosru Ís long reign of 48 years, the greatest intellectual center of the time. Within its walls Greek, Jewish, Nestorian, Persian and Hindu thought and experience were freely exchanged. Teaching was done largely in Syriac from Syriac translations of Greek texts.» 154 This meant that Aristotle, Hippocrates, and Galen were readily available when the medical school at Jundi-Shapur was operating during his reign. The next step was that the conquering Arabs compelled the Nestorians to translate their Syriac texts of Greek medicine into Arabic. The translation from Syriac to Arabic was easy as the two languages had the same grammar. Concerning the local medical situation during Muhammad " s life, we know there were physicians living in Arabia during this period. Harith ben Kalada was the best-educated physician trained in the healing art. «He was born about the middle of the sixth century, at Táif, in the tribe of Banu Thaqif. He traveled through Yemen and then Persia where he received his education in the medical sciences at the great medical school of Jundi-Shapur and thus was intimately acquainted with the medical teachings of Aristotle, Hippocrates and Galen. «Having completed his studies he practiced as a physician in Persia and during this time he was called to the court of King Khosru, with whom he had a long conversation. He came back to Arabia about the beginning of Islam and settled down at Táif. While there Abúl-Khayr, a King of Yemen, came to see him, in connection with a certain disease from which he was suffering and, on being cured, rewarded him with much money and a slave girl. |
| Lpz., 1867; Ryssel C. V. De Elohistae Pentateuchici sermone. Lipsiae, 1878; Stade B. Lehrbuch der hebräischen Grammatik. Lpz., 1879. Tl. 1: Schriftlehre, Lautlehre, Formenlehre; König E. Historisch-kritisches Lehrgebäude der hebräischen Sprache mit steter Beziehung auf Qimchi und die anderen Autoritäten. Lpz., 1881–1897, 1979r. 3 Bde; Driver S. R. Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament. Edinb., 1891; Siegfried C., Stade B. Hebräisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testaments. Lpz., 1893; Nöldeke T. Die Semitischen Sprachen. Lpz., 18992; Brown F., Driver S. R., Briggs C. A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament with an Appendix Containing Biblical Aramaic. Boston, 1906; Krautlein J. Die sprachlichen Verschiedenheiten in den Hexateuchquellen. Lpz., 1908; Kropat A. Die Syntax des Autors der Chronik. Giessen, 1909; Brockelmann C. Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der semitischen Sprachen. B., 1908–1913. 2 Bde; Bauer L., Leander P. Historische Grammatik der hebräischen Sprache des Alten Testamentes. Halle, 1922, 1962r; Joüon P. Grammaire de l’hébreu biblique. R., 1923; idem. A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew/Transl. and rev. by T. Muraoka. R., 1991. 2 vol.; Bergstrasser G. Einführung in die semitischen Sprachen. Münch., 1928; idem. Hebräische Grammatik. Lpz., 1918–19292, 1995r. 3 Bde; Albright W. F. The Old Testament and the Canaanite Language and Literature//CBQ. 1945. Vol. 7. P. 5–31; Koehler L., Baumgartner W. Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti libros. Leiden, 1953, 19582, 1967– 1995 3; Sperber A. A Grammar of Masoretic Hebrew: A Gen. Introd. to the pre-Masoretic Bible. Copenhagen, 1959; Dahood M. J. Psalms 1–3. Garden City, 1966–1970. 3 vol.; Ben-David A. The Biblical Language and the Rabbinic Language. Tel Aviv, 1967 (на иврите); Theologisches Handwörterbuch zum Alten Testament/Hrsg. E. Jenni, C. Westermann. Münch., 1971–1976. 2 Bde; Robertson D. Linguistic Evidence in Dating Early Hebrew Poetry. Missoula, 1972; Hurvitz A. Biblical Hebrew in Transition: A Study in Post-Exilic Hebrew and its Implications for the Dating of Psalms. |
| Wiping Out the Christians of Syria and Iraq to Remap the Middle East: Prerequisite to a Clash of Civilizations? Part 1 Source: GlobalResearch.ca Church destroyed Historically, the Levant is the birthplace of Christianity and the oldest Christian communities have lived in it and the entire Fertile Crescent since the start of Christian history. Early Christians called themselves followers or people of " the Way " before they adopted the term Christian; in Arabic their antiquated name would be " Ahl Al-Deen " . Traces of this original name are also available in the New Testament of the Bible and can be read in John 14:5-7, Acts 9:1-2, Acts 24:4 and 14. From the Fertile Crescent these Christian communities spread across Africa, Asia, and Europe. Since that time the ancient communities of Christians, many of which still use the Syriac dialects of Aramaic in their churches, have been an integral and important part of the social fabrics of the pluralistic societies of Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. Nevertheless, the Christians of the Levant and Iraq are now in the cross-hairs. Deceit and mischief has been at play. It is no coincidence that Egyptian Christians were attacked at the same time as the South Sudan Referendum, which was supposed to signal a split between the Muslims in Khartoum and the Christians and animists in Juba. Nor is it an accident that Iraq’s Christians, one of the oldest Christian communities in the world, began to face a modern exodus, leaving their homes and ancestral homeland in Iraq in 2003. Mysterious groups targeted both them and Palestinian refugees… Coinciding with the exodus of Iraqi Christians, which occurred under the watchful eyes of US and British military forces, the neighborhoods in Baghdad became sectarian as Shiite Muslims and Sunni Muslims were forced by violence and death squads to form sectarian enclaves. This is all tied to a US and Israeli project of redrawing the map. The Christian communities of the Levant and Iraq have long distrusted the US government for its support of Israel, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and fanatical militants with anti-Christian leanings. Lebanon’s Christians have also been weary of US support for Israeli expansion and ideas about resettling Palestinians into Lebanon. There is also a widely held belief that the US and Israel have been involved in a policy to remove or " purge " the Christians from Iraq and the Levant in some type of Zionist-linked resettlement plan. Since the US-supported anti-government fighters started targeting Christian Syrians, there has been renewed talk about a Christian exodus in the Middle East centering on Washington’s war on Syria. |
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