| In this respect, the Samaritan targum is very important. It was compiled in the 10–11 th centuries, but takes as its basis for interpretation not the Massorite, but the Pre-Massorite Hebrew text, coinciding with the text of Septuagint in many respects. In our, Russian Church, we have at hand first-class translations of both variants of the Holy Scripture: the Church Slavonic translation from the Septuagint, and the Russian Synodal one – from the Hebrew text. The original translation into the Church Slavonic of the Holy Scripture was done by the Equal-to-the-Apostles brothers Cyril and Methodius, but only those parts of the Old Testament text which are included in the church services’ readings, the so-called paremias, have survived to this day. In the 16 th century, at the start of the Church’s battle with the Judaizing heresy, it was discovered that there was no complete Bible in all of Russia. Therefore, Archbishop Gennady of Novgorod ordered the translation of the holy books from the Greek anew. This translation, with many corrections and adaptations, reached us as the contemporary Church-Slavonic Bible. The Russian translation of the Bible was done from the Hebrew in the 19 th century. However, in the good Synodal editions, the more important divergences from the Septuagint are marked, and the translations from Greek are given in brackets. The Biblical Society editions are done exclusively from the Hebrew text without any variations from the Greek. Almost simultaneously with the Church Slavonic translation (even later than that), the Holy Scripture was translated into Arabic by Saadia ben Joseph al Fayumi (Saadia Gaon) (in the beginning of the 10 th century). This translation was done from the Peshitta. Such a late translation of the Holy Scripture into Arabic is explained by the fact that Aramaic, which received its most recent and final form in Palmyra among the northern Arabic tribes, was, before the onslaught of the Mohammedans, the literary language of all northern Arabs and Syrians, understandable even to the simple people. The Muslim conquest brought the language of the Southern Arabs to the North, from which the modern Arabic language descended. But, Arabs and Christian Syrians continued to use Aramaic in their church life for a long time, precious for the reason that Christ Himself spoke it. The Creation of the First Man |
| 1996. Irenaeus of Lyon, Proof of Apostolic Preaching, J.P. Smith (trans.), Westminster MD 1952. Ishodad of Merv, Commentaire sur l’Ancien Testament, J.-M. Vostee (ed.) - C. van den Eyden (trans.), (CSCO 156 – script. syr. 75), Louvain 1955. Jastrow, M., A Dictionary of the Targumim, The Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature, New York 1996. Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiquities, H.St.J. Thackeray (trans.), Cambridge MA 1967. Justin Martyr, Justini Martyri Dialogus cum Tryphone, M. Marcovich (ed.), Berlin-New York 1997. Kessler, E., Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac, Cambridge 2004. Loader, J.A., A tale of two cities: Sodom and Gomorrah in the Old Testament, early Jewish and early Christian traditions, Kampen 1990. Midrash Bereshit Rabba , J. Theodor – Ch. Albeck (eds), Jerusalem 1965. Midrasch Tanchuma , S. Buber (ed.), Wilna 1885. Miller, W.T., Mysterious Encounters at Mamre and Jabbock, Chico 1984. Origen, Homilies on Genesis and Exodus , R.E. Heine (trans.), (Fathers of the Church 71), Washington D.C. 1982. Reuling, H., After Eden: Church Fathers and Rabbis on Genesis 3:16-21, Leiden 2006. Stemberger, G., ‘Exegetical Contacts between Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire’, in: M. Sæbo, et al. (eds), Hebrew Bible/Old Testament. The History of Its Interpretation: From the beginnings to the Middle Ages (until 1300). Part I, Antiquity, 569-586, Gottingen 1996. -- , Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash, M. Bockmuehl (trans.), Edinburgh 19962. Stuckenbruck, L.T., Angel Veneration and Christology: a study in early Judaism and in the Christology of the Apocalypse of John, Tubingen 1995. Sullivan, K.P., Wrestling with Angels: a study of the relationship between angels and humans in ancient Jewish literature and the New Testament, Leiden 2004. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, M. Maher (trans.), (The Aramaic Bible 1B), Edinburgh 1992. Targum Neofiti I, Genesis, M. McNamara (trans.), (The Aramaic Bible 1A), Edinburgh 1992. Thunberg, L., 1966, ‘Early Christian Interpretations of the Three Angels in Gen 18’, Studia Patristica 8: 560-570. |
| 14 . Bar-Efrat 1989: Narrative art in the Bible/Shimon Bar-Efrat; [tr. by Dorothea Shefer-Vanson in conjunction with the author]. – Sheffield: Almond Press, 1989. – 295 p. – (JSOTSup; 70). – (Bible and literature series; 17). 15 . Barthélemy 1984: L’État de la Bible juive depuis le début de notre ère jusqu’à la deuxième révolte contre Rome/Dominique Barthélemy//La canon de l’Ancien Testament: sa formation et son histoire/Ed. by Jean–Daniel Kaestli and Otto Wermelinger. – Genève: Labor et Fides, 1984. – p. 131–135. 16 . Baskin 2002: Midrashic women: formations of the feminine in rabbinic literature/Judith R. Baskin. – Hannover: Published by University Press of New England for Brandeis University Press, 2002. – XII, 232 p. (Brandeis series on Jewish women). 17 . BDB 1906/2005: The Brown-Driver-Briggs-Gesenius Hebrew and English Lexicon with an Appendix containing the Biblical Aramaic [Electronic resource]/By F. Brown, S. Driver, and C. Briggs. Complete and Unabridged Electronic ed. – [s. 1.]: Varda Books, c2005. – 1200 p. – Electronic ed. based on the printed ed. originally published by Oxford University Press, 1906. 18 . BDB 1996: The Brown-Driver-Briggs Hebrew and English lexicon: with an appendix containing the Biblical Aramaic: coded with the numbering system from Strong’s Exhaustive concordance of the Bible/Francis Brown; with the cooperation of S.R. Driver and Charles A. Briggs. – Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, – XXI, 1185 p. 19 . Beattie 1977: Jewish exegesis of the Book of Ruth/By D.R.G. Beattie. – Sheffield: Dept. of Biblical Studies, University of Sheffield, 1977. – XII, 251 p. – (JSOTSup; 2). 20 . Beattie 1977a: A midrashic gloss in Ruth 2,7/D.R.G. Beattie//ZAW. – 1977. – Vol. 89. – p. 122–124. 21 . Beattie 1978: Redemption in Ruth, and related matters: a response to Jack M. Sasson/D.R.G. Beattie//JSOT. – 1978. – Vol. 3. – p. 65–68. 22 . Beattie 1978a: Ruth III/D.R.G. Beattie//JSOT. – 1978. – Vol. 5. – p. 39–48. 23 . Beattie 1994: The Targum of Ruth/Tr., with introd., apparatus, and notes by D.R.G. Beattie; The Targum of Chronicles/Tr., with introd., apparatus, and notes by J. Stanley Mclvor. – Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1994. – 258 p. |
| About Pages Проекты «Правмира» Raising Orthodox Children to Orthodox Adulthood The Daily Website on How to be an Orthodox Christian Today Twitter Telegram Parler RSS Donate Are You a True Christian? Navigation What’s Become of Syria’s Christian Sites? Magda Abu-Fadil 30 July 2013 July 29, 2013 Aramaic, Jesus’ language, still spoken in Maaloula (Abu-Fadil) As politicians debate the fate of Syria’s Christian minority, reportedly targeted by Muslim fundamentalists for supporting Bashar Al Assad’s regime, the country’s Christian sites seem to have been forgotten in the two-plus-year civil war. “They cut off the head of the statue of Mary (Lady of the Two Worlds) in Syria’s Jisr El Shaghour region,” wrote Rev. Georges Massouh , a Lebanese Greek Orthodox priest, adding that it was still more acceptable than slaughtering human beings. If the attack aimed to terrorize Christians, they will remain in Syria, whose every grain of soil is a witness to its Christianity, and will be martyrs of love, peace, and Christ’s eternal presence in them, he said this week in the daily Annahar . Earlier this year, Tarek Al Abed wrote in Assafir , another Lebanese newspaper, that Christians and Muslims had coexisted in the Qalamoun region, noted for its Christian villages. But the ongoing conflict has definitely taken a toll on Christians, their sites, and the language of Christ. The Bible may have been translated into every language, but the tongue in which Jesus Christ would have preached is almost extinct, spoken by a few thousand people in Syria, mostly in the village of Maaloula. Nobody can read or write Aramaic since there’s no alphabet and no visual record of it, I was told on a visit in 1991. Today it would be hard to quantify how many speakers remain, or how many have survived the fighting. Linguistic scholars have disputed that contention, arguing that several hundred thousand people converse daily in Aramaic. They agree that the “Western” dialect spoken in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine before the Muslim conquest, and thought to be the language Jesus used in spreading the gospel, is fast disappearing. |
| 319 Deissmann G. A. Bible Studies: Contributions Chiefly from Papyri and Inscriptions to the History of Language, the Literature and the Religion of Hellenistic Judaism and Primitive Christianity. Edinburgh. 1909, p. 166–167. 322 Из последних работ можно указать ряд публикаций в журнале «Библика»: 1) Kim Т. Н. The Anarthrous υις θεο in Mark 15,39 and the Roman Imperial Cult//Biblica. #79, 1998, pp. 221–241: 2) Johnson E. S. Mark 15,39 and the So-Called Confession of the Roman Centurion//Biblica, #81,2000, pp. 406–413; 3) Mowery R. L. Son of God in Roman Imperial Titles and Matthew//Biblica. #83, 2002, pp. 100–110. 323 Fitzmyer J. A. The Contribution of Qumran Aramaic to the Study of the New Testament//New Testament Studies, 20, 1974. Статья в несколько переработанном виде была опубликована затем в книге Fitzmyer J. A. A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays,1979, p. 92–93. 329 Перевод по тексту: Martinez F. G., Tigchelaar E. J. C. The Dead Sea Scrolls. Study Edition. 2 vols. Vol. 1, p.134–135. 330 Возможно, имеются в виду ещё 4Q543–548 (разные варианты текста «Видения Амрама» 4QVisAmram) и 4Q175 (4QTestimonia), но в них можно усмотреть настолько отдаленные ассоциации, что они в книге подробно не рассматриваются 331 Hengel М. The Son of God: The Origin of Christology and the History of Jewish- Hellenistic Religion. Philadelphia, 1976, p. 45. 332 Такой вариант перевода на английский язык встречается реже; из использованных для данной работы изданий (см. Библиографию источников и переводов) он принят, например, в издании Wise М., Abegg M.,Cook Е. The Dead Sea Scrolls. A New Translation. San Francisco, 1999, p. 270. Перевод данного свитка подготовлен Э. Куком. 334 Смирнов А., прот. Мессианские ожидания и верования иудеев около времени рождества Христова/Ветхозаветные апокрифы. М., 2001, сс. 413–752; с. 418–419. 336 Evans С. A. A Note on the «First-born Son» of 4Q3691I Dead Sea Discoveries, vol. 2, #2. Leiden-N. Y., 1995, June, pp. 185–201, p. 188. 338 Перевод по: Григорий (Чуков), митр. Мессианские представления иудеев..., с. 64–65. Перевод этого места из таргума Ионафана может быть сделан по-разному. С приведённым вариантом митр. Григория (Чукова) согласен отец Уильям Мост, который переводит по изданию Stenning F. The Targum of Isaiah. Oxford, 1949 следующим образом: «и назовётся имя Его издревле Чудный Советник, Бог крепкий, живущий вовек, Мессия, в дни Которого мир умножится на нас». При этом отец У. Мост замечает, что в издании Levey S. The Messiah. An Aramaic Interpretation. Cincinnati, 1974 даётся иное чтение: «и назовётся имя Его издревле Чудный Советник Богом Крепким, живущим вовек, Мессия, в дни Которого мир умножится на нас». Разница в интерпретации зависит от понимания арамейских слов , которые могут означать «издревле» или «посредством» (кого-либо, чего-либо). (Most W. G., Rev. Messianic Prophecies Lectures. http://www.petersnet.neL» most/getwork.cfm?worknum=131.htm). |
| Donceel-Voûte P. Les mines de Qumrân réinterprétées//Archeologia, 1994, 298, p. 24–33. Duhm B. Jesaia/Handkommentar zum Alten Testament. 1892. Eisenman R. James the Just in the Habakkuk Pesher. Leiden, 1986 Eisenman R. James the Brother of Jesus: The Key to Unlocking the Secrets of Early Christianity and the Dead Sea Scrolls. 1997. Eisenman R. H., Wise M. The Dead Sea Scrolls uncovered. The First Complete Translation and Interpretation of 50 Key Documents Withheld for Over 35 Years. N. Y., Eschatology, Messianism and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Editors C. A. Evans, P. W. Flint. Michigan-Cambridge. 1997, 176 p. Evans C. A. A Note on the «First-born Son» of 4Q369//Dead Sea Discoveries, vol. 2, 2. Leiden-N. Y.; 1995. June, pp. 185–201. Evans C. A. Jesus and the Dead Sea Scrolls from Qumran Cave 4/Eschatology. Messianism and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Editors C. A. Evans. P. W. Flint. Michigan- Cambridge, 1997, pp. 91–100. Fitzmyer J. A. A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays. 1979. Fitzmyer J. A. Essays on the Semitic Background oi the New Testament. London, 1971. Fitzmyer J. A. The Contribution of Qumran Aramaic to the Study of the New Testament//New Testament Studies, 20, 1974. Fitzmyer J. A. The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins. Michigan- Cambridge, 2000, 290 p. Fitzmyer J. A. The Se miticBackground of the New Testament. Michigan-Cambridge, 1997, xxii+524+300 p. Fitzmyer J. A. Scroll Origins: An Exchange on the Qumran Hypothesis, http://www.reIigion-online.org Fossum J. Son of God/Anchor Bible Dictionary. 6 volumes. N. Y., 1992. CD ROM electronic edition,Logos Library System 2.If, 1996. France R. T. Servant of the Lord/New Bible Dictionary. Ed. J. D. Douglas. 2nd ed. Wheaton, IL, 1982, xviii + 1326 p. CD ROM electronic edition, Logos Library System 2.If, 1996. Fuller R. H. Son of God//Harper’s Bible Commentaiy. Gen. ed. J. L. Mays. San Francisco, 1988, xviii+1326 p. CD ROM electronic edition: Logos Library System 2.If, 1996. Fuellkrug G. Der Gottesknecht des Deuterojesaja. Guettingen, 1899. |
| So what about the “seven times”? Do they necessarily refer to years, as is often held? Actually, the word for “times” in the original Aramaic text of Daniel (sing, ‘iddan) commonly means “time, period, season” and may refer to any fixed and definite period of time. 404 Admittedly, the view that at Daniel chapter four, verses 16 25 restricted to the Watch Tower Society. This understanding can be found in ancient sources. Thus, the Septuagint (LXX) version of Daniel translated the word as “years,” and so does Josephus in Antiquities X:x,6. But the LXX text of Daniel was rejected by early Christians in preference of the Greek version of Theodotion (usually dated to about 180 C.E.) which says “times” (Greek kairoi), not “years” in Daniel chapter four. 405 Events References N, on the throne Years B.C.E. Battle at Carchemish. Invasion Testament, Vol. 4:1 (NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1973.) Testament, Vol. 4:1 (NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1973.) Documented activity of Nebuchadnezzar’s rule That some Jews at an early stage interpreted the “times” of Daniel chapter four as “years” can also be seen in the socalled “Prayer of Nabonidus,” a fragmentary Aramaic document found among the Dead Sea scrolls at Qumran, Cave 4, and dating from ca. 7550 B.C.E. This document says that Nabonidus was stricken with a “pernicious inflammation ... for seven years” in the Teman oasis. 406 What are the other alternatives? Realizing that the literal meaning of the Aramaic word iddan is not “year” but “period” or “season,” Hippolytus of the third century says that some viewed a “time” as one of the four seasons of the year. Hence “seven seasons” would be less than two years. Bishop Theodoret of the fifth century, however, noted that people of ancient times, such as the Babylonians and Persians, spoke of only two seasons a year, summer and winter, the rainless and the rainy seasons. 407 among the Hebrews. In the Bible there are no references to spring and autumn, only to the summer and winter seasons. |
| Penned in Greek, probably to Diaspora audiences, the canonical gospels reflect Greco-Roman rather than strictly Palestinian Jewish literary conventions. 230 That is, they share more external characteristics with Diaspora or aristocratic Palestinian Jewish biographies in Greek than they do with many of the Palestinian works composed in Hebrew or Aramaic. Such a statement does not, however, detract from the Jewishness of the Gospels, since Jewish historical writing in Greek generally adopted Greek historiographic conventions, as suggested below for Josephus. 231 In contrast to other Greco-Roman biographies, however, the Gospels, like Diaspora Jewish historical texts, show considerable stylistic and theological influence from the LXX. Further, the Gospels vary among themselves in the degree of their Palestinian character: Matthew and John, whose readers apparently have closer continuing ties with Palestinian Judaism, probably reflect more Palestinian literary influences than Mark and Luke. 232 The methodology of Hebrew and Aramaic Palestinian Jewish texts concerning historical figures diverges at significant points from that of Greco-Roman historical writing. Since the Palestinian Jewish roots of the Jesus movement affected Diaspora Christianity, a brief consideration of Jewish biographical conventions may be useful in discussing the traditions behind the Gospels. Failing this, yet more importantly for our purposes, they may be useful in understanding literary techniques particularly adapted by Matthew and John. Although many individuals feature prominently in the Hebrew Bible and in early Jewish literature, only rarely is a document devoted to a person in such a way that it would be called biography in the sense discussed above; usually the treatment of an individual is part of a larger narrative. Job, Ruth, Judith, Jonah, Esther, Daniel, and Tobit all have books about them in the Greek Bible, but the events rather than the characters dominate the accounts. 233 The various reports of events in the lives of pious rabbis are too piecemeal to supply parallels to biographies like the Gospels, 234 but it is possible that some of these stories were collected and told together like some of the brief philosophical lives in Diogenes Laertius. Since no such early collections are extant, however, 235 rabbinic sources can add little to our discussion of Jewish «biography.» In contrast to Josephus or Tacitus, rabbinic texts are primarily legal, and incidental biographical information tends to serve more purely homiletical than historical purposes. 236 |
| Questions et difficultés. Sagesses chrétiennes. Paris, 1999. P. 8; см. также: Larchet J.C. La Divinisation de l’homme selon saint Maxime le Confessor. Paris, 1996. P. 13; А. И. Сидоров. Преподобный Максим Исповедник : эпоха, жизнь, творчество. Введение к изд. Преподобный Максим Исповедник . Избранные творения. Т. 1. С. 84–85. 135 В том же жанре, например, написано «Руководство к духовной жизни» прп. Варсонуфия и Иоанна, и др. 136 Larchet J.C. Introduction. Saint Maximus le Confesseur. Questions et difficultés. Sagesses chrétiennes. Paris, 1999. P. 8. 138 Англ. double fulfillment prophesies. См., например: Blomberg C. G. Interpreting Old Testament prohetic literature in Mathhew: Double fulfillment//Trinity Journal, 2002, Spring (эл. вариант: 139 Флоровский Г., прот. Откровение и истолкование//Флоровский Г., прот. Догмат и история. М., 1998, с. 22. 143 Иустин, Филосов и мученик, св. Диалог с Трифоном иудеем, 84. Нафанаил, еп. О Святой Библии: Предисловие//Лопухин А. П. Библейская история Ветхого Завета. Монреаль, 1986, с. XVIII. 144 См. об этом: Дик. Э. Канон как контекст для толкования//Библия в современном мире: аспекты толкования. М., 2002, с. 58. 152 В современной библеистике так называется привнесение комментатором в толкуемый текст Священного Писания чуждого, стороннего смысла. 159 Anderson G.A. Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings. Old Testament//The Anchor Bible Dictionary. CD ROM Edition. Троицкий И.Г. Библейская археология, с. 424. 162 Gaster T.H. Sacrifices and Offerings, Old Testament//The Interpreter " s Dictionary of the Bible. 4 vol. N. Y., p. 151. 173 По поводу данного перевода см.: Aberbach M., Grossfeld B. Targum Onkelos to Genesis. New York, 1982, p. 92–93; Grossfeld B. The Targum Onqelos to Genesis//The Aramaic Bible, vi. Edinburgh, 1988, p. 69–70; Hayward C.T.R. Inconsistencies and Contradictions in Targum PseudoJonathan: The Case of Eliezer and Nimrod//JSS 1992, 37, p. 36–37. 174 Lim T.H. Qumran Corner: The Chronology of the Flood Story in a Qumran Text (4Q252)//Journal of Jewish Studies, 1992, 43:2, p. |
| The Mystical Supper is short, the repetition of It in the Divine liturgy is short as well, but the Christian consciousness understands that one should not approach this act, which is the most important in the universe, without worthy, appropriate preparation, for the Lord says in the Scripture: «Cursed be he that doeth the work of the LORD deceitfully.» And «For he that eateth and drinketh (the Communion) unworthily, eateth and drinketh damnation to himself, not discerning the Lord " s body» ( 1Cor. 11:29 ). Worthy preparation for the acceptance of the Son of God in the historical process was mainly the Holy Scripture. It, i.e. the careful reverent reading of It, can be equivalent to the preparation for the acceptance of the Son of God in the process of the Divine service. That is why, from the very beginning of Christian history, the Holy Scripture occupied such an important place in the matter of the preparation of Christians to the Sacrament of the Eucharist and Communion of the Holy Gifts, i.e. in the Divine service, and not only as an imitation of the synagogue, as it is often interpreted. In the early church, in the very first years of Its existence, in Jerusalem, when the Church consisted primarily of Judeo-Christians, the reading and chanting of the Holy Scripture was performed in the holy language of the Old-Testament church, in ancient Hebrew, though the people, which at that time already spoke Aramaic, almost did not understand this language. In order to explain the Holy Scripture, Its text was interpreted in Aramaic. These interpretations were called targums. In Christianity, targums mean interpretations of the Old Testament in the sense of its fulfillment and making the New Testament whole. These interpretations of the Old Testament were done by the Holy Apostles themselves, and in the early Church were used in place of the Holy Scripture of the New Testament, which, as such, did not exist yet. This way, in spite of the absence of New Testament books in the early Church, essentially the Christian Divine service from the very beginning consisted of listening to and learning from the Divine words of both Testaments. And the interpretations of the Old Testament Scriptures by the very Apostles – the Law, Prophets and Psalms, were the most important part of the preparatory for the Holy Eucharist Divine Service. |
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