| Лихоимство 3. Taken from Meffreth, ibid.: «Quarto. Vsurarius similis est bufoni, qui terra pascitur, & de vinea exit cum florere incipit, non valens odorem eius sustinere, vt dicit Plinius in spec. nat. sic auarus terrenis pascitur & delectatur. Sed de vinea Domini, per quam intelligitur Ecclesia, exit, quando sibi floret verbum Dei; quia odorem eius non potest sustinere» (ibid.). Лихоимство 4. Taken from Meffreth, ibid., the section located between those from which Simeon derived Лихоимство 2 and 3: «Tertio peior est omni Iudaeo. Iudex [?for «Iudaeus»] enim a gente sua non recipit vsuram. Vsurarius autem Christianus, nulli Christiano parcit. Ideo dicit quaedam Gloss. О auare, cadauer diabolicum, abiectior omni Iudaeo, qui a suo collega vsuram non recipit, sed tua malitia nec parcit proximo» (ibid.). Лихоимство 5. Taken from MSE, «Usura», No. 2 »Vsurarij animam duo infernales canes morituram expectant». 11. 1–6 cf MSE: «Vidi ego ipse in Brabantiae partibus vsurarium nequam valde, qui multos nobiles & potentes exhaeredauerat, & spoliauerat supra modum. Hie frequenter occurrens religiosis, rogabat quasi cum lachrymis pro se orari, sed in nullo se penitus correxit.» 11. 7–14 cf MSE: «Cumque super hoc eum frequentius arguissem, nec in aliquo profecissem, accidit, vt repentina infirmitate correptus, ad exitum appropinquaret. Et ecce subito duo ingentes tenebrarum canes lectum iacentis circuitibus ambiebant. Ipse vero protracta lingua prope ad longitudinem pedis dehiscens horribiliter expirauit. Idem [Cantip.] lib . 2. cap. 22. par. 25.» (p. 676). Лов. Taken from Faber, In Festo S. Andreae, No. 7 «Documenta Evangelii [on the Gospel for the day, viz. Matt. 4.18–22]», Thema: «Fugiendus est Diabolus, primarius pisactor. ... Prior ille piscator homo utitur, quia dum escam vilem et exiguam fluxi alicuius boni porrigit, interim unco laedit, et conscientiam capti lacerat, ac demum perdit et mactat. Christus eiusque Praedicatores non hamum, sed rete adhibent, quo non suaciantur pisces, sed incolumes capiuntur, et demum in piscinam caelestem inferuntur.» |
| 8768 In Jub. 32:25–26, Jacob receives divine help to «remember» an inspired dream (Charles, Jubilees, lxxxiii, also notes the parallel); PGM 4.726–731 likewise promises Mithras " s help to recall a lengthy revelation. 8769 This can be argued on analogy with Matt 28:19, which probably invites the disciple makers to use the teaching blocs in Matthew catechetically. 8770 This is often argued; e.g., Dietzfelbinger, «Paraklet,» 389–408. Franck, Revelation, 96, suggests that the connection between Paraclete and beloved disciple guarantees that disciple as an inspired transmitter of tradition. See introduction, ch. 3, esp. pp. 111–22. 8771 Sasse, «Paraklet,» 260–77; Culpepper, School, 266–69; Boring, Sayings, 49; Kragerund, Lieblingsjünger, 113–29 and passim. Boismard, «Review,» critiques Kragerund " s identification of the beloved disciple with the Paraclete instead of with an idealized disciple figure. Much more cautious is Wilckens, «Paraclete,» 203; they are not identical, but the beloved disciple represents the community that the Paraclete has founded. 8773 Smith, Johannine Christianity, 30. This view is shared by Aune, Eschatology, 101; Boring, Sayings, 8 (on Dibelius), 49 (with a list of other scholars), 76,85,106–7,127; Hays, Vision, 151. Boring sees this as something of a charismatic exegesis of Jesus as well as of the OT (p. 102). 8774 Oracle collections did indeed exist in antiquity, e.g., the Sibylline Oracles. See Collins, Sibylline Oracles, 6–7; Aune, Prophecy, 44. An oracle (χρησμς) was sometimes circulated (e.g., Achilles Tatius 2.14.1) by itself, although the scantiness of the evidence for this suggests that it was not a common practice. 8775 Even though skillful writers knew how to join sayings with narrative (Theon Progym. 5.388–425; cf. 4.73–79; 5.427–441) and both premeditation (Quintilian 10.6.1–2, 5) and a rough draft (Aune, Environment, 128) would permit the writer to prepare and relate material carefully. Arrian seems to impose more of his own grid on the Epictetus material in his more highly organized Enchiridion than in his Diatribai, but writers had a greater degree of freedom then than we would normally permit in biography today (Theon Progym. 1.93–171), as attested by tradition variants (cf. the tortures in 2 and 4 Macc [OTP2:555; but probably 4 Maccabees diverged more from its antecedents]; Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.23–25 vs. Plato Apo1. 29C, 28E), although some of these could have arisen from conflation of similar sayings or events (e.g., p. B. Qam. 2:6, §3). |
| 5 Лк 2, 22 сл. Слова «падение и восстание» указывают на тех, кто примет или отвергнет Мессию. «Знамение пререкаемое» означает чудо, явление, которое вызовет пререкания и споры. 6 Флавий И. Арх. XVII, 7—13. Глава вторая 1 Фаррар Ф. Жизнь Иисуса Христа, с.120. 2 Эти легенды изобилуют историческими анахронизмами и ошибками, которые сразу же выдают подделку; в них описаны нелепые, а порой и жестокие чудеса, якобы совершенные Отроком Иисусом. 3 Книга Иосифа Плотника, XIV. 4 Иустин Гностик. — У св.Ипполита. О философских умозрениях, XV, 26. 5 Некоторые синагогальные молитвы приведены в т.1 русского пер. Мишны, с.39 сл.; см. также: Гейки К. Жизнь и учение Христа. Пер. с англ. Т.1, 224 сл. и Aron R. Les annйes obscures de Jйsus. Paris, 1960. 6 Флавий И. Иудейская война, III, 3,2; о зелотах см.: Флавий И. Арх. XIV, 9,2; XVIII,1,1; Иуд.война, I,10,5; II,8,1. 7 Лк 2, 41—52. Поясняя слова «преуспевал в премудрости и возрасте», св.Иустин говорит, что Иисус «рос, как растут все люди, отдавая должное каждому возрасту» ( св.Иустин. Диалог с Трифоном Иудеем, 88). 8 Мк 6, 6. 9 Уже одно то, что перед смертью Иисус поручил Свою Мать ученику (Ин 19, 25—27), свидетельствует, что Он был Ее единственным сыном (см.: Hillarii, In Matt., IX, 92). Остается неясным, кто были Иаков, Иосия, Симон и Иуда, названные в Евангелии «братьями» Иисуса (Мк 6, 3), — сыновьями ли сестры Девы Марии (Ин 19, 25) или детьми Иосифа от первого брака, как утверждают апокрифы (например, Книга Иосифа Плотника, II). Быть может, и те и другие назывались «Его братьями». В греческом и еврейском языках слово «брат» может означать разную степень родства. 10 Эти слова сохранились в апокрифических «Деяниях Петра» (гл.Х). По мнение видного современного специалиста по Новому Завету И.Иеремиаса, они скорее всего подлинны. 11 Mauriac F. La vie de Jйsus. Paris, 1962, p.33. 12 Штраус Д. Жизнь Иисуса. T.I, с.195. О Штраусе см. в приложении «Миф или действительность?» Глава третья 1 Ис 40, 3. 2 См.: Кумранский устав, VIII, 12—14. |
| 6605 E.g., Hodges, «Adultery»; Heil, «Story»; idem, «Rejoinder» (cf. Trites, «Adultery,» on John " s structuring style). Hodges, «Adultery,» supposes that its deletion in one manuscript affected others, but this argument (1) must admit our lack of textual evidence in the earliest extant sources, i.e., argues from silence, and (2) supposes a model of deletion possible on a word processor but more difficult in the middle of a scroll (which the first generations of manuscripts were)! 6606 See full discussion in Metzger, Commentary, 219–21; Wallace, «Reconsidering.» 6607 See Metzger, Commentary, 220. Calvin, John, 1(on 7:53–8:11), already noted that it was missing among Greek manuscripts preserved by Greek churches. 6608 For androcentric early-church prejudices (e.g., the focus on the woman " s adultery rather than that of her accusers) that could have marginalized the passage, see ÓDay, «Misreading.» 6609 Metzger, Commentary, 221. 6610 E.g., Michaels, John, 113; Riesenfeld, Tradition, 95. Perrin, Kingdom, 131, notes that over one-sixth of the words occur nowhere else in John. Admittedly the vocative γναι is more common in this Gospel (2:4; 4:21; 19:26; 20:13, 15) than elsewhere in the NT (Matt 15:28; Luke 13:12; 22:57; 1Cor 7:16 ). 6611 E.g., Comfort, «Pericope.» By contrast, Baylis, «Adultery,» thinks the passage climaxes Johns portrayal of Jesus as the prophet of Deut 18 . 6612 Also, e.g., Yee, Feasts, 77. 6613 E.g., Montefiore, Gospels, 1:280; Derrett, Law, 156; Hunter, John, 199; Michaels, John, 132; Watkins, John, 176; Ridderbos, John, 286; Whitacre, John, 204; Bürge, «Problem»; idem, John, 238–41; Beasley-Murray, John, 144; Grayston, Gospel, 73; Bordiert, John, 225, 329, 369. 6614 Stanton, Gospel Truth, 46–47, attributes this view to «most exegetes.» Papias frg. 6 (Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.39.17) knew the story in the Gospel of the Hebrews; Beasley-Murray, John, 143–44, also cites Syr. Did. 7 (early third century C.E.); for the tradition in Didymos the Blind, see Luhrmann, «Geschichte.» |
| 6641 For attestation of the figure in the Jesus tradition, cf. Luke 2:32; applied differently, Matt 5:14. «Light of the world» also appears in pagan texts, not surprisingly in an invocation to Helios the spirit, power, and life of the world (Macrobius Sat. 1.23.21, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225). 6642 Comfort, «Pericope.» 6643 See Hanson, Gospel, 116, noting that John employs Zech 14in John 7:38 . 6644 E.g., Westcott, John, 123; Glasson, Moses, 60; Dodd, Interpretation, 349; Brown, John, 1:343–44; Longenecker, Exegesis, 153; Yee, Feasts, 80. Philo also associated the festival with light (Bernard, John, 2:291). 6645 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.118; m. Sukkah 5:3–4; h. Sukkah 52b-53a (a Tanna); see also Safrai, «Temple,» 895. Glasson, Moses, 60–61, less convincingly finds an allusion in Zech 14:6–7, the Tabernacles lection (see comment on 7:38). Although Hanukkah ( John 10:22 ) is «the feast of lights» (Josephus Ant. 12.325), John only makes the association with the biblical festival of Sukkoth. 6646 Noted here by, e.g., Hunter, John, 86; Longenecker, Exegesis, 154; some may have expected its eschatological restoration (Glasson, Moses, 64). The older ritual may have revered God as the creator of light (Urbach, Sages, 1:60). 6647 Scripture ( Ps 105:39–41 ; Neh 9:12, 15) and subsequent Jewish tradition connected these various symbols of wilderness sojourn (Glasson, Moses, 62–63; see comment on 7:38). 6648 See Prov 4:19 ; cf. also, e.g., Gen. Rab. 60:1. 6649 E.g., 1QS 3.21; 4.11 (the way of those outside the community); a hymn in 1QS 11.10 ( ); Pesiq. Rab. 8:5; see also Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414. 6650 E.g., Job 33:30 ; Ps 56:13 ; cf. Job 3:16; 18:18 ; Ps 38:10; 36:9; 49:19 ; Prov 29:13 ; Eccl 12:2 . 6651 Cf. 1QS 3.7 ( ); see also Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414; Coetzee, «Life,» 64. 6652 Odeberg, Gospel 286–87. Charlier, «L " exégèse,» thinks Jesus claims deity here. 6653 E.g., Isocrates Nie. 46–47, Or. 3.36; Plutarch Praising 15, Mor. 544D; see further references under the introductory comment on John 5:31–47 . |
| 7638 Tears often moved authorities to action (e.g., Lysias Or. 32.10, §505; Cicero Sest. 11.26; Caesar Gallic W. 1.20). On male authorities being particularly moved by women " s pleas in the ancient Mediterranean world, see Luke 18:2–5; 2Sam 14:1–21; 20:16–22; 1 Kgs 1:11–16; 2:17; Matt 20:20; P.Sakaon 36; Lysias Or. 32.11–18, §§506–511; perhaps Valerius Maximus 8.3; comment on 2:4. 7640 «Come and see» is a familiar invitation formula (see comment on 1:39) but, apart from Johannine style, probably bears no other relation to 1:39, 46 and 4:29. 7642 Jesus presumably weeps in 11because he «shares the sadness of his friends and their neighbors» (Smith, John 225). By ancient Mediterranean standards, mere tears were hardly wildly demonstrative (Virgil Aen. 11.148–150; cf. especially women, e.g., Homer Il. 18.30–31; Aeschylus Cho. 22–31, 423–428). Jewish mourners did not, however, participate in the more masochistic mourning rites of their pagan neighbors (e.g., Deut 14:1 ). 7643 Malina, Windows, 24–25, citing Plutarch Caesar 5.2; 11.3; 41.1; 48.2; Cicero 47.2; Acts 20:37; Lightfoot, Gospel, 229, cites Juvenal Sat. 15.132–133. Cf. also 2 Kgs 8:11–12; Homer I1. 1.348–349, 413; Od. 4.113–119; 16.190–191; 23.231–232; Sophocles Ajax 819–820; Philostratus Hrk. 45.6. Note amplification in Josephus " s hellenized accounts: Moses» prayer with tears for God " s vindication against Korah (Josephus Ant. 4.51); David " s prayers with tears during Absalom " s revolt (Josephus Ant. 7.203; 2Sam 15:23, 30 ). 7644 E.g., Livy 1.26.12; 23.8.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.10.1; for rhetoric, see, e.g., Lysias Or. 32.10, §505; Cicero Mi1. 38.105; Rosc. Amer. 9.24; Rab.post. 17.47; Gae1. 24.60; Sest. 11.26; Seneca Controv. 4.pref.6; Menander Rhetor 2.13, 423.30; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.19.512; 2.1.561; 2.5.574; 2.9.582; 2.10.586; Acts 20:19. Narrators used tears to stir pathos (e.g., Xenophon Eph. 1.11); Polybius 2.56.7 complains about historians who sensationalize with tragic scenes of women " s tears invented to arouse pathos; John may deliberately evoke pathos here. |
| Various non-Markan material recurs in two of the other gospels (e.g., Matt 28:6; cf. Luke 24:6), suggesting access to non-Markan resurrection traditions or perhaps material in a now lost ending of Mark, 10381 if indeed the ending we have in Mark 16was not the original one (a disputable premise). 10382 It is, in fact, difficult to doubt that such other traditions would have existed, given the large number of reported witnesses to the resurrection (cf. 1Cor 15:5–7 ). Some scholars are convinced that one can completely harmonize the stories of the women at the tomb if we grant that the Gospel writers only reported data essential to their distinctive accounts; 10383 on the other end of the spectrum, some, while acknowledging that the conviction of the resurrection is early, doubt that our current Easter stories belong to the earliest stratum of tradition. 10384 Although harmonization approaches become strained when they misunderstand the liberties literary historians sometimes applied on details (see our introduction, ch. 1), they do exhibit the merit of working harder than more skeptical approaches to make the best possible sense of the data we have. On any account, two matters are plain and a third likely follows: (1) the differences in accounts demonstrate that the Gospel writers were aware of a variety of independent traditions. The likely diversity and number of such traditions precisely here (more so than at many other points in extant gospel tradition) suggest a variety of initial reports, not merely later divergences in an originally single tradition. Sanders may be right to argue that «a calculated deception should have produced greater unanimity. Instead, there seem to have been competitors: saw him first!» «No! I did.»» 10385 Eyewitness reports often varied on such details (e.g., Thucydides 1.22.3). (2) The divergent details suggest independent traditions, thereby underlining the likelihood of details the accounts share in common. 10386 Yet these divergent traditions overlap significantly and hence independently corroborate the basic outlines of the story. (3) Given the likely variety of initial reports, explaining the similarities and differences in terms of multiple witnesses surrounding a core historical event appears plausible and indeed probable. (One might compare eyewitnesses» different accounts of Callisthenes» death, which nevertheless agree that he was indicted, publicly scorned, and died.) 10387 |
| 324 Cf. the remarks of Fr Y. Congar in Le Concile et les Conciles (ed. B. Botte et al., I960), p. 287: The East “suit beaucoup plus l’idée, très presente chez les Pères et dans la liturgie, d’une ‘phanie,’ d’une manifestation des réalités célestes, invisibles, sur la terre. Il s’ensuit une conception principalement sacramentelle et iconologique de l’Eglise.” 325 Thus it is a common phenomenon in ecumenical circles to regard the Orthodox both as “traditionalists” and as detached from the problems of history and preoccupied with the “triumphalism” of their liturgy. 326 E.g. the difficulty of integrating the sacramental conception of apostolic succession with the idea of linear historical transmission of authority in Vatican II. See B.-D. Dupuy, “La succession apostolique dans la discussion oecuménique,” Istina 12 (1967), pp. 391 – 401, esp. p. 391. 327 For a discussion of these difficulties see R. Schnackenburg, “L’apostolicité: état de la recherche,” Istina 14 (1969), pp. 5 – 32; Engl. trans. in One in Christ 6 (1970), pp. 243 – 273. 328 The sending out of the apostles in pairs ( Mark 6:7 ) need not occupy us here. On this peculiar Jewish-Palestinian feature see J. Jeremias, “Paarweise Sendung im Neuen Testament,” in New Testament Essays (in memory of T. W. Manson, ed. by A.J.B. Higgins, 1959), pp. 136 – 143. 329 Cf. К. H. Rengstorf “πστολος” in Kittel’s Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament (1933), pp. 406 – 448. For a critical approach: G. Klein, Die Zwölf Apostel (1961), pp. 22 – 38, Cf. below, n. 403. 330 Hence the application of the term “apostle” to a group broader than the Twelve. Paul’s apostolate constitutes part of this problem. On these and related questions see R. Schnackenburg, op. cit., pp. 246ff. 332 This scheme is offered basically in the New Testament: John 20:21 ; Luke 10:16, etc. Christ Himself is an “apostle” (Heb. 3:1). See also John 17 :7f; Matt. 28:18 – 20; Rom. 10:13 – 17; I John 1:1 – 13; II Tim. 2:2; Tit. 1:5 , etc. It is on the basis of this “historical” or “missionary” scheme that transmission of apostolic authority to other persons for the continuation of this mission is mentioned already in the New Testament (Acts 20:17 – 35; I Tim. 5:22; 4:4; II Tim, 2:2; Tim 1:4; 2:1 – 15, etc.). Cf. Ph. Menoud, L’Eglise et son ministère selon le N. T. (1949); J.Colson, “La succession apostolique au niveau du Ier siècle,” Verbum Caro (1961), pp. 138 – 172. |
| Martin, «Footsteps» Martin, Ralph P. «Following in the First Christians» Footsteps.» Christian History 37 (1993): 42–43. Martin, «Hymn» Martin, Ralph P. «An Early Christian Hymn (Col 1:15–20).» EvQ 36 (1964): 195–205. Martin, «Ideology» Martin, Luther H. «The Anti-individualistic Ideology of Hellenistic Culture.» Numen 41 (1994): 117–40. Martin, «Interpretation» Martin, R. A. «The Earliest Messianic Interpretation of Genesis 3:15 .» JBL 84 (1965): 425–27. Martin, James Martin, Ralph P. James. WBC 48. Waco, Tex.: Word, 1988. Martin, Mark Martin, Ralph P. Mark: Evangelist and Theologian. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1972. Martin, «Mithraism» Martin, Luther H. «Roman Mithraism and Christianity.» Numen 36 (1989): 2–15. Martin, «Morph» Martin, Ralph P. »Morph in Philippians ii.6.» ExpTim 70 (1958–1959): 183–84. Martin, «Q» Martin, W. H. Blyth. «The Indispensability of Q.» Theology 59 (1956): 182–88. Martin, Religions Martin, Luther H. Hellenistic Religions: An Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Martin, «Servant» Martin, Ralph P. «The Pericope of the Healing of the " Centurion " s» Servant/Son (Matt 8:5–13 par. Luke 7:1–10): Some Exegetical Notes.» Pages 14–22 in Unity and Diversity in New Testament Theology: Essays in Honor of George E. Ladd. Ed. Robert A. Guelich. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978. Martin, Slavery Martin, Dale B. Slavery as Salvation: The Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990. Martin, Worship Martin, Ralph P. The Worship of God. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982. Martins Terra, «Milagres» Martins Terra, J. E. «Os milagres helenisticos.» Revista de cultura biblica 4 (15–16, 1980): 229–62. Martitz, «υις» Martitz, W. von. «υις, υιοθεσα A.» TDNT 8:335–40. Martone, «Testo» Martone, Corrado. «Un testo qumranico che narra la morte del Messia? A propositio del recente dibattito su 4Q285.» RivB 42 (1994): 329–36. Martyn, «Glimpses» Martyn, J. Louis. «Glimpses into the History of the Johannine Community.» Pages 149–76 in L " évangile de Jean: Sources, rédaction, théologie. Edited by M. De Jonge. BETL 45. Gembloux: J. Duculot; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1977. |
| 4499 Cf. Epictetus Diatr. 2.19.16; 20.11 (τ γρ σο και μν); Martial Epigr. 1.76.11–12; cf. Olsson, Structure, 36. 4503 Cf. Whitacre, Polemic, 84–85, who rightly regards Jesus» response here as a cryptic saying that tests his mother, fitting the misunderstanding motif of this Gospe1. Ancients could follow the story line: Coriolanus acceded to his mother " s request, knowing full well it would cost him his life (Plutarch Cor. 34.2; 36.4). 4504 «Beginning» may also suggest a new creation (cf. 1:1–2; 8:44; Gen 1:1 ; Wis 14:13; cf. the differently worded predestinarian concept in Tob 6:17), but the language is natural enough for the beginning of a particular period in question (e.g., Gen 10:10 ; Sir 51:20 ; £ Ab. 15:14A; 4:13B). That period may also be salvifically significant, referring to the beginning of God " s work among his people (Pss. So1. 8:31–32; 17:30). 4505 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 68, following Giblin, «Suggestion,» citing 2:1–14; 4:46–5:1,18; 7:2–10; 11:1–8 (though the conflict does not stem from the compliance in every instance). 4506 On the last, cf. Matthew " s manner of describing healings taking place «that very hour» (Matt 8:13; 9:22; 15:28; 17:18; cf. Luke 7:21; Acts 16:18; 22:13); no less frequent chronological markers in comparable works may suggest that John " s are intended primarily literally rather than symbolically. 4508 Brown, John, 1:99, on the basis of John " s uses of οπω. Salvoni, «Hour,» 240, reads οπω as «nevertheless.» 4509 Cullmann, Time, 44; Salvoni, «Hour,» 237–38; Braun, Jean, 17; Feuillet, Studies, 31 (some including his subsequent exaltation). Holwerda, Spirit, 7 n. 16, does not think Jesus» death is in view in this use of «hour»; Derrett, Law, 242–43, thinks that the «appropriate» time, i.e., when guests are too drunk to notice the miracle, is what is meant. 4513 Cf. Judas Maccabeus in 1Macc 9:10, «if our time (καιρς) has come, let us also die in a manly way for the sake of our brothers» (my trans.) 4514 E.g., Homer/. 15.612–614; 16.441; Xenophon Mem. 4.8.6; Appian C.W. 2.16.116; Silius Italicus 3.134–135. This includes the specific language of «time» (Virgil Aen. 10.503; 11.470; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 69.6) and «day» (Euripides Ale. 24–27, 105, 147; Virgil Aen. 12.150; Phaedrus 4.11.8; Appian C.W. 2.21.149; Apol1. Κ. Tyre 29). It also could apply to the «hour» of marriage in a marital context (Catullus 62.30); could its application to time of a miracle (Eunapius Lives 549, in Boring et a1., Commentary, 250; cf. also Philostratus Hrk. 3.2, 5 in Maclean and Aitken, Heroikos, xxvii-xxix) derive from the present story? |
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