| 5617 . Jesus may have drawn an illustration from local agriculture, pointing to fields still four months from the harvest (4:35). While this explanation is possible, it assumes large chronological gaps in John " s story world: Jesus went to Jerusalem for Passover, in April (2:13); he baptized in Judea for an indeterminate period after this (3:22); now four months before the harvest would place the conversation in the following winter around late December through early February, 5618 hardly the best time of year to travel 5619 and well before the next major pilgrimage festival of Pesach. But the chronological gaps are not a major problem; while they do not usually characterize his style (cf. 1:29,35,39,43; 2:1), the story world assumes them in the passing from one festival to another (e.g., 6:4; 11:55). Another view, however, seems more likely. Many commentators think «four months, then the harvest» was probably a proverb otherwise unknown to us. 5620 The proverb might mean, «Labor hard in sowing now, and in four months we shall reap.» Egyptians harvested grain four to five months after plowing, 5621 and the interim between sowing and reaping in Palestine ranges from four to six months. 5622 It is also possible that some treated the length of four months until the harvest as an excuse not to labor in the present; farmers could relax and feast more in winter. 5623 The image should not have been unfamiliar elsewhere in the Mediterranean, whether or not the proverb was known; although some planting was in the fall, most was in the spring, 5624 and in most of the Mediterranean grain usually ripened in early summer. 5625 The exact timing is less certain and less important; part of this depends on whether Jesus envisions the barley harvest (more easily seen as «white») or the wheat harvest. 5626 The nearness of the harvest after sowing may also imply eschatological abundance, as in Amos 9:13; 5627 Jesus elsewhere used harvest as an end-time image (Matt 9:37–38; 13:39; Mark 4:29 ; Luke 10:2), as did some of his contemporaries. 5628 When Jesus calls on his disciples to «lift their eyes» (4:35; cf. 6:5; 17:1), he employs a regular Semitic idiom for «look» (e.g., Gen 13:10, 14; 18:2; 22:4, 13; 24:63–64; 43:29 ; Jer 13:20 ). 5629 |
| 5885 Sib. Or. frg. 7. 5886 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167. 5887 Alexander son of Numenius Rhetores graeci 3.4–6 (Grant, Religions, 166); PGM 13.843; Iamblichus Myst. 7.2. The highest good had to be self-sufficient (Aristotle N.E. 1.7,1097B). 5888 E.g., Aristotle Heav. 1.9, 279a.l l-b.3; Pyth. Sent. 25; Marcus Aurelius 7.16; Plutarch Isis 75, Mor. 381B; Maximus of Tyre Or. 38.6; in Jewish sources, Let. Aris. 211; 3Macc 2:9; Josephus Ant. 8.111; Ag. Ap. 2.190; Philo Creation 100; Acts 17:25. On sources of Philós portrait of God " s transcendence, see Dillon, «Transcendence.» 5889 E.g., 2 Bar. 21:10; Pesiq. Rab. 1:2; «who lives forever» (e.g., Tob 13:1, ζν …); for the " liv-ing God,» cf., e.g., Marmorstein, Names, 72; Rev 7:2; also Deut 5:26 ; Josh 3:10; 1Sam 17:26,36; 2 Kgs 19:4, 16; Ps 42:2; 84:2 ; Isa 37:4,17; Jer 10:10; 23:36 ; Dan 6:20, 26 ; Hos 1:10 ; Matt 16:16; 26:63; Acts 14:15; Rom 9:26 ; 2Cor 3:3; 6:16; 1 Thess 1:9; 1Tim 3:15; 4:10 ; Heb 3:12; 9:14; 10:31; 12:22. 5890 Tob 13:1,6; 1Tim 1:17 ; 1 En. 5:1; 25:3,5; Sib. Or. 1.45,50,53,56,73,122,152,167,232; 3.10, 276, 278, 302, 328, 582, 593, 600–601, 604, 617, 628, 631, 698, 717; 8.428; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167; Philo Creation 100; Good Person 20; Ps.-Phoc. 17; T. Ab. 15:15A; 2Bar. 21:10; CI] 1:489, §677; cf. Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351E; PGM 13.843. 5891 Sib. Or. 3.15–16; cf. Plutarch Ε at Delphi 17, Mor. 392A. 5892 PGM 4.640–645 (Betz, Papyri, 50). 5893 To others God commits temporary, limited political authority (19:11) or the authority to become his children (1:12), but only to Jesus does God entrust authority over all humanity (17:2). 5894 For refutation, see Brown, John, 1:215, whom we follow here. 5895 For the admonition not to marvel along with provision of evidence, cf. 3:7–8; probably 6:61–62; for the principle, see Mark 2:9–11 . 5896 E.g., Apocr. Ezek. introduction. 5897 Also, e.g., Hanson, Gospel 52. 5898 Bailey, Poet, 62, sees a chiastic structure, but if one is present, it is highly asymmetrica1. |
| 7581 Haenchen, John, 2:58, cites the «narrow, stone-strewn paths» in much of Palestine, apart from Roman roads. Having depended heavily on flashlights for traversing such paths in the dark in rural Nigeria, I can testify to the difficulties where lighting was unavailable. 7582 Outsiders to the community naturally walked in darkness, i.e., did evil (1QS 4.11). Tannaim could apply an expression such as «The fool walks in darkness» ( Eccl 2:14 ) to the theologically foolish, e.g., those who did not consistently agree with one of the Pharisaic schools (f. c Ed. 2:3). 7584 Brown, John, 1:423. Ancients debated whether light entered or came from the eye (cf. Aristotle On Sense and Sensible Objects 2, 438ab; Aulus Gellius 5:16; Diogenes Laertius 9.7.44; Plutarch T.T. 1.8.4, Mor. 626C; Jos. Men. 6:6/3; cf. Allison, «Eye»; perhaps Matt 6:22–23). 7585 See Bernard, John, 2:378. Nevertheless, the claim that Lazarus was merely nearly dead (Bretherton, «Lazarus») violates the story line (11:39) and its theology (11:25). 7587 Where it is one of the most frequent expressions: CIJ 1:8, §3; 1:12, §17; 1:17–19, §§16–20; 1:21, §24; 1:26, §35; 1:28, §37; 1:31, §44; 1:34, §50; 1:37, §55; 1:39, §§62–63; 1:41, §69; 1:56, §81; 1:59, §85; 1:60, §86; 1:62, §88; 1:63, §90; 1:65, §92; 1:66, §93; 1:67, §95; 1:70, §99; 1:71, §100; 1:72, §102; 1:73, §103; 1:74, §105; 1:75, §106; 1:76, §109; 1:78, §111; 1:81, §117; 1:84, §121; 1:90, §129; 1:92, §131; 1:92,§132; 1:95,§136; 1:96, §137; 1:97, §138; 1:102,§144; 1:103,§145; 1:104,§146; 1:105, §147; 1:107, §149; 1:109, §151; 1:110, §152; 1:111, §154; 1:113, §§156–157; 1:114, §159; 1:118–19, §167; 1:121–22, §169; 1:121, §171; 1:124, §172; 1:130, §180; 1:131, §§184–185; 1:135, §192; 1:195, §277; 1:202, §286. 7588 CIJ 1:144–45, §206; 1:149, §210; 1:150, §212; 1:160, §224; 1:162, §228; 1:187–88, §265; 1:338, §458; 1:473, §658; 1:473, §659 (with Hebrew also); 1:473, §660. But some Latin inscriptions have this stereotypical phrase in Greek (CIJ 1:163, §229; 1:166, §222; 1:338, §459; 1:342–43, §464; 1:384, §523). |
| 19 Amy Clampitt, Archaic Figure (London: Faber & Faber, 1988), 18. 20 For an exhaustive discussion of the reconciliation of these five divisions, see Thunberg (1965), 396–454. 21 For a much fuller discussion of the cosmic role of the humanity of Christ, see Heinzer (1980), 149–61. 22 See Riou (1973), 123–200. 23 This second part is sufficiently detailed for it to be possible to reconstruct the sequence of the liturgy of Maximus’ day, as has been done in Brightman (1896), 534–9. 24 For a brief account of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, see Louth (1989), 52–77. GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS 1 I owe this information to the kindness of B.Markesinis, who is working on the critical edition of the Opuscula. 2 Psa. (LXX) 1–8=Psa. (Heb.) 1–8; Psa. (LXX) 9=Psa. (Heb.) 910; Psa. (LXX) 10–112=Psa. (Heb.) 11–113; Psa. (LXX) 113=Psa. (Heb.) 114 115; Psa. (LXX) 114=Psa. (Heb.) 116:1–9; Psa. (LXX) 115=Psa. (Heb.) 116:10–19; Psa. (LXX) 116–145=Psa. (Heb.) 117–146; Psa. 146 (LXX)=Psa. (Heb.) 147:1–11; Psa. 147 (LXX)=Psa. (Heb.) 147:12–20; Psa. (LXX) 148–150=Psa. (Heb.) 148–150. 3 I have often been content with Migne references, especially where (as with the modern critical edition of Denys the Areopagite) these references are given in the modern editions anyway. LETTER 2: ON LOVE 1 There is a French translation of this letter in Dalmais (1948), but I have not been able to consult it. 2 Cf. Rom. 13:10 and Matt. 22:40. 3 The incensive power. 4 ‘That which is within our power’ (to eph’imin): see Amb. 10, n. 122. 5 Gnomi. 6 Maximus was later, during the Monothelite controversy, to retract this way of putting the unity of will and inclination between God and the saints: see Opusc. 1:33A, where he retracts his reference to ‘one activity of God and those worthy of God’ (Amb. 7:1076C). 7 stoicheion: element or principle. 8 One of the ‘Chalcedonian’ adverbs. 9 Logos and tropos. 10 This paragraph seems to be based on the idea, found in Philo, that the name Abraham means ‘elect father of sound’, signifying the good man’s reasoning: see below Amb. 10.45 and n. 126. |
| 4 . De gratiarum actione infirmi art Deum et in Job., 331–42. 5 . De gratiæ communicatione et presbyteris, 341–50. 6 . De iis qui laqueis impliciti pereunt, 349–54. 7 . De neomeniis et sabbatis et non observandis vocibus avium, 353–58, 8 . De commemoratione sanctorum, 357–62. 9 . De epulatione, З6З-66. 10 .De Christi nativitate, 365–72. 11 .De baptismo, 371–80. 12 .In Matt., XI, 3, Tu es qui... exspectamus, 379– 84 . 13–15. Vide Eusebius Emesenus, 1–3. 16 .De die Dominica (G.) 413–22. 17 .In Parasceven= " Chrysostomus, 62, 721–4. 18 .In Resurrectionem=id., 61. 733–8. l9. In Ascensionem=id., 64, 45–8. 20 .In secundum adventum=id., 61. 775–8. 21 .De eleemosyna, in divitem et Lazarum, 88 I, 423–52. 22 . De astronomis, 451–02. Vila antiqua auctore Joanne, 297–310. Notitia G., 293–8; М. 287–92 cum indice ser-monum græco-latinö M. Monitum, 309–14. Vide EUSEBIUS EMESENUS. EUSEBIUS CÆSARIENSIS Pal. episc, s. IV, 19–24. I. HISTORICA: Chronicorum libri duo (M,), 19, 101–598. [ Fc. 1–2 in appendice chronici paschalis, 92, 1053–8, fortasse SEVEBI.] Appendix. 1, Samuel Aniensis (M.), 19,599–742; 2, Veterum scriptorum opuscula chronologica et astronomica (Petavius), 743–1460. Index analyticus, 1461–66. Vide Samuel Aniensis, Geminus. Ptolemæus, Achilles Tatius, Hipparchus Bithynus, Theo-dorus Gaza, Maximus, Isaacus monachus, Andreas Cretensis, Aetius. Historia ecclesiastica, lib. 1–10, 20, 45–906. H. Valesii præfatio, 9–28. P. de Marca Henrico Valesio, 29–44. De vita Constantini, lib. 1–5 (Valesius), 905–1316; (liber 5=Constantini oratio ad sanctorum co_etum, 1233–1316. De laudibus Constantini (Valesius), 1315–1440. De vita S. Pamphili (AA.SS.) 1441–56, (Monitum, 1439–42.); 10, 1533–50. De martyribus Palæstinæ liber (Valesius), 1457– Antiquorum martyriorum collectio (Iriarte et AA.SS.) 1519–36. Ordo episcoporum Romæ, Alexandriæ, Antiochiæ et Hierosolymæ, juxta Eusebium, 1549–50. Index nominum, 1549–64. Index analyticus, 1563–76. Epistola 1 ad Cæsarienses (Montfaucon) 1535–44. -- 2 ad Constantiam Augustam 1545–50. |
| Recognizing that the level of threat was no longer that of mob violence (8:59; 10:31, 39) but premeditated and planned violence (11:53), Jesus stopped the «public» ministry he had begun in 7:4–14 (11:54; see comment on παρρησα in 7:4). 7739 God would protect Jesus until his hour (7:30; 8:20), but Jesus would also cooperate with his Father " s plan to do so. In 11Jesus continued to «remain» (cf. 10:40; 11:6; 12:24) in the wilderness (cf. the new exodus theme in 1:23; 3:14; 6:39,49), again no longer walking in Judean territory because of his enemies (as in 7:1). Some think that «Ephraim» (11:54) was in Samaritan territory, hence that Jesus took refuge there with his friends from Samaria (4:40). 7740 This is possible, though probably only the former Palestinian Jewish Christians in the community would understand the geographical allusion. 7741 That Jesus withdrew from «the Judeans» to find refuge in «Ephraim,» often a name for the northern kingdom in the biblical prophets (especially Hosea), may have struck more of them. That «the Jewish festival of Passover was near» (11:55) recalls the earlier Passovers in the Gospel, announced in almost identical words (2:13; 6:4). Both previous Passovers in the story became occasions for severe conflict (2:15–19; 6:66), and the earlier Gospel tradition reserves the paschal announcement for the passion week ( Mark 14:1,12 ; Matt 26:18). Most significantly, however, the reader knows from previous depictions of feasts that Jesus goes to Jerusalem for such feasts (e.g., 2:13; 5:1; 7:2, 10; 10:22); unless Jesus goes secretly (7:10), he is about to return to the place where Judeans have been wishing to kill him (5:18; 7:1; 8:59; 10:31; 11:8,53). Even if one approached the Gospel unaware of the passion tradition (and most of John " s original audience would not), one would recognize that, barring divine intervention (7:30; 8:20), his «hour» was soon at hand (12:23, 27; 13:1). Many went to Jerusalem early to «purify themselves» before the festival (11:55; cf. 2:6; 3:25). Like other pilgrims, they probably joked and made merry on the way. 7742 But Diaspora Jews in particular would want to arrive early to purify themselves ritually; many could do it nowhere else (cf. Acts 21:24, 26; 24:18). 7743 Many, especially those with corpse impurity, would need to arrive at least a week early. 7744 Jesus needed no further purification (cf. 10:36), but nevertheless is near Jerusalem several days before the festival (12:1). |
| By the criterion of embarrassment, Jesus» betrayal by Judas (6:71) is surely historica1. Knowledge of abandonment by one close to a person could generate scandal and mass abandonment. 6287 Perhaps due to outside polemic against the tradition, the evangelists seem embarrassed by it and have «to explain that Jesus knew all along, or at least in advance, that Judas would betray him (Matt. 26.25; John 6.64,71 and frequently in John).» 6288 John may amplify this emphasis in response to polemic from the synagogue: some, aware of Judas " s role in the passion tradition ( Mark 14:10 ; cf. perhaps 1Cor 11:23 ), may have used it to contest Jesus» omniscience (cf. 2:23–25). 6289 Then again, John could simply anticipate such a charge; 6290 in any case, it is not an unlikely charge. It could be seen as dishonorable to fall prey to others» deception and treachery. Thus Josephus stresses that he released his opponents unharmed when they promised to stop opposing him–even though he knew that they would break their promises (Josephus Life 263). 6291 But John may also emphasize Judas to emphasize the danger of apostasy to disciples who appear to have persevered so far; at some point the Johannine community faced a large number of defectors whose secession shook the confidence of others ( 1 John 2:19). 6292 The emphasis on «the Twelve» would increase the heinousness of his betrayal 6293 but would also increase this sense of warning. 6294 Twelve was associated with a variety of symbols in antiquity, 6295 including astrological ones, 6296 but these prove far less relevant than a nearer context. Historically, Jesus probably chose «Twelve» disciples to symbolize the remnant of Israel, 6297 much as the Qumran community did. 6298 (Many other teachers had more disciples than twelve, especially over the course of time. Rabbinic tradition, e.g., emphasizing the small immediate circle of Johanan ben Zakkai, may emphasize mainly the brightest students who became great teachers in their own right.) 6299 That one of those «chosen» in some sense is here lost (6:70; cf. 6:44) sounds a firm warning to members of John " s audience who trusted too securely in their salvific status, although Jesus ultimately foreknew those who would persevere (cf. 13:18; 15:16, 19). (Compare Mark 13:22 : false prophets would lead astray even the «elect,» if that proved possible.) |
| John is calling his audience to a full confession of resurrection faith: Jesus is God in the flesh, and therefore his claims cannot be compromised, for synagogue or for Caesar. John will settle for no faith less secure than this. Further, while Thomas " s faith by sight is accepted, the faith without sight expected of John " s audience is greater (20:29; cf. 2Cor 5:6–7 ; 1Pet 1:8 ). It is grounded in the beloved disciplés testimony sampled in the Gospel (20:30–31), confirmed to hearers by the Paraclete (15:26–16:15). 10778 E.g., Ellis, Genius, 297–98; Minear, «Functions.» The «signs» include the resurrection chapter (esp. 20:27, 29) but also the rest of the «signs» in this Gospel (with, e.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 336). 10779 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 196; Cicero Fin. 5.32.95–96; Or. Brut. 40.137; Polybius 39.8.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 32; Thucyd. 55; Musonius Rufus 6, pp. 54.26–56.11 (esp. 54.26; 56.7–11); Aelius Aristides Fifth Leuctrian Oration 43–44; Rhet. Alex. 36,1443b.l5–16; 1444b.21–35; 37, 1445b.21–23; Hippolytus Haer. 10.1; Anderson, Rhetorical Theory, 181–82; less fully, cf. Matt 28:18–20; Rom 16:17–19 . Of course, open or abrupt endings also appear, as in Mark 16 (see our comments on Mark 16:9–20 above, on the resurrection tradition). 10780 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Cleonymus 48, out of fifty-one paragraphs. Often they come at the conclusion of the proofs, though this might be near the work " s end (Cicero Quinct. 28.85–29.90), possibly relevant here; they could also conclude a section (Xenophon Hel1. 3.5.25, ending book 3; 4.8.19, ending only some events; Polybius 2.71.7–10, esp. 2.71.7–8; Cicero Fin. 3.9.31; Quinct. 19.60). 10781 Aeschines Timarchus 111. After his closing summary (Polybius 39.8.4–6), Polybius adds only closing comments (39.8.7–8). 10782 Achtemeier, «Miracle Workers,» 176. Even if redactional, Homer " s claim that Aeneas would rule the Trojans (Il. 20.303–308) is pre-Virgil and virtually invited the sort of development one finds in Virgil Aeneid. 10783 E.g., Valerius Maximus 2.7.5; 3.8.ext.l; Musonius Rufus 10, p. 78.22. Epideictic bards might also complain that time provided the only limit on their praises (Pindar Nem. 4.33–34; O1. 2.95; Pyth. 4.247–248; cf. Heb 11:32). In many oral genres, one should limit onés examples (Menander Rhetor 2.4, 393.25–30). 10787 Dionysius of Halicarnassus Thucyd. 55; Isaeus 19–20; Demosth. 42,46, 58; Lit. Comp. 11. More detailed discussion might await another occasion, but he needed to use most wisely the space that he had (Demosthenes 32; Isaeus 14); he wanted to avoid wasting the reader " s time (Demosthenes 40). |
| Though Justin hailed from Neapolis, he provides little data; but some have suggested the discovery of a Samaritan-Christian synagogue (see Dion and Pummer, «Note»). 5236 Cf., e.g., CP] 3:103, §513; 3:105, §514; Kraabel, «Evidence»; Van der Horst, «Diaspora»; in Thessalonica, Levinskaya, Diaspora Setting, 156; Llewelyn, New Documents, 8:148–51, §12. 5238 The need for such an explanation as 4suggests «that the reader has had little or no dealings with Jews, or Samaritans either» (Culpepper, Anatomy, 218). In other gospel traditions, see Matt 10:5; Luke 9:52; 10:33; 17:16. 5240 Scott, Customs, 199. Cf. also Christian elements in MacDonald, Samaritans, 419ff., passim. Thus the danger of reading Samaritan influence in other documents, whether John or the Qumran Scrolls (e.g., Ford, «Influence»). 5242 Some writers consider the Samaritans syncretistic (e.g., Reicke, Era, 27–30), but often so were popular Judaism and Christianity. For Samaritan phylacteries and amulets, see Gaster, Studies, l:387ff.; cf. also Di Segni, «Toponym.» 5244 E.g., Josephus Ant. 15.292–296; Strabo Geog. 16.2.34. On Herod " s palace there, see Barag, «Castle»; for his temple to Caesar, Josephus War 1.403; Ant. 15.298. 5245 A divine title in PGM 4.640; perhaps L.A.B. 16:5; T. Ab. 17:11A; p. Meg. 1:9, §17; Luke 22:69; 1Cor 1:24 . «Powerful one of God» would be a more subdued claim (Jos. Asen. 4:7), but Simon claims to be an epiphany (see Ramsay, Discovery, 117–18; Haenchen, Acts, 303). 5246 See Casey, «Simon,» 151–63; Munck, Acts, 305–8. Such a pagan male/female dyad the tradition suggests appears in other polemical sources (e.g., Irenaeus Haer. 1.1.1; Pesiq. Rab. 20:2) and may reflect ideas prevalent among Samaritans influenced by Sebastés paganism (see Flusser, «Goddess,» 18–20). 5247 Attempted hellenization began there as early as 2Macc 6:2, but as in Jerusalem, its success was probably qualified. 5248 Fortna, «Locale,» 83. Olsson, Structure, 143–44, notes the movement but thinks that Jesus» homeland is Jerusalem. |
| 1873 Wright, People of God, 457, argues that early Christians saw themselves as «the continuation of Israel in a new situation,» but not as ethnic Israe1. On our view, the Jewish Christians, like the Essenes, saw themselves as the faithful remnant within Israe1. 1874 See at length Keener, «Pneumatology,» 330–49; more briefly, idem, Background Commentary, 262–63; cf. also WTiitacre, John, 226: «the insinuation «the supposed true Jews.»» 1875 Reversing charges was a standard debate technique; see Plato Apo1. 35D; Cicero Or. Brut. 40.137; Rose. Amer. 30.82–45.132; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 24; Matt 12:24, 45. 1876 Keener, «Pneumatology,» 330–49; idem, Background Commentary, 262–63; though I argued this earlier, neither of my works was widely circulated in academic circles, so we arrived at the conclusion independently. 1877 De Boer, «Jews,» 278. He believes that this led to John " s audience ultimately abandoning the title while seeking to remain faithful to their heritage (p. 279). 1879 Cicero Brutus 292 traces the use of irony back to Socrates» dialogues in Plato, Xenophon, and Aeschines. It was certainly common enough in satire and in debate (e.g., Plato Sophist passim; Dio Chrysostom Or. 31.9–10; Plutarch Stories and Poets 4, Mor. 1058c; Apuleius Metam. 3.4–6; Tertullian Apo1. 40.2; forensic speech in Cicero Verr. 2.5.10.25), but also occurred in interpersonal hostile exchanges (Achilles Tatius 6.12.1); for Jewish examples in the Greek language, see, e.g., Josephus Life 340; Ag. Ap. 1.295 (though sarcasm also had a long history in Israelite tradition, e.g., 1 Kgs 18:27). For more nuanced and detailed pictures of ancient irony, see esp. Duke, Irony, 8–12; ÓDay, Revelation, 12–19; Anderson, Glossary, 39, 108. 1880 Cf. similarly the definition in Rowe, «Style,» 128–29 (citing, e.g., Demosthenes Ag. Androtion 22.32; Cicero Cat. 1.1.2). 1881 Duke, Jrony, 14–16. Ancient narrators, unlike some modern ones, were always reliable and gave reliable clues to irony (pp. 29–30). |
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