| 4399 If anything, the primary link, as in 7:37–39, is with Sukkoth and an emphasis on the Spirit «dwelling» among believers. 4405 Isaeus Estate of Pyrrhus 79; Estate of Ciron 9, 20. On wedding customs, see Keener, «Marriage,» 685–86; wedding feasts, e.g., in Xenophon Eph. 1.8; 3.5; Philostratus Hrk. 54.8; Matt 22:2; Rev 19:9. 4406 ÓRourke, «Law,» 181. But even in Roman weddings the mother decked the bride out, and the bride separated her toys for childhood deities (Friedländer, Life, 1:234); such frugality as Lucan C.W. 2.352–353 recounts is exceptiona1. Roman weddings were also joyous celebrations (Appian R.H. 3.4.7). 4410 " Abot R. Nat. 4 A; 8, §22 B; cf. also b. Ketub. 17a, in Safrai, «Home,» 758, and Urbach, Sages, 1:608. 4414 Even Romans would honor one who placed the demands of religious rituals above affection for onés family, though this may be because of their emphasis on duty to the state (Valerius Maximus 1.1.10; cf. Deut 13:6–10 ). 4416 E.g., t. Ber. 2:10; 4Q545 line 6; Brown, John, 1:97–98, cites Judg 14:12 ; Tob 11:19. Feasting during the night of the wedding itself may have been the most significant; cf. Eickelman, Middle East, 174, on traditional Middle Eastern weddings (Catullus 61.112, 192–193, insists that Roman weddings must be consummated on the first day). 4417 Safrai, «Home,» 760, citing especially t. Ber. 2:10, which emphasizes the participation of the shoshbinin (see on John 3:29 ) and the participating guests, the «sons of the wedding-canopy» (bene chuppah). Thus Haenchen, John, 1:174, is mistaken in denying that anyone would know the wine was different on the assumption that all guests were coming and going. 4419 E.g., Chariton 3.2.10; Menander Rhetor 2.6, 404.17 (perhaps hyperbolically); cf. Matt 22:3–10; Luke 14:21; Diodorus Siculus 16.91.4; 16.92.1; stele in Sherk, Empire, 33. 4420 E.g., the splendid and costly wedding of Josephus Ant. 13.18–21 (marred by a massacre); Phaedrus 1.6.1. For wedding invitations, see, e.g., P.Oxy. 1487; cf. similarly invitations to other banquets, P.Oxy. 112; 1214; 1485; 2147. An ideal banquet setting might prefer nine or less people (Aulus Gellius 13.11.2–3), but this was irrelevant for weddings. |
| 4204 Gen. Rab. 95 (MSV). 4205 M. Ketub. 13:10; 5:6, cited in Safrai, «Home,» 763. It is not clear that all Jewish teachers in the first century would have felt obligated to follow the rulings of the schools, but by the period of Akiba and his disciples, this would be a standard ruling followed by all in the rabbinic movement, unless exceptions could be made for particularly extensive Torah study. 4206 Although the condition of spouses is not mentioned, stories like that of Hillel, a Babylonian immigrant, nearly freezing to death sitting in the window to hear Shemaiah and Abtalion may reflect such a practice. 4207 In drawing on the widest range of ancient sources for Jesus traditions, we look for broader cultural patterns mediated through Palestinian Judaism; we do not imply that Jesus was a «Jewish Cynic» (pace Crossan, «Cynic»; Mack, Myth, 67–68, 87 n. 1; see Eddy, «Diogenes»; Witherington, Sage, 117–45; Keener, «Critique»). Jesus» movement began in rural Galilee and only later spread to Hellenistic urban areas (cf. Schmeller, «Weg») where Cynics might be known; indeed, what later Judean rabbis seemed to know about Cynics (Luz, «Cynic») does not encourage the view that they were well understood in Judea. 4208 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.22 (LCL 2:132–33). 4209 Diogenes Laertius 6.2.36. 4210 Diogenes Laertius 7.1.22. 4211 Diogenes Ep. 38 (Cyn. Ep. 162–63). The rabbis more frequently tell such stories with regard to conversion to Judaism (e.g., Sipre Num. 115.5.7), which more strictly parallels philosophical conversion than adopting a Jewish teacher would have. 4212 Diogenes Laertius 6.5.87, citing Diodes (LCL 2:90–91). 4213 Diogenes Laertius 6.2.21. 4214 Diogenes Laertius 6.2.75–76 (LCL 2:76–79). Cf. 1Sam 19 for an Israelite example of a similar phenomenon with regard to the Spirit of prophecy. 4215 Matt 8:21–22; Luke 9:57–62; Mark 10:29–30 ; Matt 19:29; Luke 18:29–30. The particular demand of the dead burying their dead may involve secondary burials (cf. McCane, «Dead»). |
| The water of the pool of Bethesda, like the ritual water in most of the preceding chapters, is ineffectual, leaving a man paralyzed for thirty-eight years until Jesus comes to heal him. While the water of such a pool would not be used in official Jewish ritual, its significance on a popular level must have been great. We lack multiple attestation of the account, but the healing of the lame (which signifies the messianic era in Isa 35and was not performed by OT prophets) is consonant with the Jesus tradition (Matt 11/Luke 7:22; Matt 15:30–31; 21:14). 5718 More critically in this case, its close knowledge of Jerusalem, confirmed by a pre-70 record from Qumran, as well as the probable attestation of a healing cult at the cite, suggests the authenticity of the basic story. 5719 What we do have multiple attestation for is the frequency of Jesus healing persons, sometimes on the Sabbath ( Mark 3:2–5 ). It is also not surprising that, given Jesus» activity on the Sabbath, we also have controversies between Jesus and other interpreters of biblical Sabbath law. 5720 1. Jesus, Not Bethesda, Heals (5:l-9a) 1A. The Occasion (5:1,9) «After these things» (μετ τατα) is a rather indefinite (though frequent Johannine) chronological marker, 5721 and John " s mention of «a Jewish feast» does not clarify matters substantially beyond this; for him, both Passover (6:4) and Tabernacles (7:2) are called «the Jewish feast.» The unidentified feast of 5has been identified with Purim, 5722 Pentecost, 5723 Tabernacles, 5724 or perhaps Rosh Hashanah, 5725 since many early manuscripts omit the article. If «the feast» is read, Sukkoth is surely in view; 5726 but since no special associations with Sukkoth appear (unlike John 7–9 ), it is probable that the «feast» is simply an explanation for why Jesus has returned to Jerusalem, since he makes the journey to Jerusalem only for the feasts (cf. also 2:13; 10:22–23; 12:12). That John does not specify the particular festival, however, but merely uses it to locate Jesus in Jerusalem is probably deliberate. |
| The two disciples are thus paradigmatic for disciples in John " s day. When the disciples ask where Jesus «dwells,» they are allowed to stay with him and learn as disciples; 4198 Johannine believers can dwell in Jesus» presence and learn from him continually (14:23,26). 4199 Just as the model disciples in the narrative «come and see» where Jesus «abides,» and then began to «abide» with him, so other disciples who follow Jesus will «abide» or «dwell» with him where he is (cf. 14:2,6,23; 15:4–10); only those who continue as Jesus» disciples will truly be his disciples (8:31). 4200 Those who «come and see» are those who experience Jesus for themselves (1:46, 50), and disciples can repeat the invitation first offered by Jesus (1:46; 4:29). 2B. Testing Would-Be Disciples Not only did Jesus sometimes make it difficult for would-be disciples to follow him; sometimes he thrust them aside (Q material in Matt 8:19–22; Luke 9:57–62), especially if they held high worldly status ( Mark 10:21–22 ; Matt 19:21–22; Luke 18:22–23). 4201 In the same way, the Johannine Jesus is particularly hard on Nicodemus and the wealthy official of Antipas (3:3, 10; 4:48) and to a lesser extent on members of his family (2:4; 7:6–8)–on those who would be most likely to assume their right of access to him (contrast his inviting treatment toward the Samaritan woman). But Jesus probably thrust aside or made matters difficult for prospective disciples for the reason other ancient popular teachers did: to test the would-be student " s real willingness to become a learner, challenging a disciple to recognize the need to sacrifice. The sacrifice of following a traveling teacher like Jesus could be demanding. Although disciples usually studied with local teachers, remaining with their wives during study, this may not have always been the case, even in formal rabbinic schooling reported in second-century sources. 4202 An epideictic story of Rabbi Akiba, whether wholly or only partly apocryphal, reflects the views of this period: having returned home after years of study, he heard that his wife was willing to be apart from him for as many more years, for the sake of learning–whereupon he returned to his studies and came back to her at their completion with an abundance of disciples. 4203 Similarly (perhaps due to the transfer of the story from Akiba), R. Simeon ben Yohai and another rabbi were said to have left their families for thirteen years to study under Akiba. 4204 While these examples may represent patent exaggerations–Tannaitic law forbids leaving ones wife for more than thirty days to engage in Torah study 4205 –they may indicate that despite rulings of first-century schools prohibiting long-term abstinence, some Jewish men would go to study with famous teachers of the Law. 4206 It is at least clear that those who circulated these traditions about Akiba and his disciples viewed such sacrifice as laudatory. |
| 3540 Richardson, Theology, 45, regards this «peculiarly Johannine» πιστεουσιν εις τ νομα as a probable «reference to the baptismal confession of faith in Christ " s name»; cf. Dodd, Interpretation, 184. Philo may employ «the Name» as a title of the Logos (Confusion 146, in Longenecker, Christology, 43), but the title usually applies to God himself; early Christians, however, transferred it to Jesus (Longenecker, Christology, 45–46). «Believe into» may reflect the varied use of prepositions in Koine, though Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 14–15, suggest antilanguage for an antisociety. 3541 Speaking in another " s name was acting as that person " s messenger or traditionary, e.g., «Abba Saul said in his [R. Johanan ben Zakkaís] name [literally, from his name, ]» (m. " Abot 2:8). Believers are also forgiven «on account of Jesus» name,» i.e., through his merit ( 1 John 2:12). 3542 Bultmann, John, 58. Cf. corporate apotheosis in Hellenistic texts in Tabor, «Sons,» though even Paul, like John, reflects more Jewish concerns (Israel " s future glory in the prophets and Jewish corporate eschatology). 3543 Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.6 (through rational communion with deity); 1.19.9. 3544 Diogenes Laertius 7.147; Epictetus Diatr. 1.3.1; 1.6.40; 1.9.4–7; 1.13.3–4; 1.19.12; 3.22, 82; Alexander 15 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 180D; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274B; Macrobius Sat. 4.5,4 (citing Virgil Aen. 6.123; Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 226); Musonius Rufus 18a (112.23–25L/96.1–3H; in Van der Horst, «Musonius,» 309). 3545 Homer Il. 2.371; 3.276,320,350,365; 16.458; Od. 14.440; Hesiod Theog. 457,468,542; Scut. 27; Op. 59,169; Sophocles Ajax 387; Euripides Medea 1352; Aristophanes Clouds 1468–1469. Cf. the exposition of Homer in Cornutus Nat. d. 9 (Grant, Gods, 78). For much fuller documentation, see Keener, Matthew, 217, on Matt 6:9. 3546 Zeus in Diodorus Siculus 1.12.1; Babrius 142.3; Orphic Hymns 15.7; 19.1; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.241; Virgil Aen. 1.60; 2.691; Georg. 1.121, 283, 328; Apollo in PGM 1.298, 305; Ouranos in Orphic Hymns 4.1; Herakles in Orphic Hymns 12.6; Janus in Martial Epigr. 10.28. For much fuller documentation, see Keener, Matthew, on Matt 6:9. |
| They continued to distinguish this biblical God " s identity from all other realities. 2590 Later Judaism became far more precise in its definition of monotheism, perhaps under the influence of Maimonides» use of Aristotelian metaphysics learned from Muslim Arabs (which affirmed a monotheism so rigorous that it could define even divine attributes as entities distinct from the Deity). 2591 Flusser, an Israeli scholar, is probably correct in his contention: «On the one hand, Christology developed from Jesus» exalted self-awareness and from what happened to or was believed to have happened to Jesus and, on the other hand, from various Jewish religious motifs which became connected with Jesus Christ.» 2592 2. Wisdom Christology Although John uses some other Jewish images, he focuses on Christ " s deity from Wisdom Christology (1:1–18), 2593 a Christology found in probably pre-Pauline formulas (e.g., 1Cor 8:6 ; 2594 Phil 2:6–7 ; 2595 Col 1:15–17), 2596 of which Paul plainly approves, 2597 and in Matthew and probably Q (Matt 11:28–30; 2598 23:34; Luke 11:49; cf. Matt 11:19; Luke 7:35), and nowhere clearly challenged in extant records of the early church. Nor is Pauls application of Wisdom language to Jesus merely symbolic, as if he did not wish to convey Jesus» preexistence; 2599 Paul would not risk compromising monotheism in a Hellenistic environment certain to interpret him literally, if he did not mean his words literally. 2600 As some scholars have noted, Enlightenment rationalists must pursue «naturalistic explanations» for the disciples» faith, but Jesus appears as divine Wisdom already in Paul and the Synoptics. 2601 Indeed, Paul shows us that preaching of a divine/wisdom Christ precedes Mark " s adaptation of the Greco-Roman biographic form to appeal to Gentile audiences accustomed to the sort of narrative structure Mark provides. 2602 I have argued elsewhere that these stories would be accurately preserved; 2603 but the church " s central proclamation was a briefer outline of the salvific story, and in that story Christ was no mere mortal (e.g., Acts 2:21, 38; 22:16; 1Cor 8:6; 12:3 ; Phil 2:6 ). |
| The cry «Hosanna!» renders the Hebrew of Ps 118:25 , 7820 and similar Hebrew cries for salvation could address kings ( 2Sam 14:4; 2 Kgs 6:26); coupled with the branches (see below), this suggests that the crowds hoped for him as a king or national deliverer. 7821 Hence he is «king of Israel,» as Nathanael recognized (1:49). In John " s Gospel this royal expectation recalls 6:15, but on this occasion Jesus does not retreat, for his hour of enthronement on the cross is approaching. Ironically, the leaders of his people will claim no king but Caesar (19:15). 3. Scripture Fulfilled (12:14–16) The disciples did not recognize the allusion to Zech 9:9 7822 until after Jesus» death and resurrection (12:14–16), 7823 obvious as it may seem in retrospect. 7824 If extant later sources may reflect ideas circulating in the late first century, they suggest that this verse was understood messianically in early Judaism. 7825 Most ancient Mediterranean hearers would honor the image of a ruler who was merciful and kind to his enemies. 7826 John " s special touch is evident even in the details. It was not an unusual practice to abbreviate a narrative by omitting intermediaries, 7827 as Matthew seems to do on some occasions (Matt 8/Luke 7:3–4; Matt 9/ Mark 5:35 ); thus no one will be alarmed that Jesus himself «finds» the donkey (12:14), in contrast to the fuller version in the probably more widely circulated version of the passion week ( Mark 11:1–6 ). 7828 After all, even in that version, Jesus was ultimately responsible for locating the donkey ( Mark 11:2 ). But what is most theologically significant is that in John " s language Jesus finds the donkey–just as he gives the sop (13:26) and in other ways shows himself sovereign over the details of the Passion Narrative. That the disciples did not understand at first fits John " s version of the Messianic Secret. After Jesus» glorification, the Spirit would come (7:39) and cause the disciples to remember Jesus» message (14:26); his glorification thus allowed the disciples to recall Jesus» action and understand it in light of Scripture here (12:16). John had earlier offered a similar comment about the disciples after the resurrection remembering Jesus» costly zeal for the temple (2:22). The repetition suggests a key hermeneutical point for John: the biblical record and Jesus» ministry and glorification should be read in light of one another, led by the Spirit who continues his presence. 4. Immediate Responses to Jesus» Entry (12:17–19) |
| Итак, само основание критики серьезно пошатнулось. Конечно, и сегодня есть ученые, которые считают, что евангелист зависит от синоптиков. Однако в этом случае, необходимо сразу указывать на то, что это уже маргинальная точка зрения, имеющая в своей основе не конкретную работу с текстом, а только собственные доктринальные представления. Естественно, сразу после того, как в кругах библеистики начала меняться научная парадигма относительно зависимости текста Иоанна от синоптиков, появились работы, в которых отстаивалась контекстуальная зависимость. Но тут, в чисто научном плане, исследователям приходится становиться на гораздо более зыбкую почву. И попытки провести контекстуальную зависимость особого распространения не получили, по той простой причине, что особо таковую обнаружить так же не удалось. Везде евангелист Иоанн обращается с деталями как власть имеющий. Напр. (1) ( John 1.40–42 ; cf. Mark 3.16 ; Matt. 16.18) (2) (John é.30–32; cf. Mark 8.1 if.) (3) ( John 6.67, 70 ; cf. Mark 3.16 ) (4) ( John 13.2, 27 ; cf. Luke 22.3) (5) ( John 9 .6L; cf. Mark 8.22–26 ) (6) ( John 4.44 ; cf. Mark 6.4 ) (7) ( John 12 .39L; cf. Mark 4.12 ) (8) ( John 12.25 ; cf. Mark 8.35 ) (9) ( John 13.20 ; cf. Matt. 10.40, Mark 9.37 ) (10) ( John 13.16 ; cf. Luke 6.40). И ладно было бы, ecdiv smyleлu автора можно было поймать на простой фальсификации, так нет, совсем наоборот, к тем сведеньям, которые отличны от сведений синоптиков, сегодня относятся более чем серьезно. То, что за Евангелием стоит солидная историческая традиция сегодня не станет отрицать НИКТО. Как подытожил этот вопрос Реймонд Браун: “И поныне находятся авторы, которые утверждают, что четвертое Евангелие нельзя рассматривать как серьезное свидетельство об историческом Иисусе, однако они представляют собой тип некритических традиционалистов, время от времени воскресающий даже в инославии”. Но, как не парадоксально, в этом случае автор (с большей или меньшей неизбежностью) становится очевидцем событий не имеющим нужды в каких-то текстах для того, что бы говорить о произошедших событиях. И что самое интересное, – в таких, на первый взгляд, противоречивых сообщениях, как напр. о дне празднования Пасхи (а я говорил уже в другой теме, что нет особой нужды видеть тут противоречие) большинство современных библеистов склоняются к хронологии четвертого Евангелия. В частности, даже данные астрономии (учитывая соотношение между лунным и солнечным календарями) говорят о том, что 14 нисана приходилось на пятницу в 30 и 33 годах (две самые принимаемые даты распятия Христа), в то время как на четверг только в 26 и 37. Впрочем, об этом, думаю, мы поговорим как-нибудь отдельно. |
| 7267 Alciphron Farmers 16 (Pithacnion to Eustachys), 3.19, par. 1–2; this remains common today in some African towns where I have stayed. Either the robber or the homeowner might be bound (Xenophon Anab. 6.1.8; Matt 12:29); a homeowner could kill a thief if he came at night or armed (Cicero Mi1. 3.9; Exod 22:2; Eshnunna 13; cf. Eshnunna 12). 7273 Phaedrus 4.23.16; 2Cor 11:26 ; m. Ber. 1:3; b. c Abod. Zar. 25b; Ber. lia; B. Qam. 116b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:6; Gen. Rab. 75:3; Exod. Rab. 30:24; cf. sources in Friedländer, Life, 1:294–96; Hock, Context, 78 n. 19; Tannaitic sources in Goodman, State, 55. In ancient romances, robbers also carried off young women (Achilles Tatius 2.16.2; 2.18.5; 3.9.3). 7275 E.g., Horace Ep. 1.2.32–33; Apuleius Metam. 8.17; 1 Esd 4:23–24; Sib. Or. 3.380; Josephus Ant. 14.159–160,415,421; 20.5,113,124; Life 105; Treat. Shem 6:1; 7:20; b. Sanh. 108a; Lev. Rab. 9:8. The poor may have been less frequent targets (Dio Chrysostom Or. 7, Euboean Discourse, §§9–10). 7278 MacMullen, Relations, 2, and many sources cited in his notes; he compares the dogs with those outside many contemporary Anatolian villages, «able to tear a man in pieces.» They often targeted wolves (Longus 1.21), but dogs could prove faithful to their masters (Appian R.H. 11.10.64; Sei. Pap. 3:460–63 in 3 B.C.E.; Xenophon Mem. 2.3.9; Plutarch Themistocles 10.6; p. Ter. 8:7; cf. some tamed in Xenophon Eph. 4.6; 5.2; one surprisingly tame in Philostratus Hrk. 2.2). 7280 E.g., Aristophanes Wasps 952; Virgil Georg. 3.406–408; Phaedrus 3.15.1; Babrius 93.3–11; Plutarch Demosthenes 23.4; Valerius Flaccus 1.158–159. 7282 Against the masses (κλπτοα και λωποδτοα, Epictetus Diatr. 1.18.3, though he thinks them just misled; cf. ληστς in 1.18.5) or those who think they control the body (Epictetus Diatr. 2.19.28). 7283 Cicero Phi1. 2.25.62 (rapinas); technically it was the duty of governors to suppress robbers (Plutarch Cicero 36.4). 7284 The exception might be a use for someone deceptive and cunning (Xenophon Cyr. 1.6.27), which could be positive toward onés enemies (1.6.28). That Jesus is a «good thief» here (Derrett, «Shepherd»; cf. Matt 24:43) is highly unlikely; that the lack of identification of Jesus with the thief would make the parable early (Robinson, Studies, 72, who wrongly makes the tradition of Rev 3:3; 16late) is likewise unlikely. |
| 7345 The Jerusalemite Pharisees Jesus addresses (9:40–10:4), and the probably urban first recipients of the Gospel (cf. Rev 1:4,11), may have thought instead of the more common literary images of flocks (cf., e.g., Keener, Matthew, 452); perhaps Jerusalemites thought of temple flocks (see some commentators on Luke 2:8). 7351 Ovid Metam. 14.778; Statius Achilleid 1.704–708. So also thieves (Catullus 62.34–35; Lewis, Life, 123; Matt 24:43). 7353 Babrius 132.1–4 (presumably the danger of being trapped inside with dogs and shepherds functioned as a deterrent). 7355 Hegesippus claimed that James the Lord " s brother called Jesus θρα (Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 2.23.12–19); if this tradition is independent, it supports the antiquity of the christological title (see Carson, John, 389). Augustine rightly links 10:7–9 with 14and contends that Jesus is the only way to salvation (Tr. Ev. Jo. 47.3.3). 7358 The opportunity for suicide (Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.20; 1.25.21; 2.1.19; 3.8.6); other opportunity (Plutarch Reply to Colotes 3, Mor. 1108D; cf. 1QS 11.9); dreams of closed doors were inauspicious (Chariton 1.12.5). 7361 With, e.g., Bruns, «Shepherd,» 388; too quickly dismissed by Bernard, John, 2:355. Tg. Neof. on Deut 33suggests that Moses would also go forth before his people, leading them in the future world. But the image applied to any shepherd/leader (1 Kgs 22:17; 2 Chr 18:16). 7362 Bailey, «Shepherd Poems,» 7, focuses on the village homés court and thinks animals would have to be led out to pasture even in winter. 7363 Cf. Jesus» present leading in 16:13; future (as a shepherd) in Rev 7:17. In Aeschylus Eumenides 91, Apollo promises that Hermes will guide Orestes safely, like a shepherd (ποιμανων). 7371 Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 110. Winter approaches as Jesus speaks these words in the story world (7:2; cf. 10:22–23), but this would probably exercise little influence on how John " s audience imagines the pasturing. 7374 Longus 3.3 (addressing Lesbos, farther north, but relevant in the Judean hills; shepherds and goatherds generally remained in the hills–Babrius 91.2; Matt 18:12); cf. Babrius 45.2–3. |
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