| 5831 See Neyrey, «Shame of Cross,» 126–27. Any honor claim was open to challenge (cf. Pilch, «Lying,» 132). 5832 Apollodorus 1.9.7; Maximus of Tyre Or. 29.4; 35.2; Meeks, «Agent,» 43; cf. Philós complaint about Gaius in Meeks, «Agent,» 55; Boring et a1., Commentary, 267–68, cites Josephus Ant. 19.4; Suetonius Calig. 22. 5833 Pilch, «Ribs»; contrast Matt 11:19/Luke 7:34. McGrath, «Rebellious Son,» argues that Jesus responds here to the charge of being a rebellious son ( Deut 21:18–21 ). 5834 Longenecker, Christology 137 n. 58, also finds Jesus» deity in 5:18; 10:33. 5835 E.g., SB 3924 in Sherk, Empire, 61; Germanicus deflects others» claims of his divinity (reflecting Tiberius " s insecurity that ultimately led to Germanicus " s death). 5836 1Macc 2:24–27, 50; 2Macc 4:2; Josephus Ant. 12.2; 1QS 9.23; Gal 1:14 ; Acts 22:3. See more fully the comment on John 2:17–22 . 5837 Lightfoot, Gospel, 149; esp. Dodd, More Studies, 31; a common analogy (e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 84.8); on the imitation of God in ancient literature, see Keener, Matthew, 205; Vermes, Religion, 201–4. It is, however, doubtful that Jesus intends his sonship here generically (pace Dodd, More Studies, 31; Jeremias, Theology, 60). 5838 Dodd, More Studies, 33, 36–38 (also contending that apprenticeship functioned as a sort of adoption). The form of Jesus» claim, a negation followed by an affirmation, appears elsewhere in the Jesus tradition (cf. Dodd, More Studies, 39; Luke 6:40; 8:16; 11:21–22; 12:47–48). The father-son analogy was not the only possible one; followers could also imitate (μιμεσθαι) what they saw a leader do (ερων ποιουντα, as Cyrus commands in Xenophon Cyr. 8.6.10); Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 116, suggest the patron-and-broker analogy for 5:21. 5839 See Odeberg, Gospel, 204–5, though the parallels in the third-century work 3 Enoch (10:4–5; 11:1–3; ch. 16; 48:10, 20 C) are so close that one suspects dependence on Johannine tradition. 5840 Burridge, Gospels, 208. 5841 The LXX employs a term foreign to John " s vocabulary here, but the sense is compatible. |
| 5982 E.g., Lev. Rab. 22:6, although this is late; Musonius Rufus frg. 45, p. 140.1 (πειρζων), 8–9 (δοκιμαστριω); cf. other forms of testing in Iamblichus V.P. 5.23–24; 17.71; and sources in Keener, Matthew, 476. 5984 Andrew and Philip appear together not only here (6:5–9) but also in 1:40–44 and 12:21–22. Their geographical origin (1:44) and perhaps kinship would have connected them, but greater precision on the matter is no longer possible. 5985 Estimates vary. If Frier, «Annuities,» is correct, the average per capita income in the early empire was about 380 sestertii, which translates (cf. Perkin, «Money,» 407) into roughly a quarter denarius per day. 5986 Tob 5:14; White, «Finances,» 232; Stambaugh and Balch, Environment, 79; Lachs, Commentary, 334; Perkin, «Money,» 406. 5987 One report from impoverished rural Egypt indicates that pay totaled «two loaves of bread a day, i.e., roughly half a kilogram per person» (Lewis, Life, 69); cf. Plutarch Love of Wealth 2, Mor. 523F. 5988 John refers to the number of νδρες, men (cf. Matt 14:21). Often men alone were counted (e.g., L.A.B. 5:7; 14:4), hence John " s tradition does not report the number of women and children (and unlike perhaps Josephus, some ancient writers were disinclined to invent numbers, recognizing also the tendency of some oral sources to inflate them; Thucydides 5.68.2). Thus we cannot estimate how many would have followed into the wilderness. 5989 Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 24.5.1–2 allegorized the five loaves as the five books of Torah (on bread as Torah, see comment on 6:32–51; but to be consistent, he also allegorized the two fish as the priest and king). 5990 Lads occasionally elsewhere served as protagonists; cf., e.g., T. So1. passim (e.g., 22:12–14); the story line in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 18:5. Although they represent distinct pericopes, John " s dependence on 2 Kgs 4:42–44 suggests to some that he derives the «lad» (παιδριον) from 2 Kgs 4:38,41 LXX. 5991 As in the story of two disciples who shared their food with an old man in p. Šabb. 6:9, §3; or the man who shared his cart with vestal virgins in Valerius Maximus 1.1.10. |
| When Jesus connects obedience with love, biblically literate Jewish hearers would immediately think of the associations between obeying God " s commandments and loving God (Exod 20:6; Deut 5:10; 7:9; 10:12; 11:1, 13, 22; 19:9; 30:16 ; Neh 1:5; Dan 9:4 ; Sir 2:15 ; 4Q176 frg. 16, line 4). Some might also recall wisdom tradition: love (αγπη) is the keeping (τρησις) of Wisdom " s laws (νμων; Wis 6:18). 8736 Jesus speaks of «having» and «keeping» the commandments. Jewish teachers debated whether knowing or doing Torah took precedence, but all agreed that both were necessary (see comment on 7:17). Given the abundance of ancient literature, it is not difficult to find other examples of selective revelation (14:21; cf. Acts 10:41). Thus, for example, Odysseus and the dogs witnessed Athene, but Telemachus could not (Homer Od. 16.159–163); perhaps more relevant, Apollo appears only to the good (who must also be great, not lowly; Callimachus Hymns 2 [to Apollo], 9–10); likewise, on his peoplés behalf, God reveals his glory to all except his people (3Macc 6:18). Some teachers also warned that their most special teachings were only for a select group, like initiates in the Mysteries. 8737 Nevertheless, Jesus» selective revelation (14:21) has roots in the historical Jesus tradition (e.g., Acts 10:41; cf. Mark 8:11–12 ; Matt 16:1, 21). The world is skeptical because Jesus does not manifest himself or his Father to the world (7:4) but only to his own (17:6); this takes the idea of a messianic or kingdom secret to a new (and more chronologically extended) leve1. But on the theological level, Jesus» selective revelation especially conforms to his identity in this Gospel; Wisdom was not manifest (φανερ) to the masses (Wis 6:22); likewise, in wisdom tradition, God becomes manifest (εμφανζεται) to those who do not disbelieve in her (Wis 1:2). 8738 Another allusion might have impressed itself more quickly on John " s first audience, however; as 14echoed Moses» request to be shown the Father, so might Judas " s desire to understand how only the disciples would receive the revelation in 14:22. 8739 |
| 3533 1 En. 6(if Semyaza means «he sees the Name»); cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 7 (citing 1 Chr 13LXX; m. Ber. 4:4; Yoma 3:8); Bowman, Gospel, 69–98, esp. 69–77. «The Name» appears as a title for Christ in Jewish Christian theology (Daniélou, Theology, 147–63; on 150 he finds this even as early as the NT: John 12with 17:5; Jas 2:7; 5:14). 3535 Isa 29:23; Ezek 39:7 ; 1 En. 9:4; Sipra Emor par. 11.234.2.3; b. Pesah. 53b; Šabb. 89b; p. Sanh. 3:5, §2; Num. Rab. 15:12; prayer on Samaritan bill of divorce (Bowman, Documents, 328); cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:101–5; the «sacred letters» in Let. Aris. 98; cf. b. Šabb. 115b, bar.; Pesiq. Rab. 22:7; engraved on Israel " s weapons, Song Rab. 5:7, §1; 8:5, §1. One may also compare Matt. 6and its sources in the Kaddish and the third benediction of the Amidah (the latter is called «the sanctification of the name,» m. Roš Haš. 4:5); eschatological sanctification of the Name in Ezek 28:22; 36:23; 38:23; 39:7 ; and see comment on John 17:6, 17, 19 , below. 3536 E.g., Sir 23:9 ; Josephus Ant. 2.276; Sib. Or. 3.17–19 (probably pre-Christian); 1QS 6.27–7.1; m. Sanh. 7:5; t. Ber. 6:23; Ecc1. Rab. 3:11, §3; cf. Lev. 24:11,16 ; b. Sanh. 60a, bar.; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 268–69 (for alleged exceptions in the temple service, see m. Sotah 7:6; Sipre Num. 39.5.1–2; Marmorstein, Names, 39; Urbach, Sages, 1:127; cf. Lemaire, «Scepter»); among the Samaritans, see Jeremias, Theology, 10 n. 1. The Qumran sectarians often wrote the Tetragrammaton in Paleo-Hebrew letters (probably to show it special honor, but cf. Siegal, «Characters,» comparing the rabbinic teaching), as did early Greek OT manuscripts (see Howard, «Tetragram»). 3538 E.g., Pr. Jos. 9–12; Lad. Jac. 2:18; Incant. Text 20.11–12 (Isbell, Bowls, 65); 69:6–7 (Isbell, Bowls, 150); CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:486, §674; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168; T. So1. 18:15–16 (the Solomonic tradition recurs in b. Git. 68a; Num. Rab. 11:3); Smith, Magician, 69; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 6:7; Apoc. Ab. 17:8, 13; examples in Deissmann, Studies, 321–36; Nock, Conversion, 62–63; MacMullen, Enemies, 103; Knox, Gentiles, 41–42. Cf. the namés power in Pesiq. Rab. 21:7; Urbach, Sages, 1:124–34; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 269; in Jewish mystical experience, see Scholem, Gnosticism, 32–33. Name invocation was common practice (e.g., Apuleius Metam. 2.28; 3.29; Twelftree, «ΕΚΒΑΛΛΩ,» 376; Koester, Introduction, 1:380). |
| 9474 The emphasis throughout this prayer on the unity of believers probably points to a need for unity among believers in, and in the proximity of, John " s audience (cf. Käsemann, Testament, 57). 9475 Cf. Minear, «Audience,» 345, 348. 9476 Robinson, Coming, 179, thinks this the Johannine equivalent of worldwide evangelism in Mark 13:10 ; Matt 24:14. 9477 Sectarian groups tend to be cohesive; for comparison and contrast between unity here and that in the Qumran Scrolls, see de Wet, «Unity.» 9478 This is not to attribute to Greeks an individualistic concept that transcended group loyalties; see Martin, «Ideology.» 9479 Heraclitus Ep. 9; Babrius 15.5–9; Herodian 3.2.7–8; Yamauchi, Archaeology, 164–65; Ramsay, Cities, 115; cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 1.36.2–3; Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.4; Gen. Rah. 34:15. 9480 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.53.1; Livy 2.33.1; 5.7.10; 24.22.1, 13, 17; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.46; Musonius Rufus 8, p. 64.13; Maximus of Tyre Or. 16.3; Menander Rhetor 2.3, 384.23–25; some thinkers even applied this globally (cf. Whitacre, John, 417; Keener, Revelation, 341). In early Christianity, cf. 1Cor 1:10; 11:18–19 ; Phil 2:1–2; 4:2 . 9481 Babrius 85. 9482 Valerius Maximus 2.6.8 (spoken to children and grandchildren by one about to die, as in testaments). 9483 E.g., Homer I1. 1.255–258; Livy 2.60.4; 3.66.4; Sallust Jug. 73.5; Herodian 8.8.5; Babrius 44.7–8; 47. 9484 E.g., Homer Od. 1.369–371; Iamblichus V.P. 7.34; 9.45. 9485 E.g., Sallust Jug. 73.5; Plutarch Sulla 4.4; 7.1; Aulus Gellius 6.19.6; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 4.1; 25 (Atticus), 7.1–11.6. 9486 See esp. Winter, Philo and Paul, passim. 9487 E.g., Aulus Gellius 17.4.3–6; Plutarch Cimon 8.7. Note the need for self-defense in most of Terencés prologues (e.g., Lady of Andros 1–27; Self-Tormentor 16–52; Eunuch 1–45; Phormio 1–23; Mother-in-Law 1–57; Brothers 1–25) and in Phaedrus 2.9.7–11; 3.pro1.23; 4.pro1.l5–16. 9488 See Valerius Maximus 4.2 passim. 9489 For the parallelism, see, e.g., Brown, John, 2:769; Appold, Motif, 157, though the alleged parallel between 17and 17is unconvincing. |
| 3567 E.g., Matt 6:9/Luke 11:2. The alleged Pompeiian evidence (Botha, «Prayer,» 43) is not, however, compelling (see Baines, «Square»). 3568 Jeremias contends that the use of «Abba» for God was unique to Jesus until passed on to Jesus» followers (Jeremias, Prayers, 57; followed also by Bruce, Time, 21–22); Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 210–11, cites b. Ta c an. 23b to the contrary, but if the tradition there is pre-Christian, it is still parabolic and rare rather than vocative and standard (as apparently with Jesus; cf. already Klausner, Jesus, 378). Whether Christians learned «Abba» from Jesus» example ( Mark 14:36 ) or from an Aramaic address in the Lord " s Prayer (e.g., Ridderbos, Galatia, 158; Hunter, Predecessors, 50; for the Lord " s Prayer in Aramaic rather than Hebrew, see Jeremias, Theology, 188–89; idem, Prayers, 95–98; Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 19–20; but then why not include the common «Abba» in the prayer?) or experienced the cry ecstatically based on either tradition (Lull, Spirit, 67; cf. Aune, «Magic,» 1550) is disputed. 3569 Cf. also Paul on «adoption,» where he apparently follows the Roman concept of adoption attested by witnesses ( Rom 8:15–16 ); the custom is Greco-Roman, especially Roman, not Palestinian Jewish (Lyall, «Law»; idem, Slaves, 67–99; cf. Hester, Inheritance, 18–19, 59; Ramsay, Teaching, 203; Sanday and Headlam, Romans, 203; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 51; Deissmann, Studies, 239; idem, Paul, 174–75; Tarn, Civilizations, 101–2; on witnesses also to Roman wills, cf. Gaius Inst. 2.104–108; Justinian Inst. 2.10.6–11). Adoptive sons have the same legal standing as genetic sons (Gaius Inst. 2.136) and come under the father " s full authority (Gaius Inst. 1.97–117, cited in Lefkowitz and Fant, Life, 189–90, §194; cf. Lyall, «Law,» 466). 3570 See Pancaro, «People,» 126–27, who argues that «scattered children of God» is a double entendre for Diaspora Jews (the traditional sense John exploits here) and all those who believe, united in Christ. 3572 This is not to exclude the value of human effort once authorized; in Xenophon Oec. 7.27 God gave both genders equal βξουσαν to exercise self-contro1. Whitacre, John, 36,55, finds an antimony (a figure used by both Greek and Jewish writers) linking both divine election and human responsibility (with John Chrysostom Hom. Jo. 10.2); see our comment on 6:43–44 for Jewish thought on the matter. |
| 9309 Cf. Schlier, «Begriff,» 269, who says that the Spirit illuminates the work of Jesus in his glory. In Wis 8:3, Wisdom δοξζει, but the object is her own nobility. 9310 John Chrysostom believed that the Spirit would glorify Jesus by performing greater miracles, as in 14(Hom. Jo. 78). 9313 E.g., 1 En. 1:2; 72:1; 74:2; 75:3; Jub. 32:21; 3 Bar. 1:8; 5:1; 6:1; 4 Ezra 4:1; Rev 1:1; b. Ber. 51a; Ned. 20ab; cf. gnostic traditions in Paraphrase of Shem (NHL 308–28) and Hypsiphrone (NHL 453). It also appears in negative polemic ( Gal 1:8 ; Col 2:18), some of which reflects the Prometheus myth (b. Sabb. 88a; Gen. Rab. 50:9; 68:12; 78:2). 9314 T. Mos. 1:14; 3:12; Sipra Behuq. pq. 8.269.2.15; b. Ned. 38a; Acts 7:38; cf. Isaacs, Spirit, 130. Aelius Aristides claimed that Athena passed on what she received from her Father (37.4–7, in Van der Horst, «Acts,» 57). 9316 Cf., e.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.1.11 (Antisthenes); Achilles Tatius 3.10.4; 1Macc 12:23; T. Job 18(OTP 1:847)/18(ed. Kraft, 40). 9317 Diogenes Laertius 6.2.37 (LCL); cf., e.g., Crates Ep. 26–27 (to the Athenians); Anacharsis Ep. 9:12–14 (to Croesus). In early Christian literature, see, e.g., Sent. Sext. 228. See further the comment on 15:15. 9321 In the Q tradition cf. Matt 11:27; Luke 10:22; for Jesus passing to the disciples what he received from the Father, cf., e.g., Luke 22:29. 9322 Cf., e.g., Holwerda, Spirit, 132. Brown (John, 2:728) divides 16:16–33 into a chiasmus: prediction of a test and subsequent consolation (16:16, 31–33); intervening remarks of disciples (16:17–19,29–30); and promise of blessings to be enjoyed by disciples (16:20–23a, 23b-28). But the structure is too general to be clear, and remarks about a test and consolation appear elsewhere in the section (16:20–21). 9324 Pass, Glory, 233 (cf. also Westcott, John, 231–32; Phillips, «Faith,» 89; Derrett, «Seeing»), tentatively suggests a distinction between the two terms here «behold» (for bodily sight) and «see» (for spiritual vision); in view of Johannine usage, however, the terminological distinction cannot hold (see «vision» in our introduction; also Sanchez Navarro, «Acerca»). |
| In Memory of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste—A.D. 320 Commemorated March 9/22 Icon of the Holy Forty Martyrs of Sebaste The names of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste are Acacius, Aetius, Aglaius, Alexander, Angus, Athanasius, Candidus, Chudion, Claudius, Cyril, Cyrion, Dometian, Domnus, Ecdicus, Elias, Eunoicus, Eutyches, Eutychius, Flavius, Gaisus, Gorgonius, Helianus, Heraclius, Hesychius, John, Lysimachus, Meliton, Nicholas, Pholoctemon, Priscus, Sacerdon, Servian, Sisinus, Smaragdus, Theodulus, theophilus, Valens, Valerius, Vivanus, and Zanthias. When the pagan Licinius ruled the eastern half of the Roman Empire (307-323 AD), it was his evil intent to eliminate Christianity from the lands under his control, and especially, for fear of treason, among the troops. One of his supporters was a cruel man by the name of Agricola who commanded the forces in the Armenian town of Sebaste, in what is now eastern Turkey. Among his soldiers were forty devout Christians who wielded equally well the sword of battle and the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God (Eph. 6:17). These men formed an elite bodyguard. When it came to Agricola " s attention that they were Christians, he determined to force them to renounce their " faith and bow down to the pagan gods. He gave them two alternatives: " Either offer sacrifice to the gods and earn great honors, or, in the event of your disobedience, be stripped of your military rank and fall into disgrace. " The soldiers were thrown into jail to think this over. That night they strengthened themselves singing psalms and praying. At midnight they were filled with holy fear upon hearing the voice of the Lord: " Good is the beginning of your resolve, but he who endures to the end will be saved " (Matt. 10:22 ). The next morning Agrricola summoned them once again. This time he tried to persuade them by flattering words, praising their valor and their handsomeness. When the soldiers remained unmoved, they were again thrown into prison for a week to await the arrival of Licius, a prince of some authority. |
| 1100 Евангелист Марк перед этим сообщает о чудесном насыщении семью хлебами четырех тысяч человек (8:1–9), а после – о чудесных насыщениях пятью и семью хлебами и об исцелении вифсаидского слепого (8:19–26). Вместе с тем ев.Марк подробнее останавливается на стремлении врагов искусить Христа (ср. M.Lagrange. Évangile selon s.Marc., p.195–196). 1101 Ев. Марк 8:11 не сообщает о том, что фарисеи подошли к Господу вместе с саддукеями. Но в 8:15 он передает слова Господа: «берегитесь закваски фарисейской и закваски Иродовой», что позволяет нам заключить и о присутствии здесь иродиан, которые ( Мк.3:6; 12:13 ) выступают вместе с фарисеями как враги Господа (ср. подробнее у T.Zahn " а, Das Evangelium des Matthäus, s.533. Anm.44). 1102 См. еще о значении чудес как средства возбуждения истинной веры в Иисуса Христа – у А.И.Струнникова, Вера как уверенность по учению Православия, ч.I; по синоптикам с.61–93; по Евангелию от Иоанна – с.93–99 и по остальным книгам Нового Завета – с.99–104. Синоптические Евангелия, подробно свидетельствующие о чудесах Иисуса Христа, не менее служат доказательством Его божественности, чем Евангелие Иоанна, которое справедливо всеми признается как наиболее высокое, имеющее целью с первых слов вознести мысль читателя на крыльях орла к истине изначального рождения Сына Божия, благоволившего воплотиться. Обычно (см. об этом, напр., у проф.К.Г.Григорьева, Богосознание Спасителя, с.9; ср. С.Песчанский, Свидетельство Иисуса Христа о Своем Божестве, ст.5–6, 10) синоптическим Евангелиям не придают решающего значения в качестве свидетельства Божественности Господа Спасителя. Однако такое отношение к синоптическим Евангелиям в данном случае является лишь безосновательным произволом. Справедливо замечает, напр., K.Grass, что «различие между изречениями Иисуса у трех первых евангелистов и речами Его в Евангелии Иоанна заключается лишь в том, что в то время, как первые более или менее буквально передают мысли Иисуса, последнее дает их в форме выражений самого евангелиста» (K.Grass. Grundriss der Lehre Jesu, s.3. См.также и проф.К.Г.Григорьев. Богосознание Спасителя. Ср. еще проф.М.Э.Поснов, О личности Основателя Христианской Церкви). Весьма обстоятельно выясняет вопрос на основании всестороннего научного анализа так называемого " иоанновского места у синоптиков», т.е. Мф.11:27 (ср. Лк.10:22 ), римско-католический ученый Dr.H.Schumacher [H.Schumacher. Die Selbstoffenbarung Jesu bei Matt.11:27 (Luc.10:22)]. |
| 5213 Stauffer, Jesus, 70–71, thinks the parable of Luke 10 genuinely reflects Jesus» view toward Samaritans. 5215 Women " s support of movements tended to reflect negatively on those movements among their critics, including early Pharisaism (Sanders, Figure, 109; Ilan, «Attraction»); this potential for scandal militates against the invention of this tradition by later Christians (Witherington, Women, 117; Sanders, Figure, 109). 5217 See Keener, Matthew, 291; cf. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 174–75. God " s welcome to sinners does appear in early Judaism (e.g., Jos. Asen.; Dschulnigg, «Gleichnis»). 5219 E.g„ Bonneau, «Woman,» 1252; Glasson, Moses, 57; Nielsen, «M0det. " The editor of the three stories in the Pentateuch clearly intended them to be read together (e.g., briefly, Keener, «Interracial Marriage,» 8). 5220 The two wells were conflated in tradition (McNamara, Targum, 145–46). Brown, John, l:lxi, thinks John may cite Palestinian Targumim in 4:6, 12. 5223 Reportedly Tannaitic tradition in Exod. Rab. 1suggests that Moses rescued them from either rape or drowning. 5228 See our comments on authorship and redaction in the introduction, ch. 3; cf. esp. Johnson, Real Jesus, 100. 5229 Morris, Studies, 146–51; Witherington, Women, 58; Infante, «Samaritana»; cf. Fortnás comments on redaction of the pre-Johannine story («Locale,» 83). 5230 Witherington, Christology, 53–54, tentatively following Linnemann, «Taufer,» 226–33; cf. Stauffer, Jesus, 68–69. Jesus also withdrew from public opposition at various points in the Synoptic tradition (Matt 4:12; 12:15; 14:13; 15:21; Mark 3:7 ; Luke 9:10; 22:41; in John, 6:15). Because the transition in 4 " is very awkward,» it could indicate redaction at some stage (Perkins, Reading, 244). 5233 Freed, «Samaritan Converts»; idem, «Samaritan Influence»; Purvis, «Samaritans»; Buchanan, «Samaritan Origin.» Bowman, «Studies,» thinks John corrects Samaritan ideas. Pamment, «Samaritan Influence,» is right to question many of these arguments. 5234 Besides Lukés interest (Luke 10:33), later evidence may remain of the successes. |
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