Munich: Interview of Archbishop Mark of Berlin and Germany: " Attaining Church Unity is a Spiritual Podvig " Archbishop Mark of Berlin In late December 2005, an Orthodox Conference of the Diocese of Berlin and Germany of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia was held. Sergei Chapnin, Editor-in-Chief of Tserkovnij Vestnik [ " Church Messenger " ], participated in the Conference at the invitation of Archbishop Mark of Berlin and Germany. His Eminence spoke to him of the attitudes in the Russian Church Abroad, and about the work of the Synodal Commission on talks with the Moscow Patriarchate in an interview with Tserkovnyj Vestnik: -Your Eminence, at what stage are the talks between the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia and the Russian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate? Which problems have been resolved and which remain before the Commissions during this period before the convening of the All-Diaspora Council? - The Commissions of each Church examined all the fundamental questions set before us at the meeting of His Eminence Metropolitan Laurus and the delegation of our Church with His Holiness Patriarch Alexy and several members of his Synod. The following problems were on the agenda for years: the glorification of the New Martyrs, the relationship between the Church and state, Orthodoxy and ecumenism. In these areas we managed to achieve a great deal of complicated work. The fundamental positions were often diametrically opposed, but we still found a common tongue. As a whole, the hierarchies of both sides accepted the documents we prepared. I will note: this does not mean that the documents have been adopted by the entire Church, but by the hierarchies. In this regard I can immediately state what the desired conclusion of this process is: we foresee that the All-Diaspora Council will examine these documents and summaries of the work that was done, and only after this will the Council of Bishops make its decisions. Whether they will be adopted in the form we propose or whether changes will be required I cannot predict.

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Moreover (wholly aside from the question of John " s relation to Mark), Jesus changing Peter " s name is attested independently in a special Matthean source (Matt 16:17–18) and, in less detail, Mark ( Mark 3:16 ). 4230 That such significant words do not appear in the parallel Markan narrative may be explained either by their absence from Mark " s source at that point or by Mark " s portrayal of the original disciples in an ambiguous light; 4231 at any rate, this may represent a floating tradition not directly connected with Peter " s confession. 4232 (John is not particularly concerned with maintaining the original context of the saying, however; he reports even the confession in a context very different from that of Mark; cf. John 6:67–70 , where also Judas, rather than Peter, is called a devi1. 4233 Peter " s «you are» the holy one in 6may respond to Jesus» «you are Simon» in 1:42, though an earlier «you are» confession appears in 1:49; cf. 4:19; 11:27.) Despite the undoubtedly independent confirmation of the saying in two divergent sources, many scholars regard the name change story as inauthentic. Some view it as a prophecy, probably from the Petrine party, 4234 or offer still more speculative proposals; 4235 others more objectively argue for an originally purely Matthean construction based on the parallelism, 4236 but parallelism need not indicate even a later structure (cf. the Q form of the beatitudes and Jeremias on Jesus» Aramaic rhythm). Against their position one may point to the particularly heavily Semitic construction in Matthew " s language in that passage. 4237 Evidence also allows that Jesus would have spoken, in some saying (if not this one), of a future community, since most teachers trained disciples for this purpose; 4238 dependence on the Hebrew Bible and contemporary Qumran usage indicates the plausibility of Jesus» use of a term that could translate as «church.» 4239 Although many view the pronouncement as a postresurrection saying, 4240 this premise is unnecessary given Jesus» preparation for a future community (providing ethics for a community; provoking his own death in Jerusalem but– on our reading–viewing himself as the eschatological Son of Man and Lord at God " s right hand who would reign in the kingdom after his enemies were subjected).

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On Tuesday, March 18, 2014, Bishop Mark was elected by the members of the Holy Synod of Bishops of the Orthodox Church in America to fill the vacant Episcopal See of Philadelphia and Eastern Pennsylvania.  The election took place on the opening day of the spring session of the Holy Synod, at which Metropolitan Tikhon presided. Delegates to the Assembly of the Diocese of Philadelphia and Eastern Pennsylvania, held at Saint Nicholas Church, Bethlehem, PA on January 17, 2014, had nominated Bishop Mark, who had served as the Diocese’s Administrator since 2012, to fill the vacant See. His name was subsequently presented to the Holy Synod for canonical election. Born on June 22, 1958 in New Albany, IN, Bishop Mark was baptized at Our Lady of Perpetual Help Roman Catholic Church and confirmed at the age of nine years. He attended elementary school at Our Lady of Perpetual Help School and graduated from New Albany High School in 1976. He completed his Bachelor of Arts degree at Oral Roberts University, Tulsa, OK in 1985. In 1987, he was awarded a Master of Arts degree in Biblical Literature from Oral Roberts University, where he accepted the position of Adjunct Professor of Old Testament. Having been introduced to the Orthodox Church by the Archpriest George Eber, Pastor of Saint Antony Antiochian Orthodox Church, Tulsa, and his professors Dr. Jerry Sandidge and Dr. Howard Ervin of Oral Roberts University, he was received into the Orthodox Church through Holy Chrismation on Great and Holy Wednesday 1989. He attended Saint Vladimir’s Orthodox Seminary, from which he received his Master of Divinity degree in 1991. From 1993 until 1997, he was employed as a mental health worker at Mercy Psychiatric on a dual-diagnosis unit. On August 17, 1997, he was ordained to the diaconate. He was ordained to the priesthood on September 7, 1997, after which he was assigned pastor of Saint John the Evangelist Antiochian Orthodox Church, Beaver Falls, PA. Concurrently, he was engaged as a crisis worker in the emergency room at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, Aliquippa, PA. In January 2001, he was reassigned to Saint George Antiochian Orthodox Church, Grand Rapids, MI.

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Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe, 500-1453 (London 1971), pp. 301-5 and p. 404 (bibliography). In his longing for detachment Gregory was, however, less uncompromising than his friend Maximus of Kapsokalyvia, who – to avoid all sense of personal ownership – regularly burnt down his cell and moved elsewhere. Note on the sources of St Gregory of Sinai. The author quoted or mentioned by name in Gregory’s works by far the most frequently is John Climacus (13 references). After Climacus comes Isaac the Syrian (4 references); Mark the Monk (or Hermit) and Maximus the Confessor (3 references each); Ephraim the Syrian, Diadochus of Photice, Varsanuphius of Gaza (2 references each); Symeon the New Theologian (two references, one definitely and the other probably to ps.-Symeon, On Holy Prayer and Attention); Basil the Great, Abba Isaias, Hesychius, Thalassius, Philotheus of Sinai and Nicetas Stethatos (one reference each). It is interesting that there are no explicit references to the Macarian Homilies or to ps.-Dionysius. On this distinction between grace present secretly and unconsciously and grace perceived with full awareness, see Kallistos Ware, ‘The Sacrament of Baptism and the Ascetic Life in the Teaching of Mark the Monk’, in F. L. Cross (ed.), Studia Patristica, vol. x ( Texte und Untersuchungen 107: Berlin 1970), especially pp. 445-7. Ibid., 3 (1308A-B). Gregory is here referring to Mark the Monk or Hermit (early 5th century). The quotation is not exact, but the general idea recurs frequently in Mark: see De his qui putant, 56 (MPG lxv, col. 937D), 85 (944A); De bapt. (1001B), etc.; and compare Ware, art. cit., pp. 441-52. The same teaching on Baptism and the spiritual life is found in the Century of Kal listos and Ignatios Xanthopoulos, 4 and 6 (MPG cxlvii, cols 637D and 641C). Psalmodia, prescribed by Gregory for the 3rd, 6th and 9th hours of the day, probably includes the recitation of the Lesser Hours of Terce, Sext and None. There is no mention of the Midnight Office ( Mesonyktikon): possibly this is regarded as part of Orthros.

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Having finished his final 13-year exams in Frankfurt am Main in 1960, the future Vladyka Mark joined the military services of West Germany, where he spent a year and a half. He then reenlisted several times and reached the rank of senior lieutenant. In 1962, he enrolled in the Frankfurt University’s history/philology department, transferring later to Heidelberg University. There he specialized in Slavic and English, studying, in addition to Russian, Serbo-Croatian, Slovak, Czech, and Macedonian language and literature. He wrote his doctoral thesis on the topic “Biographical Literature of the Tver Kingdom of the XIV and XV Centuries.” Studying the Russian language led the young student to the Russian emigre community in Frankfurt. As a student of Prof. Dimitri Chizhevsky in Heidelberg, he would visit the ROCOR church in Mannheim dedicated to St Alexander Nevsky, where he converted to Holy Orthodoxy in 1964, soon being ordained a reader. Trips to Mt Athos, friendship with the Athos elders at Karoulia (Hiero-Schemamonk Seraphim and Hiero-Schemamonk Seraphim, Hiero-Schemamonk Nikolaos, and Schemamonk Nikodim), visits to St. Elias Skete and St. Panteleimon Monastery, where he came to know Hiero-Schemamonk Abel (now Archimandrite of St. John the Theologian Monastery in Ryazan) determined the spiritual path of this Doctor of Slavic Studies. His future scholarly work was then devoted to St. Philaret, Metropolitan of Moscow. In the fall of 1973, the future hierarch began studying theology in Belgrade University, where he graduated with a theology degree in 1979. His personal friendship with then out of favor Archimandrite Justin (Popovic) in Celije Monastery led him to the inner circle of the students of this Serbian Abbot, who were then hieromonks and now hierarchs of the Serbian Orthodox Church—Metropolitan Amphilohije,Bishop Atanasije, Bishop Artemije, Metropolitan Irinej. Ordained to the deaconate in 1975, the future Vladyka Mark soon ceased teaching Church Slavonic and ancient Russian language and literature in Erlangen, and halted his scholarly work, in favor of being tonsured into monasticim, which occurred in the summer of 1975 at Lesna Convent in France. Three days later, Fr. Mark was ordained a hieromonk and assigned as Deputy Rector of the Russian church in Wiesbaden. In the summer of 1976, by decision of the Synod of Bishops, he was elevated to the rank of archimandrite. Archbishop Paul (Pavlov, +1995), who was then Bishop of Stuttgart and Southern Germany, tonsured and ordained him. Archimandrite Mark ministered to three parishes—Wiesbaden, Darmstadt and Saarbrucken. He devoted himself to preserving the Tsarist-built churches of Germany and the renovation and expansion of the Russian cemetery near the Wiesbaden church, where he conducted the full cycle of monastic divine services, and began to gather and teach the local youth, while continuing to study theology and passing examinations in Belgrade.

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Trocmé, Formation   Trocmé, Etienne. The Formation of the Gospel according to Mark. Translated by Pamela Gaughan. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1975. Troster, «Quest»   Troster, Lawrence. «Journey to the Center of the Earth: Birkat Ha-Mazon and the Quest for Holiness.» Conservative Judaism 47, no. 2 (winter 1995): 3–16. Trudinger, «Fishes»   Trudinger, Pau1. «The 153 Fishes: A Response and a Further Suggestion.» ExpTim 102 (1990–1991): 11–12. Trudinger, «Ironies»   Trudinger, Pau1. «Subtle Ironies and Word-plays in John " s Gospel and the Problems of Chapter 21.» St Mark " s Review 162 (1995): 20–24. Trudinger, «Israelite»   Trudinger, L. Pau1. «An Israelite in Whom There Is No Guile: An Interpretive Note on John 1:45–51 .» EvQ 54 (1982): 117–20. Trudinger, « John 3:16 »   Trudinger, Pau1. «Jesus» " Comfortable Words» in John 3:16 : A Note of Disappointment to Some?» St Mark " s Review 147 (1991): 30–31. Trudinger, « John 21 »   Trudinger, Pau1. « John 21 Revisited Once Again.» DRev 106 (1988): 145–48. Trudinger, «Non-deity»   Trudinger, Pau1. «John " s Gospel as Testimony to the Non-deity of Jesus.» Faith and Freedom 48 (1995): 106–110. Trudinger, «Prologue»   Trudinger, L. Pau1. «The Prologue of John " s Gospel: Its Extent, Content and Intent.» Reformed Theological Review 33 (1974): 11–17. Trudinger, «Prophet»   Trudinger, Pau1. «A Prophet Like Me ( Deut. 18:15 ): Jesus and Moses in St. John " s Gospel, Once Again.» DRev 113 (1995): 193–95. Trudinger, «Text»   Trudinger, L. Pau1. «Some Observations Concerning the Text of the Old Testament in the Book of Revelation.» JTS NS 17 (1966): 82–88. Trudinger, «Women» Trudinger, Pau1. «Of Women, Weddings, Wells, Waterpots, and Wine! Reflections on Johannine Themes ( John 2:1–11 and 4:1–42).» St Mark " s Review 151 (1992): 10–16. Tsuchido, «Anti-Semitism» Tsuchido, K. «Is There Anti-Semitism in the Fourth Gospel? An Exegetical Study of John 11:45–54 .» Annual of the Japanese Biblical Instituten (1995): 57–72. Tuckett, History Tuckett, Christopher M. Q and the History of Early Christianity: Studies on Q. Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1996.

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Crucifixion victims often had wounds, and those who had been wounded often showed their wounds to make a point (see comment on 20:20); that Jesus did so stems from pre-Johannine tradition (Luke 24:39–40, though 24is textually uncertain). Soldiers who carried out crucifixions often used rope 10755 but also used nails through the wrists, 10756 which seem to have been used for Jesus (20:25, 27). Dibelius, noting that Matthew and Mark omit the piercing of hands and/or feet, which appears only as hints in the Easter narratives of Luke (24:39) and John (20:20,25,27), thinks the hints of piercing stem from Ps 22rather than historical recollection. 10757 But Dibelius " s skepticism on this point is unwarranted for several reasons: all four extant first-century gospels omit it in descriptions of the crucifixion (as well as many other explicit details, such as the height of the cross, shape of the cross, and other variables we must reconstruct secondhand); Mark and Matthew include the briefest resurrection narratives, Mark without any appearances, so one would not expect them to recount it there; and finally, Luke and John probably supply independent attestation of a tradition that predates both of them, yet neither allude clearly to Ps 22:17 . 10758 Putting hands into Jesus» wounds would convince Thomas that this was the same Jesus (see comment on 20:20); no trickery would be possible. 10759 John omits another tradition in which Jesus confirms his bodily resurrection by eating with the disciples (Luke 24:41–43), preferring the stronger proof of his corporal resurrection. 10760 In the third-century Vita Apollonii by Philostratus, Apollonius invites two of his disciples to grasp him to confirm that he has not, in fact, been executed; 10761 but the Christian resurrection narratives were widespread in the Roman Empire by the time Philostratus dictated his stories. 10762 2C. The Climactic Christological Confession (20:28–29) Ancient writers often used characterization to communicate points about «kinds» of people. Nicodemus was slow to believe (3:2; cf. 7:50) but eventually proved a faithful disciple (19:38–42). Likewise, Thomas had missed the first corporate resurrection appearance, which convinced most of his fellow disciples; given the problem with secessionists in some Johannine communities (1 John 2:19), his missing might provide a warning to continue in fellowship with fellow believers (to whatever extent Thomas " s fellow disciples had already been disciples and believers when Jesus first appeared at that point!) Nevertheless, Thomas becomes the chief spokesman for full christological faith here (20:28–29)–and the foil by which John calls his readers to a faith deeper than the initial resurrection faith of any of the twelve disciples (20:29).

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  Isa köp hassalary sagaldýar   (Mark 1:29-34;Luka 4:38-41)   14 Isa Petrusy öýüne geldi. Ol Petrusy gaýynenesini gyzzyrma tutup ýatanyny gördi. 15 Isa aýaly elinden tutan badyna, onu gyzzyrmasy aýryldy. Aýal ýerinden turup, Isa hyzmat etmäge balady. 16 ol gün agam Isany ýanyna arwah-jyn eýelän adamlary getirdiler. Ol hem bir söz bilen olardaky erbet ruhlary çykardy, eýle-de hassalary hemmesini sagaltdy. 17 unlukda, Iaýa pygamberi üsti bilen aýdylan u sözler berjaý boldy:   «Ol bizi hassalygymyzy Öz üstüne aldy, bizi dertlerimizi çekdi».   Isany yzyna eýermek   (Luka 9:57-62)   18 Isa dayna üýen köpsanly mähelläni görüp, ägirtlerine kölü beýleki tarapyna geçmegi buýurdy. 19 onda Töwrat mugallymlary biri gelip: «Mugallym, Sen nirä gitse, men hem Seni yzya düjek» diýdi. 20 Isa oa: «Tilkileri süreni, gulary höwürtgesi bardyr, ýöne Ynsan Ogluny bayny goýara-da ýeri ýokdur» diýip jogap berdi. 21 Onu baga bir ägirdi: «Agam, rugsat et, öürti gidip, kakamy jaýlaýyn» diýdi. 22 Emma Isa oa: «Meni yzyma dü, goý, ölülerini ölüleri özleri jaýlabersinler» diýdi.   Isa tupany ýatyrýar   (Mark 4:35-41;Luka 8:22-25)   23 Isa gaýyga münende, ägirtleri hem Onu yzyna düdüler. 24 Kölde birdenkä güýçli gaý turdy we gaýyk tolkunlara büreldi. Emma Isa uklap ýatyrdy. 25 ägirtleri Ony oýaryp: «Agam, bizi halas et! Biz heläk bolup barýarys!» diýdiler. 26 Isa olara: «Nämä gorkýarsyyz, eý, imany azlar?!» diýdi. Sora Ol ýerinden turup, ýele we köle käýedi welin, ol ýere doly ümsümlik aralady. 27 Olar haýran galyp: «Bu nähili Adamka, hatda ýel bilen köl-de Oa gulak asýar?» diýidiler.   Isa arwah-jynlary çykarýar   (Mark 5:1-20;Luka 8:26-39)   28 Isa kölü beýleki kenaryndaky gadaralylary ýurduna geldi. Ol ýerde Oa arwah-jyn eýelän iki sany adam du geldi. Olar gonamçylykdan çykyp gelýärdiler. Olary juda wagydyklary üçin, ol ýerden hiç kim geçip bilmeýärdi. 29 Birdenkä olar: «Eý, Hudaýy Ogly! Seni bizi bilen näme ii bar? Bizi wagtyndan ö gynamaga geldimi?» diýip gygyryyp baladylar. 30 ol wagt olardan uzagrakda ullakan bir douz sürüsi otlap ýördi. 31 Arwah-jynlar Isa ýalbaryp: «Eger bizi kowup çykarmakçy bolsa, onda bizi douz sürüsine iber» diýdiler. 32 Isa olara: «Bary!» diýdi. eýdip, olar adamlardan çykyp, douzlary içine girdiler. onda tutu douz sürüsi uçutdan aak zyyp, kölde paýyrdayp gark boldy. 33 Çopanlar gaçyp, ähere gitdiler. Olar arwah-jyn eýelän adamlara näme bolandygy baradaky wakalary hemmesini halka gürrü berdiler. 34 Onso äheri tutu ilaty Isa bilen duumaga geldi. Ony görenlerinde, özlerini äherinden gitmegini sorap, Isa ýalbardylar.

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27 Or. ad Pulch. 27:11, 27:19, 27:21–22, 28:18, 36:25, 40:18, 40:26, 43:11, 43:33–34, 45:5–6, 45:10, 47:24, 47:35, 49:1, 52:4–5, 54:1, 55:15, 56:31, 57:6–7, 57:22, 57:29, 58:2–3, 59:3, 59:24–26, 60:30. 28 Or. ad Pulch. 32:5, 32:27, 32:33, 36:35–36, 37:9, 38:37, 43:7, 43:10, 50:6–7, 54:36, 54:13–14, 56:38–57:1. 30 Or. ad Pulch. 27:10, 28:23, 29:11, 29:12, 32:36, 33:27, 33:30, 33:33, 37:16, 38:23, 39:25, 41:2, 41:10, 42:14, 42:22, 42:24, 46:1, 46:32, 47:5, 49:21, 50:9, 56:11, 56:37, 57:1, 57:9, 58:2, 58:7, 61:11. Также, следуя за Евр. 2, 14 , «плоть и кровь» (Or. ad Pulch. 30:23, 30:32–33, 32:26, 33:9, 35:2–3, 41:8). Само вочеловечение Слова и Его искупительные деяния именуется «домостроительством с плотью» (Or. ad Pulch. 33:20, 33:24, 33:30, 34:16, 40:3, 42:1–2, 43:12, 44:25, 45:10, 47:23–24, 49:18–19). Для свт. Кирилла, который опирается в этом на книгу пророка Иоиля ( Иоил. 2, 28 ), «плоть» означает не что иное, как всего че- ловека: Лоуо? усу ove σρζ, τοντστιν νθpornos κατ ye το εκχε ττο τον πνευμα, τς μον Ιπι πσαν σρκα (Or. ad Pulch. 27:32–33; cp.: Or. ad Pulch. 33:33–34, 38:32, 56:4). Впрочем, можно отметить, как некоторую непоследовательность его богословского языка, что в рассуждении против аполлинариетов «плотью» названа только часть человека, отличная от души (Or. ad Pulch. 58:36, 59:1–2). 31 Or. ad Pulch. 27:12, 29:34, 36:33, 37:16, 38:11, 39:1–2, 40:27, 57:8, 58:33. При этом уточняется, что воспринятое тело имеет разумную душу (Or. ad Pulch. 27– 12, 37:16,58:33). 32 O r. ad Pulch. 27:27, 27:32, 28:18, 29:10, 30:4, 30:33, 33:25, 33:34, 37:11, 38:11, 39:23, 39:34,40:12, 41:7,45:32, 46:3, 47:1,47:36, 53:1, 53:23, 54:37, 56:3, 58:33. Однако подчеркивается, что Христос – не обыкновенный ( απλς, φιλς, κοινς ) человек (Or. ad Pulch. 32:24–25, 33:9, 38:17–18, 38:31, 41:28, 43:1, 43:23–24, 43:31, 49:30, 49:32, 59:16). 33 Or. ad Pulch. 37– 10, 38:32, 39:23, 40:25, 55:5. Также «условия человечества», то της νθρωτττητος μτρος (Or. ad Pulch. 28:27, 29:33, 30:7, 31:35, 39:36–37).

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4225 See Maynard, «Peter»; cf. Watty, «Anonymity.» Comparisons do not always demean their inferior object (see comment on 13:23) 4226 Although John alone of all NT writers includes this Aramaic (see Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 13) term, some older scholars, convinced that the Gospel addressed Gentiles, asked why John translates the term into Greek (though that was the language of most Diaspora Jews); Westcott even suggested that John kept the term to guard against gnosticism (John, 25). 4227 Even Andrews precedence over Peter may reflect the tradition of Asiatic Christianity reported in Papias (Eusebius Hist. ecc1. 3.39.4, as argued by Dodd, Tradition, 304–5). 4228 Wolmarans, «Peter,» argues that John uses standard literary conventions of this period to portray Peter " s character, adapting them for Peter " s special characteristics. Matthew and Luke depend largely on Mark " s portrayal (Feldmeier, «Peter»), which may even go back to Peter (Hengel, «Problems,» 238–43). 4229 Ferguson, Backgrounds, 83; Watson, «Education,» 311; Jeffers, World, 256; independent farmers worked about one hundred days annually (Jeffers, World, 20), but their work overlapped with the school year. Some students studied with teachers only for several months (Cicero Brutus 91.315–316), but some apparently studied many years (Eunapius Lives 461), perhaps with little break (cf., e.g., the tale of Akiba, " Abot R. Nat. 6A). 4230 Brown, Donfried, and Reumann, Peter, 88, observes that John 1confirms the pre-Matthean tradition here; for discussion of that passagés authenticity, see Davies and Allison, Matthew, 2:609–15; Keener, Matthew, 423–30. 4231 See Ellis, Matthew, 128–29; Weeden, Mark, 43. One may also compare the thesis of Weber, «Petrus»; also idem, «Notes,» who suggests that Matthew " s interest in the OT wilderness community explains his preservation of the words as against Mark. 4232 Cf. Cullmann, «Πτρος, Κηφς,» 105, who rightly points out (at least from a Markan reading) that the Matthean beatitude interrupts an otherwise negative portrayal of Peter " s inadequate Christology. Certainly the whole narrative is exquisitely balanced in Matthew, however (see Meier, Vision, 118; idem, Matthew, 179). Feldmeier, «Excursus,» prefers the Markan portrait while not excluding all historical basis for other traditions.

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