| 3666 Cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus RA. 3.1.3 (μονογενς). Bernard, John, 1:23, Hoskyns, Gospel 149, and Roberts, «Only Begotten, " » 8, cite, e.g., Judg 11:34 ; Ps 35:17 ; Jer 6:26 ; Amos 8(cf. similarly Tob 3:15; 6:10, 14; 8:17; Luke 7:12; 8:42; 9:38; cf. Plato Tim. 31); technical exceptions include Heb 11:17; Josephus Ant. 20.19–22. They also cite non-Jewish examples in Plautus Captives 1.147,150; Aegeon Comedy of Errors 5.1.329; cf. similarly Du Plessis, ««Only Begotten,»» 30 n. 5 (on Plautus). 3667 Bernard, John, 1:23–24, and Roberts, «Only Begotten, " » 8, cite examples in Psalms (22:21; 25:16; 35:17). 3669 Sir 36:12 (πρωτγονος); Pss. So1. 18:4; 4 Ezra 6(also «only begotten,» OTP 1:536); cf. Jub. 19:29. Israel was beloved to God like an only child (Simeon ben Yohai in Exod. Rab. 52:5; Lev. Rab. 2:5; later rabbis, Song Rab. 5:16, §3; Israel as an only daughter, Song Rab. 2:14, §2; 3:11, §2). «Son» usually represents Israel in rabbinic parables (Johnston, Parables, 587). 3670 Bar 3:36–37 (γαπημνω); Pss. So1. 9(λας, öv γπησας); Jub. 31:15, 20; 4 Ezra 5:27; Rom 11:28 ; " Abot R. Nat. 43, §121 B; Sipre Deut. 344.1.1; 344.3.1; 344.5.1; Song Rab. 2:1, §1; 2:1, §3; Tg. Isa. 1:4. Sipre Deut. 97.2 interprets Deut 14as declaring that «every individual Israelite is more beloved before [God] than all the nations of the world» (trans. Neusner, 1:255). Different rabbis applied the title «most beloved [of all things]» variously to Torah, the sanctuary, or Israel (Sipre Deut. 37.1.3); for some rabbis, God " s love for Israel was the heart of Torah (Goshen Gottstein, «Love»). 3671 E.g., R. Ishmael (3 En. 1:8); Esdram (Gk. Apoc. Ezra 1[ed. Wahl, 25] ); articular if the article for «holy prophet» includes this, the κα being epexegetical); Sedrach (Apoc. Sedr. 3[ed. Wahl, 39]). Early Christian texts naturally transfer the title to Jesus ( Mark 1:11; 9:7 ; Matt 3:17: 17:5; Luke 3:22; Eph 1:6 ; Acts Paul 3:11Paul and Thecla 1; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 4[ed. Wahl, 30]). Ancients regarded being the «beloved of the gods» (θεοφιλς) a special privilege (Plutarch Lycurgus 5.3, LCL 1:216–17). |
| 916 For inscriptional evidence, cf., e.g., Inscriptions, ed. Carmon, 84, §183; 85, §§184–85. The literary evidence is, of course, pervasive. On the Qumran scriptorium and an evaluation of scholarly discussion on the Qumran «school,» see Culpepper, School, 156–68. 921 Meeks, Prophet-King, 144, cites Justin Dial 52.3 and Josephus Ant. 4.218. Cf. Acts 3:24; and the late reference Lev. Rah. 10cited in Bowman, «Prophets,» 208. 922 E.g., CD 8.20–21 (Baruch, Jeremiahs scribe, is promoted by analogy to Elishás Gehazi); Mek. Pisha 1:150–153; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 16:4; cf. Sipre Num. 93.1.3 (Moses sharing the Spirit). 923 Cf. the early Christian prophetic groups suggested in Aune, Prophecy, 195–98, 207; Hill, Prophecy, 88, although the evidence offered for them (especially in Revelation) is tenuous. 924 Culpepper, School, 188. Kugel and Greer, Interpretation, 53, suggest instead a broader similarity of school-like settings for OT prophet- and wisdom-guilds, which is more probable. 926 Pseudepigraphic devices like unreliable narrators were much less common in antiquity than today (Kurz, Reading Luke-Acts, 169–70). 928 Culpepper, Anatomy, 47. Aristotle praised Homer for his restraint in generally narrating or speaking as others without speaking in his own person (Aristotle Poet. 24.13–14, 1460a). Aristotle probably would have objected to some of Johns asides! 933 Manson, Paul and John, 86, finds them mainly in 1:1–34, 3:22–4:42, 5:1–47, 6:22–71, 7:14–10:39, and 12:20–18:40; Bruce, Documents, 54, however, cites Driver as noting that Burney " s most cogent examples for Aramaic in the Fourth Gospel are in Jesus» speeches. 939 Aune, Environment, 34, 47. For a broader literary structure, cf., e.g., Tolmie, Farewell, 183 (much more convincingly than Westermann, John, 7,63–64). 940 See Tenney, John, 40–41 for a structure based on this recognition. Bruce, Message, 106, outlines the Fourth Gospel according to clues in the prologue, but this use of the prologue is questionable. For suspense in ancient rhetoric, see, e.g., Cicero Verr. 2.5.5.10–11. |
| 2793 Trapp, Maximus, 182 n. 9; Maximus of Tyre preferred Platós looseness in vocabulary (Or. 21.4). 2794 Nock, «Vocabulary,» 137. One should merely take care to avoid «improper» synonyms (Rowe, «Style,» 123–24); for ancient discussion of synonyms, see, e.g., Porphyry Ar. Cat. 68.5–27. In some writers a more consistent sense obtained, but this was unusual (Aulus Gellius 2.5.1). 2795 Morris, Studies, 293–319; Nicholson, Death, 135. His overall stylistic simplicity could also be viewed as fitting some rhetorical practice before the Second Sophistic (see, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isoc. 2, 3,12; Demosth. 5–6,18). 2807 Inscriptions demonstrate the use of faith language in patronal relationships; see, e.g., Seneca Benef. 3.14.2; Marshall, Enmity, 21–24; DeSilva, Honor, 115–16,145; idem, «Patronage,» 768 (following Danker, Benefactor). 2808 E.g., Ovid Metam. 3.513–518. To disbelieve (πιστων) is to act unjustly (δικσεις, Philostratus Hrk. 17.1). 2812 The terms are from Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 72. Koester, «Hearing,» distinguishes those who «hear» about Jesus and proceed to true faith, from those who «see» Jesus and do not (the categories are not airtight). 2813 This need not imply that the confessions of faith progress from lesser to greater, though 20is certainly climactic (cf. Baron, «Progression»). 2815 On the sense of the Hebrew term (whose semantic range was extensive), cf. Bromiley, «Faith» 270; Michel, «Faith,» 595–97; Jepsen, «» 2824 Buchanan, Consequences, 131–34; for Qumran, cf. Schütz, «Knowledge,» 397; and life for a thousand generations in 4Q171 1–2 3.1. 2828 M. " Abot 2:7, attributed to Hillel; b. Ber. 28b; Lev. Rab. 13:2; CIJ 1:422, §569 (Hebrew funerary inscription from Italy); 1:474, §661 (sixth-century Hebrew inscription from Spain); 2:443, §1536 (Semitic letters, from Egypt); cf. Abrahams, Studies, 1:168–70; Philo Flight 77. The usage in 1 En. 10(cf. 15:6; 25:6) and Jub. 5(cf. 30:20) is more restrictive, perhaps figurative; the Similtudes, however, seem to follow the ordinary usage (37:4; 58:3,6), and the circles from which 1 En. and Jub. derive probably used «long duration» language to represent eternity as well (CD 7.5–6; cf. Sir 18:10 ); for «eternal life» in the DSS, see also 4Q181 (Vermes, Scrolls, 251–52); Coetzee, «Life,» 48–66; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 414. «Eternal» occurs with other nouns (e.g., Wis 10:14; 1QS 2.3) far more rarely. |
| 7267 Alciphron Farmers 16 (Pithacnion to Eustachys), 3.19, par. 1–2; this remains common today in some African towns where I have stayed. Either the robber or the homeowner might be bound (Xenophon Anab. 6.1.8; Matt 12:29); a homeowner could kill a thief if he came at night or armed (Cicero Mi1. 3.9; Exod 22:2; Eshnunna 13; cf. Eshnunna 12). 7273 Phaedrus 4.23.16; 2Cor 11:26 ; m. Ber. 1:3; b. c Abod. Zar. 25b; Ber. lia; B. Qam. 116b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:6; Gen. Rab. 75:3; Exod. Rab. 30:24; cf. sources in Friedländer, Life, 1:294–96; Hock, Context, 78 n. 19; Tannaitic sources in Goodman, State, 55. In ancient romances, robbers also carried off young women (Achilles Tatius 2.16.2; 2.18.5; 3.9.3). 7275 E.g., Horace Ep. 1.2.32–33; Apuleius Metam. 8.17; 1 Esd 4:23–24; Sib. Or. 3.380; Josephus Ant. 14.159–160,415,421; 20.5,113,124; Life 105; Treat. Shem 6:1; 7:20; b. Sanh. 108a; Lev. Rab. 9:8. The poor may have been less frequent targets (Dio Chrysostom Or. 7, Euboean Discourse, §§9–10). 7278 MacMullen, Relations, 2, and many sources cited in his notes; he compares the dogs with those outside many contemporary Anatolian villages, «able to tear a man in pieces.» They often targeted wolves (Longus 1.21), but dogs could prove faithful to their masters (Appian R.H. 11.10.64; Sei. Pap. 3:460–63 in 3 B.C.E.; Xenophon Mem. 2.3.9; Plutarch Themistocles 10.6; p. Ter. 8:7; cf. some tamed in Xenophon Eph. 4.6; 5.2; one surprisingly tame in Philostratus Hrk. 2.2). 7280 E.g., Aristophanes Wasps 952; Virgil Georg. 3.406–408; Phaedrus 3.15.1; Babrius 93.3–11; Plutarch Demosthenes 23.4; Valerius Flaccus 1.158–159. 7282 Against the masses (κλπτοα και λωποδτοα, Epictetus Diatr. 1.18.3, though he thinks them just misled; cf. ληστς in 1.18.5) or those who think they control the body (Epictetus Diatr. 2.19.28). 7283 Cicero Phi1. 2.25.62 (rapinas); technically it was the duty of governors to suppress robbers (Plutarch Cicero 36.4). 7284 The exception might be a use for someone deceptive and cunning (Xenophon Cyr. 1.6.27), which could be positive toward onés enemies (1.6.28). That Jesus is a «good thief» here (Derrett, «Shepherd»; cf. Matt 24:43) is highly unlikely; that the lack of identification of Jesus with the thief would make the parable early (Robinson, Studies, 72, who wrongly makes the tradition of Rev 3:3; 16late) is likewise unlikely. |
| 3533 1 En. 6(if Semyaza means «he sees the Name»); cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 7 (citing 1 Chr 13LXX; m. Ber. 4:4; Yoma 3:8); Bowman, Gospel, 69–98, esp. 69–77. «The Name» appears as a title for Christ in Jewish Christian theology (Daniélou, Theology, 147–63; on 150 he finds this even as early as the NT: John 12with 17:5; Jas 2:7; 5:14). 3535 Isa 29:23; Ezek 39:7 ; 1 En. 9:4; Sipra Emor par. 11.234.2.3; b. Pesah. 53b; Šabb. 89b; p. Sanh. 3:5, §2; Num. Rab. 15:12; prayer on Samaritan bill of divorce (Bowman, Documents, 328); cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:101–5; the «sacred letters» in Let. Aris. 98; cf. b. Šabb. 115b, bar.; Pesiq. Rab. 22:7; engraved on Israel " s weapons, Song Rab. 5:7, §1; 8:5, §1. One may also compare Matt. 6and its sources in the Kaddish and the third benediction of the Amidah (the latter is called «the sanctification of the name,» m. Roš Haš. 4:5); eschatological sanctification of the Name in Ezek 28:22; 36:23; 38:23; 39:7 ; and see comment on John 17:6, 17, 19 , below. 3536 E.g., Sir 23:9 ; Josephus Ant. 2.276; Sib. Or. 3.17–19 (probably pre-Christian); 1QS 6.27–7.1; m. Sanh. 7:5; t. Ber. 6:23; Ecc1. Rab. 3:11, §3; cf. Lev. 24:11,16 ; b. Sanh. 60a, bar.; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 268–69 (for alleged exceptions in the temple service, see m. Sotah 7:6; Sipre Num. 39.5.1–2; Marmorstein, Names, 39; Urbach, Sages, 1:127; cf. Lemaire, «Scepter»); among the Samaritans, see Jeremias, Theology, 10 n. 1. The Qumran sectarians often wrote the Tetragrammaton in Paleo-Hebrew letters (probably to show it special honor, but cf. Siegal, «Characters,» comparing the rabbinic teaching), as did early Greek OT manuscripts (see Howard, «Tetragram»). 3538 E.g., Pr. Jos. 9–12; Lad. Jac. 2:18; Incant. Text 20.11–12 (Isbell, Bowls, 65); 69:6–7 (Isbell, Bowls, 150); CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:486, §674; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168; T. So1. 18:15–16 (the Solomonic tradition recurs in b. Git. 68a; Num. Rab. 11:3); Smith, Magician, 69; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 6:7; Apoc. Ab. 17:8, 13; examples in Deissmann, Studies, 321–36; Nock, Conversion, 62–63; MacMullen, Enemies, 103; Knox, Gentiles, 41–42. Cf. the namés power in Pesiq. Rab. 21:7; Urbach, Sages, 1:124–34; Bietenhard, «νομα,» 269; in Jewish mystical experience, see Scholem, Gnosticism, 32–33. Name invocation was common practice (e.g., Apuleius Metam. 2.28; 3.29; Twelftree, «ΕΚΒΑΛΛΩ,» 376; Koester, Introduction, 1:380). |
| 6827 Rhet. Alex. 35,1440b.23–40; 1441a.l-5. 6828 Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.25.544. One could have honorable ancestors but make dishonorable choices (e.g., Isaeus Estate of Dicaeogenes 47). 6829 Isocrates Peace 41–53, quoted in Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isoc. 17. 6830 B. Yoma 71b. A much later tradition has Aaron protest that the people who worshiped the golden calf really were children of the righteous but were simply carried away by the evil impulse (Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 32:22). 6831 See Odeberg, Pharisaism, 49. 6832 E.g., Jub. 23:10; Sir 44:19–22; 2 Bar. 57:2; T.Ab. 1:3,18; 2:3; 4:6–7; 7:8; 9:2; 13:2; 15:6,9; 16:7, 11; 17:10; 18:1; 20:3,11A; 4:10; 13:5B; m. Qidd.Á.4:4; " Abot R. Nat. 36, §94B; b. B. Bat. 17a. God could have found fault had he wished, however ( Rom 4:2 ; b. c Arak. 17a, bar.) 6833 Gen 18 ; Philo Abraham 107–114; Josephus Ant. 1.200; T. Ab. 1:4–9, 19; 3:7–9; 4:6; 17:7A; 2:3–12; 3:5–6; 4:10; 13:5B; Gen. Rab. 48:9; 50:4; Num. Rab. 10:5; Koenig, Hospitality, 15–20; probably transferred to Job in T. Job 10:1–4. 6834 Including «faithfulness» (πιστς) in testing (1Macc 2:52); cf. commentaries on Rom 4:3 . Nick-elsburg, «Structure,» 87–88, thinks Abraham " s obedient faith is less evident in Testament of Abraham. 6835 E.g., Mek. Nez. 18.36–40; b. Sukkah 49b; Gen. Rab. 38:13; 39:8; 46:1; Num. Rab. 8:9; Pesiq. Rab. 11:4; cf. CD 3.1–2. 6836 E.g., Sipre Deut. 32.2.1; " Abot R. Nat. 12A; 26, §54B; Gen. Rab. 30:8; Song Rab. 1:3, §3; Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 21:33 ; Bamberger, Proselytism, 176–79. In such Amoraic traditions, surrounding peoples respected Abraham (Gen. Rab. 82:14), and Sarah witnessed through feeding Gentile infants (Gen. Rab. 53:9). 6837 Philo Migration 130, citing Gen 26:5 . The rabbis also based their case on this verse (see Pancaro, Law, 393, largely following Strack-Billerbeck, Kommentar, 3:186). 6838 CD 3.2; in the rabbis, see Urbach, Sages, 1:318; Moore, Judaism, 1:275–76; also Lev. Rab. 2:10. Compare the law-keeping pre-Sinai patriarchs in Jubilees (see comment on John 1:10 ). |
| 6812 The contrasting tenses in the two lines of 8allow the interpretation that Jesus «saw» (perfect) the Father in «a préexistent vision» (Brown, John, 1:356); but cf. the present tense in 5:19–20. Bernard, John, 2:310, and Michaels, John, 143, take ποιετε as imperative, hence a challenge to kill him (contrasted with the alternative imperative for true children of Abraham in 8:39). 6813 M. " Abot 5:19; Dibelius, James, 168–74. He even became the model Pharisee (p. Sotah 5:5, §2). 6814 For more detail, see further DeSilva, Honor, 202–6. 6815 See ibid., 194 (citing esp. 4 Macc 13:24–26 and texts in Philo). 6816 Cf., e.g., the «children of the prophets» in 1 Kgs 20:35; 2 Kgs 2:3, 5, 7, 15; 4:1, 38; 5:22; 6:1; 9:1. See more fully under John 13:33 . 6817 4 Macc 9:21 (βραμιαος νεανας). 6818 4 Macc 15(OTP2:560). 6819 Ps.-Phoc. 178; t. Sanh. 8:6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:6; Lev. Rab. 23:12; probably Wis 4:6; cf. Aristotle Po1. 2.1.13,1262a. Children were said to bear the images of their parents ( Gen 5:3; 4 Macc 15:4; LA.B. 50:7; Chariton 2.11.2, 3.8.7; Philostratus Hrk. 52.2; P.Oxy. 37). 6820 Homer Il. 16.33–35. 6821 Lysias Or. 13.65–66, §135 (noting that the defendant " s brothers had all been executed for crimes); cf. Rhet. Alex. 35, 1440b.5–13; in nonlegal contexts, Theophrastus Char. 28.2. Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 161, rightly note that ancients could infer ancestry from behavior or the reverse. 6822 A rhetorical attack used, when possible, before classical Athenian juries (Aeschines False Embassy 78; Ctesiphon 172). 6823 Lysias Or. 30.1–2, §183; for honorable background, e.g., Aeschines False Embassy 148–150. For honorable birth as a matter of praise, e.g., Xenophon Agesilaus 1.2. 6824 Lysias Or. 10.2, §116; Plutarch Cicero 26.6. 6825 Phaedrus 6. Aristocrats assumed that thieves usually had some dishonest lineage on one side or the other (Sophocles Searchers 280–283). 6826 Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.25.611; cf. Acts 23:6. Pindar praises a victor who is also son of a victor (Ryth. 10.12). |
| 8104 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 25A; see considerably more documentation in Keener, Matthew, 542–45, on Matt 23:7–11. 8113 T. Sanh. 7:8; b. Hor. 13b, bar; p. Sanh. 1:2, §13; Ta c an. 4:2, §§8–9. This widespread practice of rank probably also prevailed in first-century Pharisaic circles (e.g., Bowker, Pharisees, 35). 8114 E.g., Plutarch T.T. 1.2.3, Mor. 616E; Xenophon Cyr. 8.4.3–5; Luke 14:7–11; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §§9, 12; Ter. 8:7. 8115 Apuleius Metam. 10.7; among the deities, see Homer II. 1.535; see further Garnsey and Sailer, Empire, 117, and sources cited there (including Suetonius Aug. 44). In Jewish sources, see Gen 43:33 ; t. Sanh. 8:1; p. Ta c an. 4:2, §12; b. Hor. 13b, bar. 8116 Apuleius Metam. 10.7; Valerius Maximus 4.5.ext.2; Plutarch Cicero 13.2; 1QS 2.19–23; lQSa 2.11–17; p. Ketub. 12:3, §6; Roš Haš. 2:6, §9; cf. m. " Abot 5:15; on the order in speaking out, cf. 1Cor 14:29–30 ; Josephus War 2.132; 1QS 6.9–10. 8120 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 25; Xenophon Cyr. 8.7.10; Aristotle Po1. 2.7.5, 1272a; Diodorus Siculus 21.18.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.15.1. Roman society also demanded giving way to onés elder (Cato Col1. dist. 10; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.47.1). 8121 Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.206; Anf. 3.47 (applied to the sages in Sipra Qed. pq. 7.204.3.1; p. c Abod. Zar. 3:1, §2; Hor. 3:5, §3; Lev. Rab. 11:8). Prominent local leaders tended to be those who were aged, as both literary texts (Josephus Life 266; Let. Arts. 32:39; Acts 14:23) and inscriptions (CI) 1:294, §378; 1:426, §581; 1:432, §595; 1:433, §597; 2:9, §739; 2:45, §790; 2:46, §792; 2:53, §801; 2:76–77, §828a; 2:77, §828b; 2:79, §829; 2:137, §931; cf. CI] hlxxxvi-lxxxvii) testify, as does the LXX (e.g., Josh 24:1; Judg 8:14, 16; 11:5–11; 21:16 ; Ruth 4:2–11; 2 Chr 34:29; Jer 26:17 ; Jdt 6:16; 7:23–24; 13:12; 1Macc 1:26; 7:33; 11:23; 12:35; 13:36; 14:20,28; 2Macc 13:13; 14:37). 8126 E.g., b. c Abod. Zar. 20b; Sotah 4b-5a. Lincoln, Ephesians, 236, cites Qumran texts extolling gentleness or meekness (1QS 2.24; 3.8; 5.3, 25; 11.1). |
| 3230 E.g., Jub. 33:15–16. Compare the exoneration of David " s royal polygyny on the questionable grounds that the law was unknown in his day (CD 5.2; cf. Keener, Marries, 41,161), and the rabbis» holding Gentiles responsible for the Noahide laws precisely because they know better. 3231 M. Qidd. 4:14; b. Sotah 14a; Gen. Rab. 92:4; 95:3; Exod. Rab. 1:1; Lev. Rab. 2:10. Oral Torah likewise existed before the Rabbis (Solomon in b. c Erub. 21b); R. Hisda even contended that Abraham was far more proficient in the mishnaic tractate c Abbodah Zarah than any contemporary rabbis (b. c Abod. Zar. 14b)! Although earlier sources do not comment on this, the admission of Justin " s Trypho that only circumcision was practiced before Moses is probably fabricated (Justin Dia1. 46). 3232 Rissi, «Word,» 396; Brown, John, 1:4. Westcott, John, 2, and Bernard, John, 1find supra-temporal existence in the imperfect tense of the verb; cf. similarly Boismard, Prologue, 7; Morris, John, 73. Cf. the title for God in Apoc. Ab. 9(possibly as early as the second century C.E.): «Before-the-World» (OTP 1:693). The suggested distinction between eternals and immortals in some Greek thought (e.g., Herodotus Hist. 2.43, 145–146, in Talbert, Gospel, 26–27) is not particularly helpful here (first, most Greek mythology detailed deities» origin, and second, John " s frame of thought is monotheistic). 3233 For comments on self-begotten or unbegotten deity in other texts from this period, see comment on 5:26. 3234 Hillelites reportedly contended that «was» in Gen 1indicates the state, hence existence, of earth before the creation (p. Hag. 2:1, §17; this undoubtedly reflects Greek speculation–see comment on John 1:3 ); yet it remains doubtful in view of later rabbinic opinions that they actually viewed it as eternally préexistent. 3235 See esp. Bultmann, John, 31, for whom the implied contrast between «created» or «became» and «was» alone is adequately decisive. 3236 The importance of this to John " s Christology is evident in his framing device: he frames the whole body of the Gospel with confessions of Jesus» deity (1:1; 20:28; see Cullmann, Christology, 308). |
| Ведущий философ евразийского движения. 9 Франциск Ассизский (1181 или 1182-1226) - основатель «братства» близ Ассизи (Италия), создатель католич. нищенствующего монашеского ордена францисканцев. 10 Интервью было опубликовано в газете «Литовец Европы» (выходящей в Лондоне) 27 февраля 1968 года. 11 Тейяр де Шарден (Teilhard de Chardin) Пьер (1881-1955) -- фр. философ, ученый, католич. теолог, член ордена иезуитов, видел своё призвание в радикальном обновлении христ. вороучения в соответствии с современной наукой. 12 Гирнюс Кястутис (1946?) -- совр. лит. философ, публицист, политолог, живёт в Праге. 13 Свои поэтические произведения А. М. публиковал под псевдонимом А. Ясмантас 14 «Философская мысль Литвы» (Хрестоматия, на лит. яз.), Вильнюс, 1996 г., стр.413. 15 Ильин Иван Александрович (1882-1954) -- рус.религ. философ, представитель неогегельянства. 16 Ср. M. Hirschberg. Die Weisheit Russlands, Stockholm, 1947, стр. 102. 17 Lev Šestov. Kirkegard i egzistencijalnaja filisofija, Paris, 1939, стр. 18-19. 18 Gabriel Marcel. Erniedrigung des Menschen, Frankfurt, M., 1957, стр. 29-30. 19 Ср. J. F. Angelloz. Rainer Maria Rilke, стр.321-22, 1936. 20 Цит. H.J. Flechtner. Selbstbesinnung der Philosophie, стр. 86, 1941. 21 Н. Бердяев. Философия творчества, культуры и искусства. т.2, стр. 18. М., Искусство. 1994. 22 там же, стр.10. А.Мацейна Бердяева цитирует по книге -- Die Weltanschauung Dostoewskijs, стр.13, 1925. 23 Goethes Faust, стр. 9, 1932. 24 Hölderlin und das Wesen der Dichtung, стр. 11, 1937. 25 там же, стр. 11-12. 26 там же, стр.13 27 Religiöse Gestalten, стр. 112, 1947 28 См. Religiöse Gestalten, стр. 114, 1947 г. 29 Ср. Dostojevskij in Deutschland, стр. 193-194, 1931. 30 Здесь автор хочет высказать свое мнение по поводу имеющейся в легенде критики Западной Церкви. Эта критика выражается не в прямом осуждении деяний Церкви или образа жизни руководящих лиц Церкви, но в личном осуждении учения Христа. Великий инквизитор -- кардинал и монах, представляя Западную Церковь, хочет доказать, что он был последователен, отдаляясь от Христа, ибо Христос провозглашал неосуществимые и непосильные для природы человека законы. |
|
|
