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| Further Reading An excellent reflection on this whole subject is Kathleen Norris, Acedia and Me: A Marriage, Monks and a Writer’s Life (2008).See also Fr Gabriel Bunge, Despondency: the Spiritual Teaching of Evagrius Ponticus , (SVS Press, 2011). Source: The official blog of the Department of Youth, Young Adult, and Campus Ministries of the Orthodox Church in America. Tweet Donate Share Code for blog Church Burnout Archpriest John Jillions The story goes that Teresa of Avila (1515-1582), the great Roman Catholic saint, was complaining to God after once again being kicked out of another Spanish town by yet another bishop who did not appreciate her reforming spirit. As she sat on her suitcases she prayed aloud, “Lord, if this is how ... Since you are here… …we do have a small request. More and more people visit Orthodoxy and the World website. However, resources for editorial are scarce. In comparison to some mass media, we do not make paid subscription. It is our deepest belief that preaching Christ for money is wrong. Having said that, Pravmir provides daily articles from an autonomous news service, weekly wall newspaper for churches, lectorium, photos, videos, hosting and servers. Editors and translators work together towards one goal: to make our four websites possible - Pravmir.ru, Neinvalid.ru, Matrony.ru and Pravmir.com. Therefore our request for help is understandable. For example, 5 euros a month is it a lot or little? A cup of coffee? It is not that much for a family budget, but it is a significant amount for Pravmir. If everyone reading Pravmir could donate 5 euros a month, they would contribute greatly to our ability to spread the word of Christ, Orthodoxy, life " s purpose, family and society. Donate Also by this author " Pope Francis’ Thoughts on Pastoring in the 21st Century Archpriest John Jillions On September 25, 2015, His Beatitude, Metropolitan Tikhon and I attended the multi-religious gathering with Pope Francis at the… More Today " s Articles “Le monde entier reste silencieux au… pravmir_com_team Depuis le 12 décembre 2022, la région de l " Artsakh, où vivent 120… |
| One of the Jewish officers present struck Jesus for his response (18:22), just as Roman representatives of the world would (19:3). The officers, or at least those present at this point, have become more hostile since their first appearance in 7:32,45–46 (cf. 18:3,12,18; 19:6). The indignation against Jesus» response may derive in part from the biblical prohibition against cursing a ruler of the people (Exod 22:28; cf. Acts 23:3), 9751 but Jesus has not cursed the high priest. By contrast, whatever else may have violated Jewish law, striking a prisoner 9752 » during an informal hearing (18:22; cf. Acts 23:2) certainly would, as biblically versed prisoners seem to have understood (18:23; Acts 23:3). (Public corporal discipline after a sentence was a different matter; but that is not what this text describes.) 9753 This detail continues the image of exploitation of power by the religious-political elite; such practices are attested elsewhere. 9754 The detail is not a Johannine invention; the Synoptic tradition also reports abuse by Jewish captors, and the Synoptics do not simply attempt to convey Jewish responsibility, for they portray the Gentile mockers no less severely (cf. 19:2). 9755 But John reports the Jewish abuse in less detail than the Synoptic line of tradition does ( Mark 14:65 ). Jesus» response may allude to Exod 22:28, denying that he has cursed the authorities and inviting those present to function as witnesses. 9756 (Witty retorts to such violence also appear as praiseworthy in the Greek school tradition.) 9757 Jesus appears more careful to observe Jewish legal procedure than his interrogators do. 9758 Lacking another advocate, 9759 Jesus functions as his own παρκλητος (see comment on 14:16; 16:7–11). 9760 Yet Jesus offers little defense for himself here; rather, he challenges the legal procedures of his accusers, for before God " s court, it is his opposition, not himself, who stands on trial, and he exposes their sin (15:22). Likewise his followers would need to be prepared to face the world " s hostility and to join their Paraclete in testifying against the world (16:7–11). Despite their inability to testify to any evil he has spoken (κακς λλησα, 18:23), his opposition will accuse him to Pilate as an «evildoer» (κακν ποιν, 18:30). 6. Peter " s Final Denials (18:25–27) |
| 2391 Thus later rabbis could complain that even Honís prayers were delayed, and explain that this was because he failed to approach God humbly. 2392 The rabbis» reliance on rule miracles probably diminished further in response to the much greater Christian use of authenticating miracles, as some scholars have argued. 2393 Christian miracles authenticating Jesus were problematic for some of Jesus» more conservative contemporaries, 2394 and were no less so for later rabbis. Urbach suggests that this may be why the rabbis stressed that one should depend on the God of Abraham, not on Abraham as a miracle worker himself. 2395 From Paul " s letters 2396 through rabbinic literature, 2397 Christians and outsiders alike continued to perceive early Christianity as confirming itself with signs like those of Jesus. This conflict of views concerning the proper place of signs probably had affected the Johannine community as wel1. The synagogue leaders had the authority, the cultural symbols, and probably broader knowledge of the Law and academic traditions concerning it; the Johannine community appealed to the activity of the Spirit, including personal intimacy with the Spirit sent by the risen Lord, and corroborating signs which could lead to faith or rejection. But the Johannine community " s primary appeal is not to the Spirit " s witness in signs, but to the Spirit " s witness through the testimony of those who had known Jesus in the flesh, and that of their successors who knew him in a dynamic relationship by the Spirit. 5B. Purpose of Signs in the Fourth Gospel Signs perform an authenticating function in Luke-Acts (e.g., Acts 2:22; 8:6; 13:12; 14:3; 15:12) and in second-century Christianity. 2398 They perform a more ambiguous function in the Fourth Gospel, which emphasizes the potential hiddenness of God " s revelation to those who may not prove to be persevering disciples. Jesus» signs are some of his «works» in the Fourth Gospel, an appropriate topic for biographies 2399 (although John must mention that he cannot include them all–20:30–31; 21:25). |
| To what extent could onés memory remain sharp in old age? At age 90 Proclus the Sophist was reputed for a memory that surpassed even most younger rhetoricians (Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.21.604). Hippias the sophist reportedly could repeat fifty names in sequence, immediately after hearing them, even in his old age (Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.11.495). Tradition reported that Gorgias remained healthy in mind and body till his death at age 108 (Philostratus Vit soph. 1.9.494; Valerius Maximus 8.13.ext.2; cf. the claim in Deut 34:7 ). Philostratus claimed that whereas others might be growing senile at 56, it was youth for a sophist, since sophists grew in skill with age (Vir. soph. 1.25.543). Seneca the Elder, who may have died in his mid-90s, complains that his memory is not as sharp as in his youth, when he could recite up to two thousand names or two hundred verses immediately after hearing them (Controv. 1.pref.2–3). He admits that matters of recent years have begun to elude him, but he recalls the events of his boyhood and young manhood as if he had just heard them (Controv. 1.pref.3–4), and proceeds to demonstrate this by his complete account. 874 Age should not, therefore, be posed as an objection to Johannine authorship. Most other objections are weaker. That Johns Galilean background would prevent the Gospel " s Judean focus 875 ignores the tradition that he spent years after the resurrection in Judea (Acts 1:13; 3:1–4:19; 8:14; 12:2; 15:2); by the time of the Gospels writing, John may have been away from Galilee for six decades! 876 Some object that the beloved disciple appears primarily in Jerusalem, hence is probably a Jerusalemite. 877 But does this disciple appear especially in Jerusalem, or especially in the Passion Narrative? The Gospel does not mention him when Jesus is in Jerusalem in chs. 2–3, 5, or 7–10; and when he does appear, he appears among Jesus» closest disciples. Does his lack of mention earlier imply that he was not among the disciples earlier? As noted above, Xenophon mentions his own presence only after he assumes a role of leadership in the retreating Greek army, but hardly appeared only then in the midst of Persia! |
| 77 E.g., Lucian Hist. 12, who distinguishes proper biography from falsification and flattery; Plutarch in Poetry! (Mor. 16F) points to fabricated materials in poetry (quite different from his description of his sources in the Lives). See Mosley, «Reporting,» 26; Kany, «Bericht»; Witherington, Acts, 25–26; cf. Aune, Environment, 79 (who both notes the distinction and recognizes some overlap). 78 Most Greek tragedies reflected and developed earlier tradition; thus in Helen Euripides follows the Recantation of Stesichorus (which violates the natural reading of Homer), yet to harmonize with Homer must have Menelaus and Helen meet in Egypt and return to Sparta in time for Telemachus " s arrival in the Odyssey. But such constraints were much more general than with historical works (cf. how closely Matthew or Luke follows Mark). 79 Talbert, «Acts,» 72. Pseudo-Callisthenes mixes both historical and fictitious sources, plus adds his own fictions (e.g., Alex. 1.23), 450–750 years after the supposed events. Bowersock " s examples of fictitionalized history (Fiction as History 21) are also distinctly novelistic. 81 See, e.g., Aune, Environment, 151–53; Bauckham, «Acts of Paul»; Keylock, «Distinctness,» 210. One may compare works such as the Acts of Paul and Thecla or Acts of John 53–64,73–80, where elements of the romance story line are followed, except that the women become devotees of the male teacher in chastty, devoted not to sexual love but to God " s word. 82 Some scholars have suggested some overlap in the Gospels, though acknowledging that the degree varies from Gospel to Gospel (e.g., Freyne, Galilee, 11). 86 See Kee, Miracle, 193, for other propagandists narratives in the Isis cult. It is hardly true, however, that the genre as a whole was centered on religious propaganda (Kee, Miracle, 193–94). For more Isis aretalogies see Horsley, Documents, 1:10–21. 87 Dio Cassius 1.1.1–2; Fornara, Nature of History, 120–33; Palmer, «Monograph,» 3, 29, citing, e.g., Cicero Fam. 5.12.5; Polybius 1.4.11; 3.31.13; cf. also Dionysius of Halicarnassus Demosth. 47. Bur-ridge, Gospeb, 149–51, includes entertainment among the function of many biographies; and, p. 245, complains that most of Pervós criteria for identifying novels are so broad they apply to most historical works as well; cf. Porter, « " Wé Passages,» 551–52. Some fiction did occur at times in ancient biography (Chance, «Fiction»), especially when the subject had lived centuries earlier (Lefkowitz, Africa, 82). |
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| Origen of Alexandria (d. 253/254) enlarged the doctrine of the Parousia through emphasizing the possibility, for the spiritually advanced, to experience God in the present moment. While known for his speculative tendencies, Origen’s pastoral concerns informed his theology of the Parousia (Etcheverria 1969; Daley 2003: 48). Origen predominantly understood the Apocalypse of John through the lens of Christ, rather than focusing on the “last days” (Daley 2003: 49). There is another “second coming,” according to Origen, where the Lord becomes present to the souls who are being perfected. Overall, Origen interprets the “last times” in a manner that primarily is meant to illuminate Christian spiritual growth. The consummation of the world, according to Origen, involves the present process of spiritual growth realized within each soul (De Principiis 3.6.6). The Kingdom of God is already present in virtuous Christians, while not fully realized (Comm. on Matt. 12.14; Or. 25.2). The Parousia is presently experienced; however, the coming of Christ also remains a future hope only fully realized when “God becomes all in all” (Comm. on Jn. 20.7.47 ). God’s presence, according to Origen, is experienced through contemplation. The heavenly banquet is analogous with contemplation of God, which is delimited by our human capacity (De Princ. 2.11.7). Further, Origen insists our knowledge of God will never be complete; rather, the sojourner is always spiritually advancing through entering deeper into the presence of God (Hom. 17 on Numbers). With the ascendancy of Constantine as emperor (ca. 272–337) the church entered into an era of relative security. In this new situation a more church-centered eschatology became common; for example, Eusebius of Caesarea declared the first fruits of future rewards bring assurance to the faithful in their present state (Vita Const. 1.33; Thielman 1987). The first two ecumenical councils emphasized Christology and the doctrine of God; consequently, there was perhaps less of a lively theological interest in a future-looking eschatology throughout the 4th century. |
| Both documents reflect some knowledge of sayings of the Jesus tradition behind the Synoptics (e.g., Rev 2:7; 3:3,5; 1066 John 12:25 ). «After these things» serves a literary function in each (Rev 4:1; 7:9; 15:5; 18:1; 19:1; cf. 7:1; 20:3; John 5:1; 6:1; 7:1 ). 1067 The normal expression «come and see» in John 1:39, 46 , may find apocalyptic expression in Rev 4:1; 11:12; 17:1; 21:9. 1068 Similar metaphors (such as the OT linkage of bridegroom with joy, Rev 18:23; John 3:29 ) appear. Although such examples are not decisive by themselves, they are at least as significant as the often-acclaimed differences, once the respective settings and genres of the two works are taken into account. Differences Due to Situation or Genre. Revelation " s omission of significant Johannine vocabulary often relates to the genre and subject matter the document addresses. For instance, Revelation makes a much more direct assault on emperor worship and presupposes a more cosmopolitan, Roman setting. While the Gospel advocates a high Christology against its opponents and naturally addresses the life of Jesus in a purely Jewish context, these factors are not sufficient to explain the difference. The Gospel and Apocalypse seem to address different situations in the circle of Johannine readership. Similarly, Revelation, set in a context of public worship, includes more liturgical language (e.g., «amen,» 1:7; marana tha, cf. 22:20). 1069 The difference in genre is perhaps more significant than the difference in life-setting. Although «walk» in the halakic sense is at best rare in Revelation (3is only slightly helpful), in contrast with its dominance in 1 John and much early Christian paraenetic tradition, this is to be expected because Revelation includes little paraenesis; its exhortations are primarily prophetic and apocalyptic. Still, Jesus» commandments are as crucial for his followers in Revelation as in the undisputed Johannine texts (Rev 12:17,14:12; John 13:34, 14:15, 21 ). This apparently includes the love commandment (Rev 2:4; 1070 John 13:34–35 ). |
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