| Like the Baptist and all other witnesses, she must now decrease so Christ the object of faith may increase (cf. 3:30). 5604 This narrative fits a pattern that includes women " s testimony and faith (2:3–5; 11:27; 12:8; 20:18) and may suggest that John, like Paul ( Rom 16:1–7,12 ; Phil 4:2–3 ), 5605 affirmed the value of women " s testimony to Christ (cf. perhaps further 4:36–37), as much as that affirmation would have run against the grain of parts of their culture. 5606 Some doubt that John is interested in paradigmatic roles for women disciples pro or con, his overriding interest being Christology. 5607 While John " s overriding interest is Christology, that Christology has implications for discipleship that do appear to transcend boundaries of gender in this Gospe1. Many other scholars think that John presents positively the model of women in discipleship or ministry (although a number of the studies are geared more toward application or apologetic concerns). 5608 Some suggest that they provide positive discipleship models but not to the same extent as apostles, the official witnesses; 5609 but this proposal appears to read non-Johannine categories into the Gospel, which nowhere speaks of apostles. The women disciples may, indeed, prove more faithful in their discipleship than «the Twelve» (6:70–71); cf. 16:32; 19:25–27. 9. Fulfilling His Mission (4:31–38) Into the midst of the account of the conversion of the Samaritans (4:28–30, 39) the text interjects a theological interpretation of how this conversion occurred in God " s purposes. Jesus» food, his very life, was to fulfill the Father " s will, a mission he then portrays as an urgent harvest (cf. Matt 9:37–38). Despite his physical weakness (4:6), reaching the Samaritans was more important to him than eating physical food. The disciples urged Jesus to eat, which ancient readers would have judged appropriate behavior for them. 5610 Many stories recounted protagonists who, for grief or other reasons, stubbornly refused to eat and had to be urged by those who cared about them; 5611 the stories probably depict something of the reality of ancient Mediterranean mourning. |
| Jesus may have withdrawn from public baptisms at this point to avoid competing with John, and so weakening John " s position before the Pharisees. 5230 But the Fourth Gospel may emphasize Jesus» withdrawal for the same reason it emphasizes that his disciples baptized rather than he himself (4:2): it emphasizes that Jesus will baptize in the Holy Spirit (1:33), 5231 which is not yet possible in the story world (7:39). Of course, even the comment that Jesus did not himself baptize probably preserves early tradition; the Synoptics certainly provide no indication that he baptized. Further, it may have been common practice that the leader of the party did not baptize. 5232 But in the context of the Gospel " s whole water motif, pneumatology and Christology, John may de-emphasize Jesus» baptism after mentioning it to retain the emphasis on Jesus» greater baptism to come once he is glorified (cf. 3:5; 7:37–39). See further comments on 3:26. 3B. Samaria (4:4) A number of scholars have proposed a Samaritan or partly Samaritan context for the Fourth Gospe1. 5233 Although a fully Samaritan context is unlikely, a Galilean interest in the Samaritan mission is likely, given its successes (Acts 8:12–17,25); 5234 thus a Johannine interest in the subject is likely. (Some also suggest that the early Samaritan mission had proved controversial and required legitimation; 5235 while this observation may be true in the early period, it would probably not be relevant by John " s day.) Another cause for interest may be that Samaritans are among the closest parallels (excepting two stories in the Synoptic tradition) in Jesus» ministry to the interest of Gentile God-fearers which the Johannine community was still encountering in its day. Further, Samaritans would be known by at least some people outside Palestine, due to the Samaritan Diaspora. 5236 Both in Eretz Israel and in the Diaspora, Samaritans spoke Greek and were substantially hellenized 5237 (although also probably as orthodox as most Judeans; see comment below). Nevertheless, many Diaspora Christians would know little about Samaritans beyond what they found in the gospel traditions (hence cultural explanations such as 4:9); 5238 it may be noteworthy that the NT epistles never allude to them (although even such Gospel staples as Pharisees occur only rarely in relevant passages, e.g., Phil 3:5 ). This may suggest a genuinely Palestinian tradition. |
| Thus, like most of this Gospel, we lack sufficient external data to verify or falsify this passage from a strictly historical perspective; the stories do not appear in the Synoptics and the language is Johannine. The images employed, however, are certainly consistent with the Synoptic portrait of the historical Jesus (whether John received them as entire stories or wove together images from Jesus tradition or elsewhere). Jesus elsewhere spoke of wolves as false prophets (10:12; cf. Matt 7:15; cf. Matt 10:16; Luke 10:3) and the shepherd who cares sacrificially for his sheep (Matt 18/Luke 15:4–5). Other images such as robbers ( Mark 11:17 ; Luke 10:30) and gates (Matt 7:13–14; Luke 13:24–25) are frequent enough in other teachers» illustrations that the «coherence» is less significant. 7206 «Knowing the Father» (10:14–15) resembles a passage in Q (Matt 11/Luke 10:22). Historically, then, one finds here, at the least, verisimilitude of substance, albeit in Johannine idiom. 3B. The General Background of the Sheep and Shepherd Image (10:1–10) Scholars have proposed various backgrounds for Jesus» teaching about the sheep. Some have argued for a gnostic, 7207 especially Mandean, background. 7208 As we argued in our introduction, however, a demonstrable Mandean background for anything in the Fourth Gospel is virtually impossible, since the earliest extant Mandean sources are over half a millennium later than the Fourth Gospe1. Indeed, the late Mandean «parallels» probably reflect some dependence on John here. 7209 By contrast, Gods intimacy with his flock is clearly an OT image (e.g., Isa 40:11; Ezek 34:12–16 ), and where John goes beyond this he may reflect the early Christian development of the intimacy theme (e.g., in Q, Matt ll:27/Luke 10:22). 7210 While the OT background is paramount, John " s audience would also think of what they knew of shepherds. Less informed members of his original audience, new to the Jewish and Christian conceptual realm, would have at least recognized various affective associations with the shepherd image. Some in the western Mediterranean would have recalled nostalgically «the idyllic life of» shepherds, 7211 but a more widespread perception, especially among urban dwellers, was one of suspicion, since many perceived shepherds «as rough, unscrupulous characters, who pastured their animals on other peoplés land and pilfered wool, milk, and kids from the flock.» 7212 Yet the nature of Jesus» comparisons in the passage will evoke especially the pictures of shepherd as «leader» rather than as unscrupulous. |
| Special Factors in Johannine Discourse If we bracket for the moment the question of transmission, it is possible that Jesus spoke in different ways on different occasions. The location and setting of most of John " s discourses differ from those in which the Synoptics take interest. The action of most of the Fourth Gospel takes place in Judea rather than in Galilee. Such factors cannot explain all the differences, but they may have exercised more effect than we often assume. Thus F. F. Bruce points out that some variation in style may occur because in the Synoptics Jesus converses especially «with the country people of Galilee,» whereas «in the Fourth Gospel he disputes with the religious leaders of Jerusalem or talks intimately to the inner circle of His disciples.» 672 Further, although only John reports lengthy interchanges between Jesus and Jerusalem leaders, there can be no question that interchanges occurred, especially during the Passion Week, and they were undoubtedly longer than the Synoptics report. Luke provides insight into Jesus» Perean and Judean ministries, and the Synoptists concur that Jesus vigorously debated the Jewish leaders in Jerusalem. Although most of the Synoptic records of Jesus» clashes with the authorities there fit the smaller units of tradition through which they came to the Gospels, it is intrinsically likely that some of Jesus» debates would have continued at more length. 673 Some of Jesus» teachings in the Fourth Gospel are also directed especially to the disciples, including a form of the Messianic Secret. This, too, matches the record of the other gospels, perhaps independently confirming their tradition while providing fuller details concerning it. 674 (In John, the secret does not affect Samaritans–4:25–26–as in Mark it does not affect Gentiles– Mark 5:19 ; it also involves divine hardening of the unbelieving in both– John 12:37–43 ; Mark 4:10–12 . 675 But John the Baptist s confession of Jesus becomes more explicit in the Fourth Gospel–1:29; similarly, Peter is no longer the first disciple to confess Jesus» messiahship–1:41, 49.) An eyewitness tradition might diverge particularly with respect to private teachings, providing a much fuller exposition of Jesus» teachings originally circulated only among his disciples. |
| The idea of the hour that is «coming» takes on various contours of John " s predominantly realized eschatology throughout the Gospel: 2:4 not yet come 4510 4:21 universal worship, coming 4:23 Spirit and true worship, coming and already is 5:25 resurrection of the dead, coming and already is 5:28 those in the tombs (literal dead) raised, coming 7 «time» (=hour) of his revelation (cf. 7:4; 1 John 2:28 ) 7:8 «time,» revelation, disclosing himself at the feast 7:30 death, not yet come 8:20 death, not yet come ( 11:9 irrelevant; 12:7: «day» of burial) 12:23,27 glorification/death 13:1 death 16 disciples» hour: their suffering/death 16:21 death (messianic travail) 16:25 (probably) after resurrection (v. 26: «that day»: eschatological language for present age) 16:32 Jesus» death and their fear, coming and already come 17:1 glorification of Son The Jesus tradition preserved in the Synoptics sometimes employs «hour» with eschatological significance ( Mark 13:32 ; Matt 24:44, 50; 25:13; Luke 12:39–40, 46), 4511 although it is not a technical term; its usage is by no means exclusively (or even primarily) eschatologica1. While it may be going too far to say that this passage argues that Jesus» death will bring in the wine of the messianic banquet, 4512 Jesus» hour of glorification is meant to usher in the eschatological reality which the church is to experience, and, as we shall see later, that eschatological reality is experienced through the Spirit. But a more obvious source for «hour» in John is the passion tradition, where his hour probably refers to the cross ( Mark 14:35 ). John " s image here is characteristically Johannine but certainly intelligible. Speaking of onés predestined «time» or «hour» of death was not unusual in Jewish texts, 4513 and had long been part of the ancient Mediterranean literary tradition. 4514 Greco-Roman literature is full of ironic stories of those who sought to escape Fatés decree and experienced it in the very process of endeavoring to evade it. |
| 4036 This portrayal fits other early Christian images (e.g., 1Pet 1:19 ; 4037 Rev 5:6; 7:14). 4038 In Rev 5:6, 9, the «lamb having been slaughtered» is the Passover lamb whose blood delivers God " s people from the coming plagues (7:3), but also (in 6:9) the lamb in union with whom the martyrs are portrayed as sacrifices beneath the altar (where the blood of sacrifices was poured in the Hebrew Bible). 4039 That the Fourth Gospel later portrays Jesus» death in terms of the Passover lamb (18:28; 19:36) and writes in the context of a new exodus and a new redemption (1:23) expected by Judaism indicates that this is the sense of «lamb» in view in the Fourth Gospe1. 4040 1B. Historical Tradition or Johannine Theology? Where John covers the same ground as the Synoptics (e.g., 1:30–33; 12:25), it is clear that even when he employs Johannine idiom, he normally develops earlier tradition. John himself testifies that he employs his traditions very selectively, and had a sufficient number from which to choose those he found most appropriate to his purpose (20:30–31; cf. 21:25). A choice between Johns theology and his tradition is therefore forced. Whether one regards the information in any particular pericope as historical, however, will depend largely on the presuppositions with which one approaches the rest of the materia1. Is the Baptist s confession of Jesus as the lamb ahistorical? Many scholars think so; how could John regard Jesus so highly, yet later doubt that he was the one (Matt 11/Luke 7:20)? 4041 Yet if we accept the Baptists confession that Jesus was mightier than he 4042 and would baptize in the Spirit, that the Baptist was unworthy to be his slave and saw the Spirit descend on Jesus (details recorded in all four extant gospels), 4043 another high christological confession is not impossible. Indeed, we would expect later Christology to emphasize dominant themes like «Christ,» «Lord,» or perhaps «God» or «Son of God» (cf. 1:34) more readily than the less common «lamb.» While the Fourth Gospel " s Tendenz explains why the author omits the Baptists later doubt when Jesus does not inaugurate eschatological judgment, it need not make other pronouncements ahistorica1. |
| This is not to deny that the portrait is wholly negative, however; nonaristocratic Jews (most of John " s audience) would have resented the characterization of themselves in the mouths of the aristocracy. Even Josephus (an aristocrat who regularly portrays himself as more loved by the Galilean populace than by the aristocrats who sent him) contrasts the laws of Moses, published among all the people, with Plato, who feared to make known true ideas about God to the ignorant masses. 6588 Jesus does not trust the quickly changing sentiments of public opinion (2:23–25; 18:40), but in contrast with the arrogant elite portrayed here, the author repeatedly stresses Jesus» love for the people (10:11–15; 11:5, 36; 13:1). Ironically, their assumption that none of the rulers believed in him (7:48) is countered by Nicodemus " s timid reminder of proper judicial procedure (7:50–51); John underlines the challenge to their assumption by reminding the less attentive reader that Nicodemus is the one who had come to Jesus earlier (7:50). Ancient literature sometimes presented a single voice of reason among a people committed to a foolhardy course, a voice ironically ignored by the majority. 6589 The informed reader recognizes that Nicodemus represented a number of secret advocates in Jesus from within the ranks of the elite (the plural in 3:2); because of the tyranny of the aristocrats in charge, however (cf. 7:52), they remained silent (12:42–43; cf. «by night» in 3:2). 6590 When Nicodemus speaks of «our law,» that is, the Jewish law (7:51; cf. Jesus» «their» or «your» law–8:17; 10:34; 15:25), 6591 he does not mean the term pejoratively. As Nicodemus is an ambiguous character with increasingly positive traits in this Gospel (3:1–2; 19:39), and because Jesus himself cites the Law as authoritative, its characterization as the «law of the Jewish leaders» is not negative. The point seems to be that the very standard accepted by the authorities is the standard that convicts them (5:45–47). 6592 They pronounce a curse against the masses who do not know the Law (7:49), yet prove unlearned in that same law themselves (7:51–52). 6593 They also fail to judge «righteous» judgment (7:24). If Nicodemus warns that the Law requires them to hear Jesus and know what he is doing (7:51), John explicitly informs his audience that the elite has failed to «hear» Jesus (5:37; 8:43, 47), and that they did not know him, where he was from, or what he was doing (8:14,19)! |
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| Still, John " s emphasis on the world " s hatred, relevant to his own situation and outlook, probably stems from authentic Jesus tradition. Both Jesus» teachings (cf., e.g., Mark 13:12 ; Matt 5:10–11; 10:21, 25, 35–39; cf. Luke 6:40; 14:26–27) and his sacrificial death (cf., e.g., Mark 8:34–38 ) provide ample material for addressing the world " s hostility. Parallels with the Synoptic eschatological discourse 9118 probably indicate authentic Jesus tradition behind this passage. Further, we should not exaggerate John " s difference from other early Christian sources but should distinguish degrees of «sectarian» outlook. There are certainly differences among models, such as wholesale withdrawal from the world (e.g., the Qumran Essenes), individual protest in urban culture (e.g., the Cynics), and a politically disenfranchised (or in this case unenfranchised) movement that could remain within the society yet view it as hostile. Presumably, first-century Pharisees experienced some degree of political marginalization from Sadducean aristocrats, and Palestinian Jewish revolutionaries found the system entirely unworkable; Johannine Christians fall somewhere in between. Interestingly, however, the discussion of the world " s opposition ( John 15:18–25; 16:1–4 ) frames an announcement of the Paracletés and disciples» role to bear witness against the world (15:26–27). Shortly after this, one learns that the Paraclete prosecutes the world (16:8–11), presumably through the witness of believers (16:7) who themselves know Jesus intimately (16:12–15). The worldview is not merely defensive, waiting till the end as in some apocalyptic treatises; it remains offensive and evangelistic (cf. the combination of these elements in Revelation 11–13). The worldview of this passage is also as pervaded by moral dualism as Revelation or Qumran " s Rule of the Community. The Spirit thus confronts the world (16:7–11) with the truth that one falls on either one side or the other: «Die nur noch christliche oder antichristlich sein kann.» 9119 The rigidity of boundaries created by the world " s hostility undoubtedly strengthens the community " s internal cohesiveness, so that persecution intensifies the attention of community members to loving one another. The same social setting provides a faith committed to and expecting probable martyrdom, as in Revelation. Israeli scholar David Flusser argues, «Christianity surpasses Judaism, at least theoretically, in its approach of love to all men, but its only genuine answer to the powerful wicked forces of this world is, as it seems, martyrdom.» 9120 If John is less concerned with the question of loving those outside the community than the Synoptics are, he is more consumed by martyrdom; he seems to believe this the likely price of those who submit to the high Christology he proclaims and to a consequently likely expulsion from the synagogue community. 1C. The Opposition |
| It is therefore more likely that John does refer to ministry among Gentiles by means of the Jewish dispersion. The «dispersion» itself refers in any case to the Jewish people scattered abroad, from whom Jesus might receive a more favorable reception than among his people in Palestine. 6474 But, as in their similar misunderstanding in 8:21–22, the opponents unwittingly and ironically speak an element of truth: through Jesus» followers (17:20–21), many among the Dispersion and the Greeks would become his followers (10:16). 6475 They also speak other unwitting truth: Jesus was «going away» by death (7:34), and his death was inseparably connected with the coming of the Greeks (12:20–23), the other sheep (10:15–16). Responses to Jesus» Revelation (7:37–52) John " s movement rarely fits modern outlines, lending some degree of arbitrariness to the outline we have endeavored to construct. Because 7:37–39 could climax the teaching of 7:14–36, one could retain it with that previous section; but because the chronological marker («last day») is significant, I have included it in a following section, which emphasizes responses to Jesus. One can trace a common structure in these two sections: Jesus teaches in the temple at the feast (7:14–24; 7:37–39); people speculate about his identity (7:25–29, 31; 7:40–43); the attempt to arrest him fails (7:30,32–36; 7:44–52). 6476 Each section builds suspense to its climax, reveals deep divisions within Judaism concerning Jesus» identity; and demonstrates God " s sovereign plan in withholding Jesus» «hour» for its appropriate time. 1. Source of Rivers of Life (7:37–39) John places this pivotal announcement in the midst of two sections of his confrontation in the temple (7:10–36; 7:40–52). Given the centrality of the water symbolism earlier (2:6; 3:5; esp. 4:14), this pivotal position here is not surprising. The surrounding structure is not chiastic, but nevertheless balances some central themes in both sections: the charge that the multitudes are being led astray (7:12,47); Moses or his law (7:19–23, 51); judging righteously (7:24, 51); division (7:31, 43); the question of Jesus» origin (7:26–28, 42); the intention to seize him (7:30,44); the speculation that he might be the Christ (7:31,41). |
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