| Craig S. Keener The passion. 18:1–19:42 THE «HOUR» JESUS ANNOUNCED as early as 2has arrived; Jesus is the paschal lamb that John announced in 1:29. Peter Ellis suggests that John " s Passion Narrative fits a chiastic structure, as follows: 9506 A Arrested in a garden, bound and led to trial (18:1–12) Β True high priest tried; beloved disciple present (18:13–27) C Jesus, king of Israel, judged by Pilate, rejected by his people (18:28–19:16) B» True high priest carries wood of his own sacrifice (like Isaac); beloved disciple present (19:17–30) Á Bound with burial clothes, buried in a garden (19:31–42) Because many of the features on which he focuses to achieve this structure are so secondary and because the units may be adapted to suit the proposed structure, the suggested chiasmus ultimately proves less than persuasive. It does, however, evidence some patterns that point to the narrative artistry of their designer. More persuasive is the observation by Ellis and others that irony pervades the narrative. Thus Judas who went forth into «the night» in 13now returns in darkness to arrest the light of the world; Pilate the governor questions if Jesus is a king when the readers know that he is; Pilate demands, «What is truth?» when the readers know that Jesus is (14:6); the soldiers hail Jesus as «king of the Jews» in mockery, unaware that Jesus truly is the king of Israel (1:49), whose lifting up on the cross must introduce his reign. 9507 Historical Tradition in the Passion Narrative We must address some preliminary issues concerning John " s narratives and the history behind them (especially as preserved in the Synoptics) before examining the specific texts in John 18–19 . 9508 Where John diverges from the traditions reported in the Synoptics, we do think likely that John adapts rather than contradicts the passion sequence on which they are based, probably at least sometimes on the basis of other traditions and probably at least sometimes for a measure of theological symbolism. Although, on the whole, we think John essentially independent from the Synoptics, the Passion Narrative is different; John " s audience probably already knows the basic passion story from other sources (cf. 1Cor 11:23–25 ). Their prior knowledge would not render John " s version of the story any less intriguing to his audience, however: stories were told repeatedly in the ancient Mediterranean, and a good story could build suspense even if one knew the final outcome. 9509 John " s very adaptations, at least wherever they might diverge from the traditions commonly known among his ideal audience, invite his audiencés special attention. Where theological symbolism guides his adaptations, it is generally in the service of Christology: Jesus is the Passover lamb (cf. 1:29), who lays down his life freely (10:17–18). 1. The Genre of the Passion Narratives |
| Craig S. Keener Conclusion. 20:30–31 MANY REGARD THE CONCLUSION of 20:30–31 as the end of the Gospel, viewing ch. 21 as a later addition; others view 20:30–31 as the summary only of the resurrection chapter. 10778 Because 20:30–31 pulls together John " s themes of witness, faith, and signs so fully, it is best to regard this conclusion as a conclusion to the book. We will argue that ch. 21 is a legitimate part of the Fourth Gospel; ancient writers did not need to stop writing after a conclusion even if it adequately summarized what had preceded (cf., e.g., Phil 3:1; 4:8 ), and writers were perfectly capable of composing their own anticlimactic epilogues without needing redactors to add such appendices for them (see comment on John 21 ). But 20:30–31 functions not only as the close of the resurrection narratives but as the close of the body of the Gospel itself, to be followed by its epilogue. Ancient writers and speakers often closed with clear conclusions, often even summarizing or recapitulating their argument from the start. 10779 John does not recapitulate his argument here (cf. perhaps 12:44–50), but he does sum it up. As noted, such a conclusion here need not exclude ch. 21 from the original plan of the document; sometimes such closing summations appear before the very end. 10780 (E.g., after offering his concluding summation, Aeschines finishes with an illustration, reserved for the end to augment pathos.) 10781 As Thomas came to full christological faith (20:28) but would have been better to have done so without signs (20:29), the call to faith in 20:30–31 is a summons to full christological faith on the testimony of others backed by the Paraclete. John likely summons his audience to persevere or, in some cases of a more peripheral audience listening in, to come out of secrecy to become publicly identified with other followers of Jesus. Many Other Signs That John notes that he provides merely a sample of Jesus» signs (20:30; 21:25) is not surprising. (John " s words here naturally provided an «open invitation» to later apocryphal writers.) 10782 Ancient writers sometimes reported that more stories were available about their protagonists than they could possibly record. |
| John Anthony McGuckin Relics MONICA M. WHITE Relics – objects connected with a holy person or event – are venerated in all Eastern Churches. Primary relics are from the body of a holy person (usually bones, but also hair, blood, etc.), while secondary relics are objects from an event in sacred history or with which a holy person has come into contact, most famously the True Cross. Relics can play an important role in the cult of a saint. The discovery of incorrupt relics has often been taken as a sign of sanctity, particularly in Kievan Rus, although this has never been an official requirement for sainthood (Lenhoff 1993). Relics can also help spread a saint’s cult by being broken up and distributed, or by exuding oil which can be collected by pilgrims. The healing power of relics is attested in the Old Testament. In 2 Kings 13.21 a dead man was revived when his body touched that of Elisha. Although the New Testament makes no reference to human remains effecting cures, it does describe miracles accomplished through secondary relics, such as the woman with a haemorrhage who was healed by touching the hem of Christ’s garment in Mark 5.25–9 (see also Acts 19.12). These stories shaped Christian beliefs about relics, encouraging the idea that the body of a holy person had a power which could be transferred to objects with which it came in contact, both before and after death. The practice of keeping relics in homes and churches may have originated in Egypt, where it was not unusual for pagans and Christians alike to store the mummies of relatives in their homes. Christians may have begun distributing pieces of such mummies, particularly if they had belonged to martyrs or holy men, in the belief that they had healing properties (Wortley 2006: 12–14, 18–27). Attempts by the authorities to discourage the distribution of relics (contrary to early Roman Law) were largely ineffectual, and their veneration quickly became widespread in the churches. As their popularity grew, so did the trade in them and the distribution of false relics. Athanasius of Alexandria and the Theodosian Code attacked these practices, apparently to no avail (Wortley 2006: 24–6). |
| 3 новые проблемы богословия Выступление протоиерея Джона Бэра, ректора Свято-Владимирской семинарии (Нью-Йорк) в Феодоровском соборе Санкт-Петербурга 12 января, 2016 Выступление протоиерея Джона Бэра, ректора Свято-Владимирской семинарии (Нью-Йорк) в Феодоровском соборе Санкт-Петербурга Осенью 2015 года в рамках специального проекта, осуществляемого Общецерковной аспирантурой и докторантурой при поддержке Фонда Темплтона, в духовно-просветительском центре Феодоровского собора Санкт-Петербурга выступил ректор Свято-Владимирской семинарии (Нью-Йорк), известный православный богослов, профессор протоиерей Иоанн Бэр (Rev. John Behr). Тема его лекции-доклада: «Стать человеком» («Becoming human»). Сначала скажу два слова о себе, а потом вернемся к теме. Я вырос в Англии, мой дедушка был священником, еще один родственник был первым священником после революции, которого пригласили служить в Лондон в 1926 году. Моя бабушка говорила, что она росла в Париже вместе с будущим митрополитом Антонием (Блумом) . Потом они вместе переехали в Лондон. Мой отец был, кажется, первым священником, рукоположенным митрополитом Антонием. Он оказал большое влияние на мои первые шаги в Церкви. В подростковом возрасте я, как и многие дети священников, перестал ходить в церковь. Но в 17 лет я решил коренным образом поменять свою жизнь и ушел в Иоанно-Предтеченский монастырь в Молдоне, основанный архимандритом Софронием (Сахаровым) . Я продолжил обучение и защитил докторскую диссертацию в Оксфорде. Это было 25 лет назад. И вот уже на протяжении 25-30 лет я занимаюсь изучением творений святых отцов. Могу сказать, что с каждым годом становится всё сложнее и сложнее. На первый взгляд, можно подумать, что чем больше читаешь святых отцов, тем лучше их понимаешь, тем ближе к ним становишься. Но в действительности это не так: чем больше их читаешь, тем больше понимаешь, что образ их мышления очень сильно отличается от нашего современного образа мышления. Можно прочитать тексты святых отцов один раз и сказать себе: «Ну, я в принципе и так знаю, о чем они там все говорят. Эту цитату я узнаю у одного из них, другую – у другого». Но если перечитывать их год за годом, раз за разом на протяжении лет двадцати, то начинаешь понимать, что они мыслят совершенно по-другому. В этом – особое, аскетическое измерение в чтении отцов. Нужно не просто «набрать» из них какие-то зерна знаний, чтобы это знание как-то соотносилось с тем, что нам уже известно, но необходимо научиться смотреть на вещи таким образом, как смотрели они. |
| John Anthony McGuckin Akathistos DIMITRI CONOMOS The most famous of all surviving Byzantine kontakia. This anonymous work, which celebrates the annunciation of the Virgin and the nativity of Christ, consists of two prooemia (introductory hymns) and 24 strophes bound by an alphabetic acrostic. The Akathistos (Gk. “not seated”) was, and still is, performed while the congregation stands. The even-numbered stanzas carry an alleluia refrain, whereas the odd-numbered oikoi include a set of Salutations to the Virgin: 12 lines in metrically matching pairs, each line beginning with “Hail!” Each oikos ends with the refrain “Hail, Bride Unwedded!” Metrically, this poem is unique, as its central part is formed of alternating strophes of two different lengths. The texts of the first 12 oikoi elaborate on the incarnation and the infancy of Christ, whereas the last 12 alternate praise of God with praises to the Virgin. The whole coalesces to create a subtly interwoven tapestry of images that is one of the high points of Byzantine poetry. Syriac elements are evident in the deliberate use of rhyme found in the pairs of lines of equal length of the longer strophes. This and the kontakion On Judas, attributed to Romanos the Melodist, are the only examples in the whole of Greek poetry of the use of rhyme before the conquest of Greek lands by the Franks during the Fourth Crusade (1204–61). Like most Byzantine kontakia, the Akathistos draws extensively on the Scriptures and on a number of famous prose sermons, but it retains a striking individuality. With bold similes the poet succeeds in blending the overwhelming mystery of the incarnation of the Word with the softer note of praise to Mary; the varied and intricate rhythms employed are enhanced by the music of the words. This was originally a chant for the Feast of the Annunciation (March 25), but is now sung at the vigil of the fifth Saturday in Great Lent. According to the Synaxarion, it was chosen by Patriarch Sergius as the thanksgiving hymn to the Mother of God for saving the city of Constantinople from the Avars in 626. The entire work was thus turned into a hymn of victory and deliverance, and it is repeatedly used as such to this day. The literary qualities of the poem and the wide popularity of veneration to the Virgin in the East explain the far-reaching influence that the hymn has had upon subsequent Greek (and indeed worldwide Orthodox) literature. It was quoted to satiety, copied and recast in iambic trimesters and political 15-syllable lines; modern Greek paraphrases of it exist; and it even influenced Byzantine and post-Byzantine art, especially between the 14th and 16th centuries, as is evident from the paintings of Mistra, Mount Athos and even frescoes as far north as Moldavia. It is possible that |
| 1 Основой для изложения сути 81 ереси для преподобного Иоанна послужил «Панарион» святителя Епифания Кипрского. 2 Analecta Bollandiana 57, 1939. P. 299–333. 3 Dyovouniotes C. οαννης Δαμασκηνς. Αθενης , 1903. S. 187. 4 Khoury A.-T. Johannes Damaskenos: Schriften zum Islam/Corpus islamo-christianum. 3. 1995. S. 37. 5 Peeters P. Passion de saint Pierre de Capitolias/Analecta Bollandiana 57, 1939. P. 299–333. 6 Подробнее о преподобном Феофане см.: Максимов. Ю. Преподобный Феофан Исповедник Сигрианский об исламе. – http:/www.pravoslavie.ru put apologetika feofanispovednik-islam.htm 7 Le Coz R. Jean Damascene, Ecrits sur l’Islam/SC 383. Paris, 1992. P. 67. 8 Dyovouniotes C. Op. cit. S. 52 9 Guterbock C. Der Islam im Lichte der byzantinischen Polemik. Berlin, 1912. S. 15. 10 Eichner W. Die Nachrichten uber den Islam bei den Byzantinern/Der Islam. 1936. 23. S. 137. 11 Voorhis J.W. The Discussion of a Christian and a Saracen/The Muslim World. Vol. XXV. 1935. P. 206–273. 12 Khoury A.-T. Op. cit. S. 60. 13 Argyriou A. Une «controverse entre un chretien et un musulman» inedite/RSL. 16. 1967. P. 239. 14 Le Coz R. Op. cit. P. 202. 15 Abel A. La polemique damasceninne et son influence sur les origines de la theologie musulmane/L’Elaboration de l’Islam. Paris, 1961. P. 65. 16 См. краткий разбор аргументации Абеля в: Khoury A-T. Op. cit. S. 39–44. 17 Sahas J.D. John of Damascus on Islam. Revisited/Abr-Nahram. 23. 1984–1985. P. 104–108. 18 Le Coz R. Op. cit. P. 184–198. 19 Khoury A.-T. Op. cit. S. 35. 20 Khoury A.-T. Op. cit. S. 36. 21 Иоанн Мейендорф, протопресвитер. Византийские представления об исламе/Альфа и Омега. 1995. 4 (7). С. 130. 22 Sahas J.D. Op. cit. P. 112. 23 Иоанн Мейендорф, протопресвитер. Указ. соч. С. 131. 24 Αναστασιος (Γιαννουλατος), επσκοπος. Ο διαλογος με το ισλαμ απ ορθοδξη αποψη/Οικουμενη. 1998. Τ. 2. Σ. 65. 25 Merrill J.E. On the Tractate of John of Damascus on islam/The Muslim World. Vol. XLI (1951). P. 97. 26 Le Coz R. Op. cit. P. 72. 27 Саблуков Г.С. К вопросу о византийской противомусульманской литературе. Казань, 1878. (Оттиск из «Православного собеседника» за тот же год). С. 15. |
| John Anthony McGuckin Excommunication ANDREI PSAREV Excommunication is a formal exclusion from church fellowship until repentance has been attained (cf. 1Tim. 1.20 ). According to the gospel, the church may excommunicate a transgressor if all attempts at persuasion have failed ( Mt. 18.17 ). Excommunication may be public (called anathema; cf. 1Cor. 16.22 ) or private (called aforismos; cf. 1Cor. 5.20 ). Private excommunication may be prescribed by a priest for scandalous personal sins. Nowadays privately excommunicated Christians are allowed to participate in worship, but not to partake of the Eucharist. Excommunication in the Orthodox understanding is not tantamount to damnation. It is meant as a therapeutic remedy intended to hasten an errant Christian’s realization that he or she has deviated, to make necessary life-changes and to appreciate the church membership that their actions have deprived them of. Bishops are required to take care that excommunicants shall not be lost to the church (Apostolic Constitutions 3.12). Canon 4 of the seventh ecumenical council forbade a bishop to impose excommunication while under the influence of passion (anger). The Apostolic Canons (3rd-early 4th centuries) identify the sins that must necessarily be punished by excommunication, although without specifying duration. The Ancyra Council (314) specified for excommunicants various degrees of participation in communal worship (Canon 25). The duration of excommunication depends on the depth of the repentance shown (Canon 5). An anathematized person, whether alive or dead, is not eligible for public Orthodox commemoration. The names of excommunicated bishops are removed from the lists for commemoration. Excommunication is considered a means of exerting moral pressure on errant bishops. An Orthodox Christian cannot take part in the worship of a community that has been excommunicated since it would be a demonstration of disloyalty toward the church hierarchy (Council of Antioch, Canon 2). In order to protect the flock from heterodoxy, Orthodox bishops have usually prescribed rigor toward heretics, but leniency in relation to offenders against ethical or church discipline. |
| Metropolitan Tikhon to Serve Divine Liturgy for Memorial Day – Live-Stream Available Source: OCA Photo: OCA His Beatitude Metropolitan Tikhon will preside at the Hierarchical Divine Liturgy at the Monastery of Saint Tikhon of Zadonsk on Memorial Day, Monday, May 25, 2020. Despite the postponement of the 116th Memorial Day Pilgrimage , Metropolitan Tikhon and the monastic brotherhood will celebrate the Divine Liturgy on Memorial Day thus continuing uninterrupted a tradition that began in 1905. The Divine Liturgy will begin at 9:00 followed immediately by the Memorial Service for those who gave their lives in service to God and country. The services will be live streamed on the OCA Facebook page and YouTube Channel . “While we cannot be together this year on Memorial Day we want to assure everyone that the entire brotherhood of the monastery is praying for you, and this weekend we are remembering especially those who departed this life while bravely serving their country,” said Archimandrite Sergius. “But we invite you to join us on Monday for the celebration of the Divine Liturgy and in the afternoon for a virtual tour of the Metropolitan Museum here at Saint Tikhon’s.” On Monday afternoon, Archpriest John Perich, curator of the Metropolitan Museum, and a member of the Department of History and Archives of the Orthodox Church in America, will offer a streamed tour of the Metropolitan Museum and speak a bit about the history of the Memorial Day Pilgrimage during challenging times. “As we continue to celebrate the anniversary of Autocephaly , this tour will provide an opportunity for faithful from around the world to visit our museum and learn about the 225 year story of Orthodoxy in America,” said Father John. The Metropolitan Museum houses precious treasures, both spiritual and historical, illustrating the journey the Church in North America has taken from the late 18th century to the present day. Among the items in the collection are personal items of Saint Herman of Alaska , the mantiya of Saint Patriarch Tikhon of Moscow , the chalice of Saint Innocent [Veniaminov] , the miter and vestments of Saint Nicholai [Velimirovic] of Zhica , and the riassa of the ever-memorable Metropolitan Leonty [Turkevich] . The museum tour will begin on the YouTube channel of the Orthodox Church in America at 1:30 EDT (12:30 CDT; 10:30 PT). |
| The New Testament presupposes the stream of Jewish worship and prayer. The Gospel of Luke records exquisite prayers by the Virgin Mary ( Lk. 1.46–55 ), the priest Zechariah ( Lk. 1.68–79 ), and the elder Simeon ( Lk. 2.29–32 ). Jesus himself, circumcised on the eighth day and presented at the Temple on the fortieth, grew up in the tradition of Jewish prayer and piety with frequent appearances at the Temple and the synagogue. He not only gave instructions on prayer but also practiced heartfelt prayer, seeking solitude in the hills where he could pray all night, not least before making important decisions ( Mk. 1.35 ; Lk. 6.12 ). The personal depth of Jesus’ prayers to God the Father breaks forth in dramatic moments of joyful confession ( Mt. 11.25 ), the giving of the Lord’s Prayer ( Mt. 6.5–13 ), the high priestly prayer to the Father ( Jn. 17 ), and the agony at Gethsemane ( Mk. 14.33–5 ), all of which exemplify the intimate relationship with God as a personal and loving Father which Jesus lived and taught. While the early church inherited much of the Jewish tradition of prayer, it gradually moved away from the Temple worship and cultic practices such as animal sacrifices, circumcision, and kosher foods, regarded as no longer compatible with the gospel. Instead, the church focused on its own rites of baptism, the Mystical Supper or Eucharist, and other rites that gradually developed into a whole tradition of worship continuously elaborated in content and structure. St. Paul, large sections of whose letters read like prayers, is a primary figure of the Christian renewal of prayer and worship in trinitarian forms based on the view that each baptized Christian is a living sacrifice to God ( Rom. 6.4, 13; 12.1 ) and the church is the body of Christ and the temple of the Holy Spirit ( 1Cor. 3.16–17; 12.12–27 ). Stirring echoes of early Christian prayers and aspects of worship, replete with Old Testament language, frequently occur in the Book of Revelation, where the eschatological drama of salvation itself is recounted from the perspective of the worship of God (Rev. 4.4–11; 5.8–14; 7.9–12; 11.15–18; 12.10–12; 15.3–4; 19.1–8). |
| Материал из Православной Энциклопедии под редакцией Патриарха Московского и всея Руси Кирилла ИОАНН КАМА Иоанн Кама [копт. iwannhs yamh/ yame/ kame ] († 20.12.859), св. Коптской Церкви (пам. копт. 25 хойака/кихака (21 дек.)). Житие И. К. на коптском языке было составлено спустя более века после его смерти. Краткие сказания об И. К. находятся в копто-араб. Александрийском Синаксаре (XIII-XIV вв.) и в его эфиоп. версии. Нек-рые сведения встречаются в Чудесах Пресв. Богородицы, дошедших в переводе на эфиоп. язык (не ранее кон. XIV в.), и в описании святынь (мощей), составленном в 1088 г. в Скиту (Вади-эн-Натрун). Монастырь, основанный И. К., упоминается в «Истории Александрийских патриархов» при описании событий 2-й пол. IX в. Вторая часть имени И. К. (согласно Житию, так назвал святого ангел) может быть истолкована либо как имя собственное, либо как прилагательное копт. языка со значением «черный». В 1-м случае один из вариантов его написания ( yamh/ yame ) соотносится с именем аввы Хома (греч. Χομα); посвященная этому подвижнику греч. апофтегма V в. (PG. 65. Col. 436) почти полностью совпадает с завещанием, к-рое И. К. оставил братии основанного им мон-ря (The Life of Abba John Khamé. 1920. P. 358). Эпитет «черный» может иметь 2 объяснения. Согласно одной версии, И. К. был смуглым, вероятно сирийцем. Второе толкование связано с историей чудесного спасения мон-ря И. К. от разграбления в 966 г.: осаждавших заставило отступить появление большого черного змия. Местом рождения И. К. Житие называет сел. Джепроменесин (араб. Шубра-Мансина) в окрестностях Арвата в Египте. И. К. был единственным сыном; по настоянию родителей ему пришлось вступить в брак, но он убедил жену хранить девство. Позже он был приведен ангелом в Скит и стал учеником апы Тероти, подвизавшегося при мон-ре св. Макария (Дейр-Анба-Макар) (упоминания об этом подвижнике см.: Zoega G. Catalogus codicum copticorum manu scriptorum qui in Museo Borgiano Velitris adservantur. R., 1810. P. 107; Acta Martyrum/Ed. I. Balestri, H. Hyvernat. Louvain, 1907. Vol. 1: Textus. P. 202. (CSCO; 43. Copt.; 3)). Он постриг И. К. в монашество и обучил правилам иноческой жизни и богослужебному уставу согласно наставлениям Агафона Столпника (кон. VII - нач. VIII в.), который был учеником Авраама и Георгия, младших современников Иоанна , игум. Скитского. |
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