| 8076 Dunn, Baptism, 188. One may contrast interpretations in which the foot washing prefigures Christian baptism (Robinson, Studies, 166; cf. Sylvia Mary, Mysticism, 126–27; Moloney, «Reading»). 8078 Thomas, Footwashing, 126–85, argues that the Johannine community probably employed it as a religious rite. Early Christians retained it as part of baptism, and it persists among some German Pietists and some Anabaptists and Pentecostals today (Martin, «Footsteps,» 43), as well as in Catholic Holy Thursday rites (I owe this observation to Joseph Carey). 8079 Thomas, Footwashing, 42–44 (citing Homer II. 16.235; Od. 22.454–480; Strabo Geog. 7.328; Fabius Pictor De jure sacerdotis 16; Pliny Nat. 24.102). 8083 Carcopino, Life, 39–10. The saying in Lucian Demonax 4 also may correlate unwashed feet with ignorance (hence perhaps with lower-class status). 8084 The tradition that Jerusalem " s streets were swept daily (b. Pesah. 7a) may nostalgically exalt old Jerusalem (cf. tamer epideictic representations of cities such as Isocrates Panathenaicus; Panegyricus; Aelius Aristides Oration to Rome); Jerusalem is idealized as early as Utopian imagery in Let. Aris. 116 and, eschatologically, Tob 13:9–18; 5Q15 (see Licht, «Town Plan»). 8087 Aulus Gellius 1.9.8. On Greco-Roman foot washing for hygiene, see Thomas, Footwashing, 44–46; on Jewish foot washing for comfort, see 31–35. 8095 Gen. Rab. 60:8. A donkey owner had to wash a donkey " s feet (Epictetus Diatr. 1.19.5). Cf. Hierocles, p. 58.27–30=Stobaeus Eel 4.25.53 (Van der Horst, «Hierocles,» 157). 8096 Barrett, John, 440, cites Mek. Nez. 1 on Exod 21to argue that Jewish, unlike Gentile, slaves were exempted from such labor (also Beasley-Murray, John, 233); but cf. also comment on 1:27. 8099 See Thomas, Footwashing, 40–41. This may have been limited by some to Gentile slaves only (see note 48). 8103 It was less common in Greco-Roman thought, though not absent even there (see Lincoln, Ephesians, 235, citing Josephus War 4.494; Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.10; 3.24.56; see esp. Good, King). |
| Материал из Православной Энциклопедии под редакцией Патриарха Московского и всея Руси Кирилла Содержание ЕВАНГЕЛИЕ. ЧАСТЬ I [греч. εαγγλιον], весть о наступлении Царства Божия и спасении человеческого рода от греха и смерти, возвещенная Иисусом Христом и апостолами, ставшая основным содержанием проповеди христ. Церкви; книга, излагающая эту весть в форме повествования о воплощении, земной жизни, спасительных страданиях, крестной смерти и воскресении Иисуса Христа; первая часть Свящ. Писания НЗ, включающая 4 письменных Е.- Евангелие от Матфея, Евангелие от Марка, Евангелие от Луки и Евангелие от Иоанна, к-рые называются каноническими. Термин Слово «Е.» заимствовано из греческого - εαγγλιον. В древнейших слав. письменных источниках оно употребляется в следующих значениях: «учение Иисуса Христа» (Изб. 1076. Л. 62); «книга, содержащая 4 канонических Евангелия» (Еванг. Остр. Л. 294б); «одно из канонических Евангелий» (КЕ. XII 20б); «фрагмент евангельского текста, читаемый во время богослужения» (КЕ. XII 97а; см.: Срезневский. Словарь. Т. 1. Ч. 2. Стб. 805-806; Фасмер М. Этимологический словарь рус. яз. М., 1986. Т. 2. С. 5; Словарь древнерус. яз. (XI-XIV вв.)/Ред.: Р. И. Аванесов. М., 1990. Т. 3. С. 174-176; Словарь рус. яз. XI-XVII вв. М., 1978. Вып. 5. С. 11; Словарь рус. яз. XVIII в. СПб., 1982. Вып. 7. С. 57). Слово «благовестие», калькированный перевод греч. εαγγλιον, часто используется в тех же значениях, что и слово «Е.» (по преимуществу в 1-м из них), но не является его полным синонимом (см.: Словарь рус. яз. XI-XVII вв. М., 1975. Вып 1. С. 193). Употребление в античной литературе Греч. слово εαγγλιον - субстантивированное относительное прилагательное, образованное от существительного εγγελος (приносящий добрую весть) и означающее «то, что относится к εγγελος». Контекстные значения εαγγλιον в нехрист. греч. текстах - награда вестнику, принесшему хорошее известие, и содержание такого известия. Вернувшийся на Итаку под видом странника Одиссей просит у свинопаса Евмея, не узнавшего своего господина, εαγγλιον за весть о своем возвращении ( Homer. Od. XIV 152, 166). Цицерон называет этим словом новости, с изложения к-рых он начинает одно из писем к Аттику (Primum, ut opinor, εαγγλια - Cicero. Ep. ad Attic. II 3. 1; ср.: Aristoph. Plutus. 765; Plut. Pompeius. 41. 3). Хорошо засвидетельствовано употребление этого слова в составе фиксированных выражений εαγγλια θειν - совершать жертвоприношения по поводу получения хороших известий ( Isocr. Areopagit. 10; Aristoph. Equit. 656; Plut. Sertor. 26. 6) и εαγγλια ορτζειν - совершать празднования в связи с хорошими известиями ( Plut. Phocion. 23. 6). |
| 10806 There are twenty-eight terms that appear nowhere else in John, but similar figures may obtain for terms in some of the other chapters. E.g., nearly 20 percent of the words in John 11apply only or almost only to the Lazarus narrative, two or three times higher than the percentage in John 21 . 10808 Smalley, John, 96. Also Minear, «Functions,» who regards ch. 21 as the conclusion to the Gospel and (probably wrongly) 20:30–31 merely as the conclusion to ch. 20. 10809 Westcott, John, 299; cf. similarly (especially on authorship of the chapter) Robinson, Trust, 83; Hunter, John, 191; Morris, John, 858; Michaels, John, xxii; Feuillet, Studies, 25; Trudinger, « John 21 .» 10814 Fuller, Formation, 146; he believes that Luke 5:1–11 was transposed to a resurrection appearance here (pp. 151, 160–61). Many who doubt that it was original to the Gospel nevertheless affirm (e.g., Trudinger, «Ironies»; cf. Witherington, Wisdom, 352) or allow that it stems from the same author. 10821 Hunter, John, 191. He also notes (pp. 191–92) that Matthew and Luke conclude not with initial resurrection appearances but with a commissioning, which he finds in ch. 21 (but which one could just as easily argue, on the other side, is provided sufficiently in 20:21–23). 10823 In addition to manuscript evidence and the readily available quotations in antiquity, some people of antiquity acted out details of the Iliad in their own day (Herodian 4.8.4–5). 10824 One could argue that even the end of the Iliad is secondary, but this would not help the case against authenticity; the point is that the Iliad in its accepted first-century form had an anticlimactic ending that was not believed secondary. Cf. also Homer Od. 23–24, though it may constitute a necessary wrap-up to allow Penelope to recognize Odysseus. 10826 Cf., e.g., Breck, «Conclusion» (who regards it as authentic); Neirynck, « John 21 .» Cf. Spencer, «Narrative Echoes,» though he reads the connections as results of the later author " s intertextual relationship with the Gospel (which would be how we would need to take them if other grounds persuaded us that John 21 is later). |
| »Κα πρθουν ατν» – русск. «опустошал», вернее – «преследовал», т. е. словом и делом принимал участие в подавлении зарождающейся христианской церкви, принимал участие в убийстве напр. Стефана и других иудеев подстрекал к убийству и преследованию христиан (Деан. 22:4; 26:10–11; 9:1). У класс. писателей глагол πορθεν или πρθειν употребляется и в отношении к вещам и в отношении к людям. Homer, Od. ξ. 264: γρους πρθεον; Ilias d. 308: «πλιας κα τεχε’ πρθουν». S. Heind. ad Plat. Prot. p. 340. A Lobeck ad Soph. Af. 1187; cm. Sieffert, стр. 51. Стих 14. Слово ουδασμς как здесь, так и в 13 ст. не указывает на иудейскую теологию, вопреки мнению Grotius’a и Rückert’a. Этим словом ап. Павел назвал современное ему иудейство, имевшее вид религиозной и национальной секты, исказившее закон и жившее преданиями старцев. Это было уже не то иудейство, которое во времена Маккавеев (2 Макк. 8:1; 14:38) с одушевлением отстаивало свою религию и закон против иноземных гонений и языческого влияния. Слово συνηλικιτης встречаетсяи только здесь из всего Нового Завета. Оно позднейшего происхождения. Древние классич. писатели употребляли – λικιτης (Plat. Apolog. p. 33). Τν πατρικν μου παραδσεων. Под παρδοσις нужно разуметь не закон Моисеев смешанный с фарисейскими традициями вопреки мнению протест. богословов: Erasm, Luther, Calvin, Estius, Grotius, Morus, Koppe, Flatt, Winer, Usteri, Kückert, Schott, Olshaus., Wieseler, Hilgenf. и др., так как закон Моисеев у ап. Павла везде называется νμος. Здесь разумеются одни фарисейские традиции ( Мф.15:2 ; Марк. 7:3 ), которые нужно отличать от закона. Mejer, de-Wette, Hofman и др. полагают, что под отеческими преданиями апост. Павел не разумеет собственно предания секты фарисеев, но вообще всю совокупность национальных, удейских преданий (ν τ γνει μου), так как предания ве были исключительной принадлежностью фарисейской секты, но вообще иудейства, как нации. Слово πατρικς – отеческий в Новом Завете употреблено только здесь. В В. Зав.: Быт.50:8 ; Лев. 22:13 ; Сир. 42:10 ; 2Ездр. 1:5,31 . |
| 5619 Mud from cold winter rains (m. Ta c an. 1:3) and inundated creek beds (cf. Homer 77. 5.87–88; 13.137; Od. 19.205–207; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.9; Livy 44.8.6–7; Appian R.H. 12.11.76; Herodian 3.3.7), as well as cold and rains (Hesiod Op. 450, 494) lasting through early February (Hesiod Op. 504–505), deterred travelers. See further comment on John 10:22 . 5620 E.g., Dodd, Tradition, 395–96; ÓDay, «John,» 569; on proverbs in John, see Collins, Written, 128–50; on the use of gnomes (truisms or maxims) in ancient rhetoric, see Heath, Hermogenes, 13–14; Rowe, «Style,» 148 (citing as examples Isocrates Archidamus 6.101–102; Cicero Mi1. 4.10–11). Ensor, « John 4.35 ,» finds 4consistent with other extant Jesus tradition and hence likely authentic. 5622 Ellis, Genius, 73. Dodd, Tradition, 394–95, notes that the Greeks reckoned a six-month interim and argues that the proverb makes better sense in Semitic form than as a rough Greek iambic trimeter (cf. November plowing in Hesiod Op. 383–384,448–450, and May harvest, 383–384). 5624 Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.2.6; 3.23.2; Xenophon Oec. 16.10–12; 17.2. For details, see Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 108–9. 5625 Thucydides 3.1.1 (on Greece); in May (Hesiod Op. 383–384; also on Greece). One kind of wheat that grew particularly quickly was called the three-months kind (Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.2). 5626 Stauffer, Jesus, 69, points out that the barley harvest, due in March (or April), was white (some soils make it whiter–Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.3; cf. 2.13.2), not the wheat harvest of April (or May, as in the tenth-century B.C.E. Gezer calendar; it occurs in summer in Italy, [Virgil] Priap. 1.1–2); he accordingly dates the encounter to November of 29. But «whiteness» may mean simply «brightness» in the Mediterranean sun (Sanders, John, 151 n. 7); some kinds of wheat are also called «white» (p. Péah 2:5; others are red; the «white» field of m. 2is probably irrelevant here). Different soils favor barley or wheat (Plutarch Nat. Q. 15, Mor. 915D; Theophrastus Caus. plant. 3.21.4; 4.13.4), and many rabbis prohibited sowing them together (m. Ki1. 1:9). |
| 5628 2 Bar. 70:2; 4 Ezra 4:30–32; Gen. Rab. 83:5; Rev 14:15. Cf. Bultmann, John, 197, on the eschatological missionary harvest here. 5629 Cf. also Jub. 25:11; 1 En. 87:2; Exod. Rab. 21(third-century Palestinian tradition); Esth. Rab. 9:1; Pesiq. Rab. 8:5, though the expression becomes much rarer in later than in biblical Hebrew (Diez Merino, «Sintagma»); in other Semitic texts, see, e.g., ANET 132, 151 (AQHT A.5). «Behold» (ιδο) is frequently Semitic (it appears over a thousand times in the LXX) but appears often enough in Koine without Semitic influence (e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 3.24.75; 4.8.31). 5630 Other early Jewish traditions more frequently applied the image to the law (4 Ezra 3:20; 9:31–32; 2 Bar. 32:1; b. Ta c an. 4a; Pesiq. Rab. 3:2). 5633 E.g., Bernard, John, 2:380; MacGregor, John, 113; Michaels, John, 58 (Michaels allows that the saying can be applied in various ways). 5634 With Brown, Community, 188; Witherington, Women, 61; Boers, Mountain, 184–85; Beck, Paradigm, 74, 76. On the level of the Johannine community, Cullmann, Church, 192 (followed by, e.g., Simon, Stephen, 36), suggests that the evangelist refers to Hellenist missionaries advancing the Gentile mission. Harvest was one of the rare activities so urgent as to be done during noonday heat (Virgil Georg. 1.297–298; cf. the «sowing» at noon in 4:6). 5636 Whitacre, John, 112 (mentioning John and Peter; the Philip is a different one–Acts 1vs. Acts 6:5). 5639 Faith in Jesus» «word» is the goal (e.g., 2:22; 4:50; 15:7) but in one sense is normally mediated to prospective believers through believers (17:20). 5641 Homer I1. 9.199–220; Od. 1.118–120, 123–124; 3.345–358; 4.26–36; 9.176; Euripides Cyc1. 125, 299–301; E1. 357–363; Demetrius 3.157. 5642 E.g., Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.4; Cicero Off. 2.18.64; Part. or. 23.80; Ovid Metam. 10.224; Epictetus Diatr. 1.28.23; Socrates Ep. 2; Apuleius Metam. 1.26. 5643 In traditional Middle Eastern cultures today, see Eickelman, Middle East, 234–36; Herzfeld, «Hospitality,» 78–79. |
| 5644 Homer I1. 13.624–625; Od. 6.207–208; 14.57–58; Euripides Cyc1. 355; Apollonius of Rhodes 2.1131–1133; 3.193; Greek Anth. 7.516. 5645 Tob 5:10–15; 7:8–9; 10:6–10; Ps.-Phoc. 24; m. " Abot 1:5, 15; 3:12; t. Demai 3:9; b. Ber. 63b; Luke 7:36; Acts 16:15; see further Koenig, Hospitality, 16. For lodging in synagogues or school-houses, cf. b. Qidd. 29b; p. Meg. 3:3, §5. Abraham provided the supreme example (Gen. Rab. 48:9; 50:4; Num. Rab. 10:5; Song Rab. 1:3, §3), though sometimes transferred to other figures (T. Job 10:1–4). Among early Christians, e.g., Rom 12:13 ; 1Tim 3:2 ; 1Pet 4:9 ; Heb 13:2. 5649 Talbert, John, 118, citing especially Josephus War 3.459; 7.70–71; cf. War 4.112–113; 7.100–103,119. 5651 E.g., Aeschylus Supp1. 26; Euripides Herc. fur. 48; Aristophanes Frogs 738, 1433; Epictetus Diatr. 1.22.16; Plutarch Borr. 7, Mor. 830B; Arrian Ind. 21.2; 36.3; Pausanias 2.20.6; 4.34.6; 9.26.8; Athenaeus Deipn. 7.288f. 5652 Pausanias 1.40.3 (Artemis); 8.31.2 (Kore); the mother goddess in Orphic Hymns 14.8; 27.12; 74.4. 5653 Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 12.1.8; Josephus Life 244,259; OGIS 90; CPJ 1:185–86, §38; 2:31, §151. Especially Heracles (Demosthenes Or. 60, Funeral Speech §8). 5657 See more fully Longenecker, Christology, 142–43. The title may function in something of a messianic sense in Isa 19:20; cf. «the Lord " s salvation» in Τ Dan 5:10; human deliverers in Judg 3:9, 15 ; 1Sam 10LXX; Neh 9:27. 5658 For special love for onés native land, see also, e.g., Seneca Ep. Lucil 66.26; Menander Rhetor 2.4, 392.8–9; Iamblichus V.P. 32.214. 5659 Davies, Land, 329; Brown, Community, 39; Schnackenburg, John, 1:462; Van Belle, «Faith.» The term applies most easily to onés place of origin, not onés citizenship (Philostratus Hrk. 44.1). 5661 More peripheral, first-time readers might have taken such language philosophically (Anaxagoras called heaven his «fatherland» in Diogenes Laertius 2.7; cf. the world in Musonius Rufus 9, p. 68.15–16, 25; citizenship in the world, ibid. 68.21–22; Diogenes Laertius 2.99; 6.2.63, 72; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 28.4; Marcus Aurelius 12.36), but the sense is clear after reading the Gospel as a whole. |
| 5359 M. Nid. 4:1; t. Nid. 5(though this reference might be construed to suggest Samaritan strictness). The tradition allegedly derives from the end of the first century, disputes from R. Tarfon and R. Akiba (b. Šabb. 17a); Daube, Judaism, 373, dates it earlier and suspects that the custom predates the ruling. The strictest Pharisees might not even eat with a menstruating woman (early tradition in t. Šabb. 1:14). 5363 See comments above. Cf. also, e.g., Josephus Ant. 1.285, 288, in which Jacob at a well was overcome by Rachel " s beauty. 5364 See also Beck, Paradigm, 72, following Robert Alter " s treatment of a «betrothal-type» scene (Art, 51–62); Zimmermann, «Brautwerbung.» Ska, «Samaritaine,» adds a less likely allusion to Hos 2 to the well meeting scenes. 5365 Intermarriage with Samaritans was, naturally, prohibited (m. Qidd. 4:3; Anderson, «Samaritan Literature,» 1053). 5366 Strachan, Gospel, 102, sees her comment as «banter,» teasing «a thirsty man.» Perhaps she is returning some Jewish spite, as perhaps in the aorist of 4:20; but the πς of 4recalls the questioning of Nicodemus (3:4). 5367 On the positive virtue of bold speech for men, see comment on 7:4; on the usual valuing of women " s meekness (except under extraordinary circumstances; cf. comment on 2:3), see Homer Od. 1.356–361; 19.91; Demosthenes Against Meidias 79; Livy 34.1.5; Valerius Maximus 3.8.6; 7.1.1; 8.3.2; Aulus Gellius 10.6; Heliodorus Aeth. 1.21; Sir 22:5 ; Num. Rab. 9:12; Delaney, «Seeds,» 40. 5369 The text specifies Shechem, the leading Samaritan city, and in the LXX replaces the Hebrew " s «Mount Seir» with «Mountain of Samaria» (cf. Spencer, Philip, 78–79, for early Jewish texts applying Shechem passages in anti-Samaritan ways); 4Q372 frg. 1, lines 11–12 (as reconstructed in Wise, Scrolls, 333) probably echoes the same idea. Cf. Jeremias, Jerusalem, 352–58, for a catalogue of examples of hatred between many Jews and Samaritans. 5370 P. Ta c an. 4:5, §10. On Samaritans and early Judaism, see generally Purvis, «Samaritans and Judaism»; bibliography in Mor, «Bibliography.» 5371 E.g., p. |
| Asen. 14:12). 5421 E.g., Plutarch Nat. Q. 33 (after Mor. 919E, but preserved only in Latin). Cf. Athenaeus Deipn. 8.352a, where a traveler to Pella abstained after noticing that those who depended on the local well water looked sickly. 5428 For the connecting of these passages, see comment on 7:37. Allison, «Water,» is undoubtedly correct that the primary imagery in 4:10–14, as in 7:37–39, is the fountain of living water in the new Jerusalem. 5432 Cullmann, Worship, 83, sees the connection though he wrongly emphasizes baptism here, citing gnostic sects that drank baptismal waters. 5434 Beasley-Murray, John, 61. For magicians transmuting one substance into another, see Homer Od. 10.239–240; Ovid Metam. 14.414–415; p. Hag. 2:2, §5; Sanh. 6:6, §2. But Moses brought water from the rock (Exod 17:6; Num 20:11 ; Deut 8:15 ); and a prophet miraculously provided continuing sustenance for an unmarried woman in need (1 Kgs 17:12), who recognized a sinful background (1 Kgs 17:18). 5435 Many commentators note the misunderstanding (e.g., Bultmann, John, 181; Schnackenburg, John, 1:432). 5436 ÓDay, Revelation, 53, starts a new section with this command, which parallels Jesus» command in 4:7. 5438 Augustine Tract. Ev. Jo. 15.18.1 denied that Jesus merely wished to teach her through her husband (as, he thinks, in 1Cor 14:35 ; but that is probably not the sense even there–see Keener, Paul, 70–100), noting that he did not teach Mary in that way (he cites Luke 10:39–40; but then he reads allegorically: Bring your understanding, 15.18.2–15.20.1). 5440 She may also lack the head covering normally required for married women (sources in Keener, Paul, 22–30; more fully, idem, «Head Coverings»), but, given the midday sun, could be wearing one anyway. Given the emphasis on early marriage or speedy remarriage for most women in the broader culture (sources in Keener, Marries, 72–75; more fully, idem, «Marriage,» 681–82), people would wonder why an adult woman (five marriages suggests some age) would be unmarried. |
| 1 Kgs 14:5; 2 Kgs 4:27; 5:26; 6:12; Jos. Asen. 6:6; 23(despite textual variants in 23:8, the context clarifies the sense); 26:6; Liv. Pro., Nathan 2 (ed. Schermann, §28); p. Hag. 2:2, §5; Sanh. 6:6, §2; Joseph in Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 41:45 . 4731 Smith, Magician, 116–17,199, favors more distant magical parallels but in so doing ignores the clearer prophetic parallels. 4732 E.g., Pss. So1. 17:25. Cf. the rabbinic tradition in which King Messiah could distinguish sinners by the sense of smel1. 4736 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.181, claiming that all Jews agree; Sir 39:19 ; Bar 3:32 ; Sus 42; Let. Arts. 210; Sib. Or. 1.151; 3.12; 1 En. 9:5; 39:11; 84:3; CD 2.9–10; 2 Bar. 21:8; cf. Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 3:9; 16:13 ; Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen 1:9 ; «God of knowledge» in 4Q504 frg. 4, line 4; 4Q510 frg. 1, line 2; 4Q511 frg. 1, line 7. Greeks also spoke of high deities who knew (e.g., Homer Od. 4.468; 13.417; 20.75; Pindar Pyth. 3.28; Xenophon Cavalry Commander 9.9; Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 35IE; Athenaeus Deipn. 5.218F; Musonius Rufus 1, p. 32.17–18; Maximus of Tyre Or. 3.1; Philostratus Hrk. 16.4) and saw (Homer/. 3.277; Hesiod Theog. 514; Aeschylus Eumenides 1045; Supp1. 139,210, 303–305; Apollonius of Rhodes 2.1123, 1133, 1179; cf. Aristophanes Birds 1058; Ovid Metam. 13.852–853) all things; cf. the claim for Caesar in Ovid Ex Ponto 4.9.125–128; a hero in Philostratus Hrk. 43.3; the function of oracles in Aune, Prophecy, 68. At one point a mortal suggests that the gods know all things (Homer Od. 4.379), but the deity, who does not know, must refer him to another (4.382–393), who does know (4.472–480). 4737 4Q180 frg. 2–4, 2.5–10 (explaining Gen 18:21 ); 4Q299 frg. 2,2.10–11; Pss. So1. 9:3; 14:8; Let. Arts. 132–133; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.166; Ant. 4.41; Philo Providence 2.35; T. Jud. 20.3–4; T. Zeb. 5:2; Γ. Naph. 2:4–5; t. B. Qam. 7:2; p. Roš Haš. 1:3, §§39–42; Exod. Rab. 21:3; 43:3; 46:3. Among Greeks and Romans, see, e.g., Hesiod Op. 267; Euripides E1. 1176; Xenophon Cyr. 5.4.31; Mem. 1.1.19; Epictetus Diatr. 2.14.11; Valerius Maximus 7.2.ext.8. |
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