| 7867 John may place the ειμ before the γ to avoid inadvertently introducing christological connotations from other contexts (such as 8:58) where they are not the issue (Bernard, John, 2:435). 7868 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.68.2–3; Josephus Ant. 3.208; 4.322; 6.126–127; Xenophon Mem. 4.8.2; Lysias Or. 2.25, §193; 2.78–79, §198; Epameinondas 2 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 192C; cf. Dionysius of Halicarnassus Isoc. 5. 7872 Neither, however, are they antiheroic, like Abraham " s unwillingness to die in T. Ab. passim. 7876 From Epicurus (ταραξ,αν in Diogenes Laertius 10.85; cf. 10.144.17) to Stoics (ατραχος in Epictetus Diatr. 4.8.27). 7879 With, e.g., Jeremias, Prayers, 98; Smith, Parallels, 136; Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 43; Davies and Allison, Matthew, 1:595; Luz, Matthew, 371; pace, e.g., Meier, Marginal Jew, 1:361–62 n. 36. 7882 Josephus Ant. 13.282–283; Artapanus in Eusebius Praep. ev. 9.27.36; Sib. Or. 1.127, 267, 275; outside early Judaism, Plutarch Isis 12, Mor. 355E; Mart. Po1. 9.1; from terrestrial locations in Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 1.56.3; 5.16.2–3; 8.56.2–3; Valerius Maximus 1.8.5; 2.4.5; 7.1.2; Lucan C.W. 1.569–570; Plutarch Camillus 6.1; 14.2; Philostratus Hrk. 18.4; cf. talking serpents in Arrian Alex. 3.3.5. Cf. Johnson, Prayer, 62–63. 7887 As Baal was the thunderer of Canaanite faith, Zeus was «the high-thunderer» (ψιβρεμτης) of the Greek pantheon (e.g., Homer Od. 5.4; Pausanias 10.9.11; Pindar O1. 8.44), who produced thunder and lightning (Homer I1. 7.443,454; 8.2–3, 75–77, 133; 9.236–237; 10.5; 13.624; Aristophanes Lys. 773; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.510–511, 730–731; Pausanias 5.22.5; 5.24.9; Apollodorus 1.2.1; Pindar Pyth. 4.23; 6.24; O1. 4.1; 9.7; 13.77; Plutarch Alex. 28.2; Silius Italicus 17.474–478; differently, Pausanias 8.29.1; Pliny Nat. 2.18.82). Greeks and Romans shared with Jews the conception of the highest deity ruling storms (Brown, «Elements»); but for naturalistic explanations, cf., e.g., Pliny Nat. 2.18.82; Plutarch Nat. Q. 4, Mor. 912F-913A. |
| 7638 Tears often moved authorities to action (e.g., Lysias Or. 32.10, §505; Cicero Sest. 11.26; Caesar Gallic W. 1.20). On male authorities being particularly moved by women " s pleas in the ancient Mediterranean world, see Luke 18:2–5; 2Sam 14:1–21; 20:16–22; 1 Kgs 1:11–16; 2:17; Matt 20:20; P.Sakaon 36; Lysias Or. 32.11–18, §§506–511; perhaps Valerius Maximus 8.3; comment on 2:4. 7640 «Come and see» is a familiar invitation formula (see comment on 1:39) but, apart from Johannine style, probably bears no other relation to 1:39, 46 and 4:29. 7642 Jesus presumably weeps in 11because he «shares the sadness of his friends and their neighbors» (Smith, John 225). By ancient Mediterranean standards, mere tears were hardly wildly demonstrative (Virgil Aen. 11.148–150; cf. especially women, e.g., Homer Il. 18.30–31; Aeschylus Cho. 22–31, 423–428). Jewish mourners did not, however, participate in the more masochistic mourning rites of their pagan neighbors (e.g., Deut 14:1 ). 7643 Malina, Windows, 24–25, citing Plutarch Caesar 5.2; 11.3; 41.1; 48.2; Cicero 47.2; Acts 20:37; Lightfoot, Gospel, 229, cites Juvenal Sat. 15.132–133. Cf. also 2 Kgs 8:11–12; Homer I1. 1.348–349, 413; Od. 4.113–119; 16.190–191; 23.231–232; Sophocles Ajax 819–820; Philostratus Hrk. 45.6. Note amplification in Josephus " s hellenized accounts: Moses» prayer with tears for God " s vindication against Korah (Josephus Ant. 4.51); David " s prayers with tears during Absalom " s revolt (Josephus Ant. 7.203; 2Sam 15:23, 30 ). 7644 E.g., Livy 1.26.12; 23.8.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.10.1; for rhetoric, see, e.g., Lysias Or. 32.10, §505; Cicero Mi1. 38.105; Rosc. Amer. 9.24; Rab.post. 17.47; Gae1. 24.60; Sest. 11.26; Seneca Controv. 4.pref.6; Menander Rhetor 2.13, 423.30; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.19.512; 2.1.561; 2.5.574; 2.9.582; 2.10.586; Acts 20:19. Narrators used tears to stir pathos (e.g., Xenophon Eph. 1.11); Polybius 2.56.7 complains about historians who sensationalize with tragic scenes of women " s tears invented to arouse pathos; John may deliberately evoke pathos here. |
| 3238 Wis 8:3. Cf. the close relationship between Isis and Osiris, Isis being mediator (Plutarch Mor. 352A in Betz and Smith, «De Iside,» 41). 3239 Gen. Rab. 1:1, using language from Prov. 8:30 . Freedman and Simon observe (Midrash Rabbah 1n. 1) that here «the Torah was with God as with a tutor, reared, as it were, by the Almighty.» Cf. Burkitt, Gnosis, 95, who suggests that John here echoes Genesis, which pictures God «producing the creation by consulting with Himself.» 3240 Pollard, «Relationships,» 364–65 (all six instances outside John connote «active relationship or intercourse «with»»); cf. Carson, Discourse, 92. The construction here represents neither movement toward God (Ellis, John, 21; Stevens, Theology, 90; cf. Morris, John, 76) nor an Aramaism; by this period, prepositions were becoming more ambiguous (cf., e.g., μετ» αλλλων in 6and προς αλλλους in 6:52). 3241 E.g., Pereira, «Word,» 182, citing 7:29. On relations among Father, Son, and Spirit in this Gospel, see more fully Harner, Analysis, 1–43; cf. also Gruenler, Trinity. 3249 E.g., Euripides E1. 1298–1300; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.245; cf. Homer Il. 18.94–96; Ovid Metam. 4.234–244. Most deities could not restore life once it was gone (Ovid Metam. 2.612–613). 3250 E.g., Homer Od. 4.459–461; Apollodorus 2.5.11 (cf. magical papyri for the manipulation of demons). 3251 E.g., 2Macc 6:26; 3Macc 5:7; Wis 7:25; Let. Arts. 185; Sib. Or. 1.66; T. Ab. 8:3; 15:12A; b. Šabb. 88b; Yebam. 105b; Yoma 12a; cf. Goodenough, Symbols, 2:179. 3252 E.g., Virgil Aen. 1.60; 3.251; 4.25, 206, 220; 6.592; 7.141, 770; 8.398; 9.625; 10.100, 668; 12.178,791; Georg. 2.325; Ovid Metam. 1.154; 2.304,401,505; 3.336; 9.271; 14.816; Valerius Flaccus 3.249; Plutarch Isis 2, Mor. 352A; Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 232, also cites Macrobius Sat. 1.23.21. But Juno might be omnipotens (Virgil Aen. 7.428) yet prove unable to prevail against Fate (7.314); other deities appear as omnipotent, e.g., Pluto in Orphic Hymns 18.17 (but perhaps as the «chthonic Zeus,» 18.3). In unrelated religious traditions, see, e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 40–41. |
| 9399 Also Painter, John, 59. 9400 Appold, Motif, 199, suggests connections «with the worship experiences of the Johannine church» (cf. 4:23–24); but the hymns in Revelation, which differ considerably from this prayer, may be more revealing. 9401 Also Tob 3:11–12; 4Q213 frg. 1, co1. 1, line 8; 4 Bar. 6:5; Jos. Asen. 11:19/12:1; f. Ber. 3:14; Pesiq. Rab. 3:5; p. Ber. 4:6; Carson, Discourse, 175; see comment on 4:35. Prayer toward Jerusalem was, however, normative as we11: 1 Kgs 8:44; Dan 6:10; 1 Esd 4:58; m. Ber. 4:5–6; t. Ber. 3:14; for standing in prayer, see, e.g., Matt 6:5; Luke 18:11; p. Ber. 1:1, §8; Lachs, Commentary, 210. 9402 Homer/. 7.178, 201; Xenophon Cyr. 6.4.9; Virgil Aen. 2.405–406 (because she could not lift her hands); 12.195; Silius Italicus 1.508; Chariton 8.7.2; cf. some (albeit only some) traditional cultures in Mbiti, Religions, 84. PGM 4.585 reports closing eyes for prayer, but some parts require the eyes to be open (PGM 4.625; cf. Iamblichus V.P. 28.156); the magical papyri require many different magical gestures. 9403 E.g., Judaism frequently associates God with «heaven» (e.g. 1 Esd 4:58; Tob 10:13; Jdt 6:19; 1Macc 3:18, 50, 60; 4:24; 3Macc 7:6; 1 En. 83:9; 91:7). Greeks also sometimes located Zeus in heaven (Achilles Tatius 5.2.2; cf. Seneca Dia1. 12.8.5). As a circumlocution for God, see comment on John 3:3 . 9404 Ezra 9:5; Lam 2:19; 3:41 ; Isa 1:15; 1 En. 84:1; Jub. 25:11; Ps 155:2; 1 Esd 9:47; 2Macc 3:20; 14:34; 15:12, 21; 3Macc 5:25; 4 Macc 4:11; Sib. Or. 3.559–560, 591–593; 4.162–170; Josephus Ant. 3.26,53; 4.40; Ag. Ap. 1.209; 3.26; T. Mos. 4:1; Mek. Pisha 1.38; t. Móed Qat. 2:17. Cf. also 1Tim 2:8 ; 1 Clem. 29.1; Acts John 43. 9405 E.g., Homer I1. 1.450; 3.275, 318; 5.174; 6.257; 7.130; 8.347; 15.368–372; 19.254; Od. 9.294, 527; 17.239; 20.97; Euripides E1. 592–593; Apollonius of Rhodes 1.248; 4.593,1702; Virgil Aen. 1.93; 4.205; 9.16; 12.195; Ovid Metam. 2.477, 580; 6.261–262; 9.702–703; 11.131; 13.410–411; Diodorus Siculus 14.29.4; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.17.5; 15.9.2; Appian C.W. 2.12.85; R.H. 2.5.5; Livy 7.6.4; Suetonius Nero 41; Arrian Alex. 4.20.3 (a Persian); Epictetus Diatr. 4.10.14; Plutarch Cleverness 17, Mor. 972B; Chariton 3.1.8. |
| 3540 Richardson, Theology, 45, regards this «peculiarly Johannine» πιστεουσιν εις τ νομα as a probable «reference to the baptismal confession of faith in Christ " s name»; cf. Dodd, Interpretation, 184. Philo may employ «the Name» as a title of the Logos (Confusion 146, in Longenecker, Christology, 43), but the title usually applies to God himself; early Christians, however, transferred it to Jesus (Longenecker, Christology, 45–46). «Believe into» may reflect the varied use of prepositions in Koine, though Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 14–15, suggest antilanguage for an antisociety. 3541 Speaking in another " s name was acting as that person " s messenger or traditionary, e.g., «Abba Saul said in his [R. Johanan ben Zakkaís] name [literally, from his name, ]» (m. " Abot 2:8). Believers are also forgiven «on account of Jesus» name,» i.e., through his merit ( 1 John 2:12). 3542 Bultmann, John, 58. Cf. corporate apotheosis in Hellenistic texts in Tabor, «Sons,» though even Paul, like John, reflects more Jewish concerns (Israel " s future glory in the prophets and Jewish corporate eschatology). 3543 Seneca Dia1. 1.1.5; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.6 (through rational communion with deity); 1.19.9. 3544 Diogenes Laertius 7.147; Epictetus Diatr. 1.3.1; 1.6.40; 1.9.4–7; 1.13.3–4; 1.19.12; 3.22, 82; Alexander 15 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 180D; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274B; Macrobius Sat. 4.5,4 (citing Virgil Aen. 6.123; Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 226); Musonius Rufus 18a (112.23–25L/96.1–3H; in Van der Horst, «Musonius,» 309). 3545 Homer Il. 2.371; 3.276,320,350,365; 16.458; Od. 14.440; Hesiod Theog. 457,468,542; Scut. 27; Op. 59,169; Sophocles Ajax 387; Euripides Medea 1352; Aristophanes Clouds 1468–1469. Cf. the exposition of Homer in Cornutus Nat. d. 9 (Grant, Gods, 78). For much fuller documentation, see Keener, Matthew, 217, on Matt 6:9. 3546 Zeus in Diodorus Siculus 1.12.1; Babrius 142.3; Orphic Hymns 15.7; 19.1; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.241; Virgil Aen. 1.60; 2.691; Georg. 1.121, 283, 328; Apollo in PGM 1.298, 305; Ouranos in Orphic Hymns 4.1; Herakles in Orphic Hymns 12.6; Janus in Martial Epigr. 10.28. For much fuller documentation, see Keener, Matthew, on Matt 6:9. |
| 3596 John Chrysostom Hom. Jo. 11 (antidocetic); Strachan, Gospel, 18–19; Argyle, «Incarnation,» 137; Barclay, «Themes,» 115–16; Ellis, World, 36; Lohse, Environment, 274; Schnelle, Christology; for the view that Cerinthianism is here opposed, see Stuart, «Examination,» 38; Harrison, « John 1:14 ,» 26; Talbert, John, 73–74 (cf. Irenaeus Haer. 3.11.1). For attitude of gnostics toward «flesh,» see Schmithals, Gnosticism, 155–66. Various religious traditions have «incarnations» of various sorts (see, e.g., Hoynacki, «Flesh»), but Christianity is the only monotheistic religion that has one. 3597 Lutz, «Musonius,» 64–65, cites parallels in Xenophon Cyr. 8.1.22; Philo Moses 2.1.4; Clement of Alexandria Strom. 2.438). 3598 Homer Il. 4.86–87, 121–124; 13.43–45, 69, 215–216, 356–357; 14.136; 16.715–720; 17.71–73, 322–326, 333, 554–555, 582–583; 20.79–81; 21.284–286, 599–611; 22.7–11; 24.354–458; Od. 1.105, 420; 2.267–268,382–387,399–401; 6.21–22; 7.19–20; 8.8,193–194; 10.277–279; 13.221–222,288–289; 22.205–206,239–240; 24.502–505, 548; Virgil Aen. 12.784–785; Ovid Metam. 1.676; 6.26–27. 3600 E.g., Homer Il. 22.224–231 (which Hector realizes too late, 22.298–299); Ovid Metam. 3.275–277. 3603 Käsemann, Testament, 65, 76–77. Noting that the emphasis of 1is not flesh, Käsemann wrongly ignores the statement altogether (p. 9), citing Johannine miracles to prove that Jesus was not human (though many of these are paralleled in the Synoptics!). Bultmann, John, 61, reads John " s language here as mythological, analogous to the gnostic Redeemer myth (on which see comments in our introduction). For developed docetism, see Hippolytus Haer. 8.2; 10.12. 3604 E.g., Bornkamm, «Interpretation,» 94 notes that it anachronistically reads later categories into the first century. On Jesus» humanity in the Fourth Gospel, see, e.g., ÓGrady, «Human Jesus»; Kysar, «Contributions,» 354; Smith, Theology, 166–68; and esp. Thompson, Humanity. 3605 Gilbert, «Notes,» 45; Cranfield, « " Became,»» 215; Sanders, John, 79), in contrast to texts merely postulating préexistent souls (e.g., Plato Phaedo 76CD; Meno 81 BD; Epictetus Diatr. 2.1.17; Wis 8:20; cf. 3 En. 43:3; h. Hag. 12b; Gen. Rab. 8:7; Dillon, Platonists, 177). ÓNeill, «Flesh,» thinks εγνετο here means «born»; but while this was the means (18:37), it is not the specific sense of the term here (cf. 1:3,6, 10, 17). |
| 10146 See Jeffers, World, 43–44; Watkins, John, 388. John leaves unstated the irony of a soldier afterward wearing (or perhaps selling) the very tunic Jesus had worn. 10153 Schnackenburg, John, 3:274; Beasley-Murray, John, 347. An allegorical application of νωθεν as a play on the tradition ( Mark 15:38 ) or more likely on John " s vertical dualism (3:3, 7, 31; 19:11) is plausible but difficult to make sense of. 10157 E.g., Homer Od. 11.432–434, 436–439 (even though Clytemnestra also slew Cassandra in 11.422); Euripides Orest. 1153–1154. (The subtext of the Iliad was that male warriors were fighting because of women, such as Helen and Briseis; cf. esp. I1. 9.339–342.) 10159 Pace Barrett, John, 551. Women relatives were typically allowed, e.g, to visit a man in prison (e.g., Lysias Or. 13.39–40, §133). 10162 See, e.g., Josephus Ant. 4.320 (Israelite society); Homer I1. 18.30–31, 50–51; 19.284–285; Sophocles Ajax 580; Euripides Here. fur. 536; Thucydides 2.34.4; Cicero Fam. 5.16.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.37.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.67.2; 8.39.1; Livy 26.9.7; Valerius Maximus 2.6.13; Pomeroy, Women, 44; Dupont, Life, 115. Ancients did, however, expect both parents of a crucified person to mourn (Sipre Deut. 308.2.1). 10163 Cf., e.g., Valerius Maximus 5.4.7 (cited in Rapske, Custody, 247); 9.2.1; Polybius 5.56.15 (mob action); Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.267 (on Athenian execution of women); Ovid Metam. 13.497 (among captives; cf. Polybius 5.111.6, in a camp). 10168 Ilan, Women, 53, following Hallett, Fathers, 77–81. «Mary» (and variations) was «easily the most popular woman " s name in lst-century Palestine» (Williams, «Personal Names,» 90–91, 107). If one sister had two names, perhaps she came to use the shared name after marriage removed her from her original home? 10169 One could argue that one Mary in Mark 15is Jesus» mother ( Mark 6:3 ; cf. Matt 13:55; 27:56), but if Jesus was the eldest (or even if he was not), one would expect «mother of Jesus» there unless the passion had somehow terminated that relationship (certainly not Lukés view, Luke 24:10: Acts 1:14). |
| 3). 1827 Indeed, Lucian criticizes historians who praise their own leaders while slandering the other side as engaging merely in panegyric (History 7). 1828 A historian who focuses on what is negative about a character can be accused of malice, unless this is necessary for the telling of the story (Plutarch Malice of Herodotus 3, Mor. 855C). Some characters are wholly good or evil, but most are more believable. 1829 Similarly, in fictitious epic poetry, one could allow some tragic tension through a partly good character like Amphinomus (Homer Od. 18.119–156, 412–421), though as one of the suitors he remained basically bad and destined for death (18.155–156). Aristotle advised that characterization was important for the plot (Poet. 15, 1454a), that characters should be appropriate (Poet. 15.4) and match traditions known about them (Poet. 15.5). He also advised consistency of the character throughout the presentation, but this need not require flat characters, for some characters were known to be inconsistent, so one must simply consistently portray the characters inconsistency (15.6). John " s characters, however, are sometimes flatter, theological representatives of the realm «above» (especially Jesus) or of «the world.» «The Jews» in the Fourth Gospel are often a flat composite character, representing the evil attitudes of the world. 1830 At the same time, the matter should not be overstated. 1831 John normally has no more than two or three speaking characters in a scene, following the staging rules of Greek drama, and this necessitates composite characters functioning as a chorus. 1832 Nevertheless, Greek drama sometimes divided its choruses for various responses, and John employs the same liberty. The Jewish people at the feasts were usually divided in their responses to Jesus (7:12, 26, 31, 41, 43; 10:19–21 ), 1833 and even the Judean elite proved divided (9:16; 12:42–43). Further, John shifts the responsibility for Jesus» final rejection in the Gospel from the crowds (as in the traditional passion narrative) to the Judean elite (19:6). |
| 4926 The conjoining of antonyms resembles some forms of rhetorical antithesis (on which see Rhet. Alex. 26,1435b.25–39; Rowe, «Style,» 142; Anderson, Glossary, 21–22). 4927 Bürge, Community, 157,170. Baptism without the Spirit is worthless (White, Initiation, 254, 262; Culpepper, Anatomy, 193; cf. Ellis, World, 64; Ladd, Theology, 285). 4931 E.g., Sent. Sext. 139a-139b. Contrast the evil of matter in some forms of gnostic and later Hellenistic philosophic systems (Plotinus Enn. 1.8), and in tamer systems the worthlessness (Plotinus Enn. 2.4; cf. Marcus Aurelius 2.2) or lesser reality (Plotinus Enn. 3.6) of matter; cf. Flusser, Judaism, 62. 4933 Gentiles could relate the body to passions (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.52.6; Seneca Dia1. 2.16.1; Plutarch Reply to Colotes 27, Mor. 1122D), or contrast flesh with soul (e.g., Plutarch Isis 78, Mor. 382F; Pleas. L. 14, Mor. 1096E), or note its weakness (Plutarch Pleas. L. 6, Mor. 1090EF). 4934 For the body and passions, see, e.g., T. Jud. 14:3; for contrast with the soul, see, e.g., Philo Giants 29–31; for the earthly body vs. the heavenly soul, e.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.2. Cf. later rabbinic comments on bodily members and the evil impulse (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 3:2). 4935 E.g., Aristotle N.E. 1.12.6,1102a; Lucretius Nat. 3.370–395; Marcus Aurelius 5.13; 6.32; Diogenes Laertius 3.63; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Diogenes Ep. 39; Plutarch Plat. Q. 3.1, Mor. 1002B; Sextus Empiricus Pyr. 1.79; Greek Anth. 7.109. Some allowed the distinction only for humans (Sallust Cati1. 1.2, 7), others also for animals (Aristotle Po1. 1.2.10, 1254a; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.28). 4936 Plato Laws 8.828D; Phaedo 64CE; Phaedrus 245C; Rep. 10.611BC; Aristotle Soul 1.4, 408b; Herodotus Hist. 2.123; Cicero Sen. 20.78; Tusc. 1.14.31; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.62.1; Seneca Dia1. 12.11.7; Ep. Luci1. 57.9; Plutarch D.V. 17, Mor. 560B; Diogenes Laertius 8.5.83; Plotinus Enn. 4.7–8; Philo Virtues 67. 4937 Most notably, Epicureans viewed the soul as mortal (Lucretius Nat. 3.417–829; Diogenes Laertius 10.124–125); Stoics also came to accommodate their view of the soul to their view of the cosmic conflaguration (Seneca Dia1. 6.26.7). Popular thought drew also from the «shades» of earlier myth (Homer Od. 11.204–224, 487–491). |
| 5134 Brown, John, 1:151, notes that Eusebius placed it eight miles south of Scythopolis (Beth Shean) and that the Madaba map places it just northeast of the Dead Sea; but he prefers Ainun (cf. Ridderbos, John, 144). 5135 E.g., Bruce, History, 159; Brown, John, 1:151; Kysar, John, 57; Hunter, John, 43, following Albright. Boismard, «Aenon,» identifies it with Ain Far " ah, in the heart of Samaria. John " s geographical notes (1:28; 3:23; 5:2; 9:7; 11:54) are generally accepted as reliable (Dunn, «John,» 299). 5138 Freed, «Samaritan Influence,» 580–81, lists Aenon and Salim (3:23), Sychar (4:5), and Ephraim (11:54) as probably Samaritan. 5140 See Josephus Ant. 18.113–114,124–125; Kraeling, Jonh, 85,90–91,143–45. For Nabatean relations with neighbors, see Matthiae, «Nabatäer.» John " s attraction to influential supporters of Antipas such as soldiers and tax gatherers (Luke 3:10–14) may also have suggested a political threat (Meier, «John,» 226–27). 5141 See Negev, «Nabateans.» For Nabatean technology in the building of Petra, see Hammond, «Settlement»; for their sculpture style, McKenzie, «Sculpture»; for their religion, see Lindner, «Heiligtum»; Jones, «Inscription.» 5142 Kraeling, John, 92–93, noting that he was safe in Judea or Samaria but on the eastern bank of the Jordan was in Antipas " s territory. 5147 Cf. how Agamemnon " s death at his return home provides suspense concerning what Odysseus could have faced on his return home had he not avoided it (Homer Od. 13.383–385). 5148 Dodd, Tradition, 280–81, may be correct that the record of this controversy is a historical reminiscence, but he errs in failing to see the Gospel " s theological reason for recording it. 5153 Cf. Stauffer, Jesus, 65. The lack of water in many places in Galilee could explain its absence in much of his itinerant ministry (cf. Kraeling, John, 174), though not around the lake of Galilee. 5154 «Coming» was salvific (6:35); those who plotted Jesus» execution to prevent «all» from coming (11:48–50) would actually bring about what they hoped to avoid (12:32). |
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