| 3137 E.g., m. " Abot 1:1; 3:14; Sipre Deut. 48.1.5; echoed in the Amoraim (e.g., Ruth Rab. 2:2; for the principle, cf., e.g., m. Ber. 1:1; Sanh. 11:4; Ishmael " s tradition in b. Šabb. 12b and Akibás in b. c Erub. 7a); cf. CD 5.20–21 (cf. 5.9–11 for an example of intensification); 20.25. The use of the image in Let. Arts. 139,142, may be somewhat different, but the principle of not even approaching genuine transgression was not solely Jewish (Plutarch Compliancy 6, Mor. 531D). 3138 Pharisees were known for their unwritten ancestral traditions of interpretation (Josephus Ant. 13.297; 13.408); cf. the collection in m. " Abot 1–2, whose «primary purpose … is to demonstrate the continuity and hence the weight of tradition» (Strack, Introduction, 53). 3139 For the emphasis in the DSS, cf. Braun, «Beobachtungen»; LaSor, Scrolls, 116–20. For mystical Judaism, see Urbach, Sages, 1:177. 3140 Jewish people, unlike Romans, did not distinguish divinely inspired ritual prescriptions from merely humanly ordained civil laws (Cohen, Law, 28–29). Jewish tombs as distant from the Holy Land as Rome were decorated with Torah shrines (Goodenough, Symbols, 2:6,22; for an extensive treatment of these shrines, see 4:99–144; cf. 12:83–86). 3144 Davies, Paul, 72, thinking the tradition must be earlier than the sources; Davies, Sermon, 54, finds it in Lev. Rab. 13(which he dates to ca. 300). But in Lev. Rab. 13the sages object to a view precisely because it suggests a change, and a fourth-century commentator adds that the ruling is merely temporary. Davies» most thorough analysis of relevant texts in Torah, 70–74, details only late and/or irrelevant evidence (e.g., Tg. Isa. 12:3; Midr. Qoh. 2:1; 12:1; Tg. Song 5:10; Ya1. Isa. 26). (On Yal Isa. see Abrahams, Studies, 2n. 2.) If «eschatology formed the only regulative force by which the omnipotence of the torah … could possibly be limited» (Hengel, Judaism, 1:312), then little existed which could limit it! 3145 Schäfer, «Torah»; Urbach, Sages, 1:297–302, 309; Barth, «Law,» 154–56; Sandmel, Genius, 40–41. Harvey, «Torah,» 1244, allows for some changes in the messianic era in rabbinic texts (Gen. Rab. 98:9; Lev. Rab. 9:7) but stresses its eternality (e.g., Ecc1. Rab. 2:1; cf. Sir 24:9 ; Jub. 33:16). In context, the changes envisioned in t. Sanh. 4are the changes in script at the time of exile and of Ezra); Gen. Rab. 98may simply refer to the Messiah " s rabbinic-style interpretation of what was «implicit» in Torah, and an enforcement of more commandments on the Gentiles; Lev. Rab. 27(reportedly third/fourth century) may declare the abolition of other sacrifices only to heighten the significance of the thank-offering by contrast. |
| Helmbold, «Hymns» Helmbold, Andrew K. «Redeemer-Hymns–Gnostic and Christian.» Pages 71–78 in New Dimensions in New Testament Study. Edited by Richard N. Longenecker and Merrill C. Tenney. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1974. Hemer, Acts Hemer, Colin J. The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History. Edited by Conrad H. Gempf. Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 49. Tübingen: Mohr, 1989. Hemer, Letters Hemer, Colin J. The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia in Their Local Setting. JSNTSup 11. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1986. Hemer, »Ostraka» Hemer, Colin J. «The Edfu Ostraka and the Jewish Tax.» PEQ 105 (1973): 6–12. Hengel, Acts Hengel, Martin. Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity. Translated by John Bowden. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980. Hengel, Atonement Hengel, Martin. The Atonement: The Origins of the Doctrine in the New Testament. Translated by John Bowden. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981. Hengel, Crucifixion Hengel, Martin. Crucifixion in the Ancient World and the Folly of the Message of the Cross. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977. Hengel, «Geography» Hengel, Martin. «The Geography of Palestine in Acts.» Pages 27–78 in The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Vo1. 4 of The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting. Edited by Bruce W. Winter. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995. Hengel, Judaism Hengel, Martin. Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in Their encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic period. Translated by John Bowden. 2 vols. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974. Hengel, Leader Hengel, Martin. The Charismatic Leader and His Followers. Edited by John Riches. Translated by James Greig. New York: Crossroad, 1981. Hengel, «OT» Hengel, Martin. «The Old Testament in the Fourth Gospe1.» Horizons in Biblical Theology 12 (1990): 19–41. Hengel, «Problems» Hengel, Martin. «Literary, Theological, and Historical Problems in the Gospel of Mark.» Pages 209–51 in The Gospel and the Gospels. Edited by Peter Stuhlmacher. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991. |
| Hengel, Property Hengel, Martin. Property and Riches in the Early Church: Aspects of Social History of Early Christianity. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974. Hengel, Question Hengel, Martin. The Johannine Question. Translated by John Bowden. Philadelphia: Trinity Press International, 1989. Hengel, Son Hengel, Martin. Son of God. Translated by John Bowden. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976. Hengel, Studies in Mark Hengel, Martin. Studies in the Gospel of Mark. Translated by John Bowden. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985. Hengel, «Throngemeinschaft» Hengel, Martin. «Die Throngemeinschaft des Lammes mit Gott in der Johannesapokalypse.» Theologische Beiträge 27 (1996): 159–75. Hennecke, Apocrypha Hennecke, Edgar, Wilhelm Schneemelcher, and R. McL. Wilson, eds. New Testament Apocrypha. 2 vols. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1963–1965. Hepper, «Aloes» Hepper, F. Nige1. «The Identity and Origin of Classical Bitter Aloes (Aloe).» PEQ 120 (1988): 146–48. Hepper, Plants Hepper, F. Nige1. Baker Encyclopedia of Bible Plants. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1992. Herbert, «Orientation» Herbert, Sharon C. «The Orientation of Greek Temples.» PEQ 116 (1984): 31–34. Herford, Christianity Herford, R. Travers. Christianity in Talmud and Midrash. Library of Philosophical and Religious Thought. 1903. Repr., Clifton, N.J.: Reference Book Publishers, 1966. Hergesel, «Aretalogia» Hergesel, Thomas. «Aretalogia starozytna: Szkic genologiczny [Aretalogie, Versuch einer näheren Gattungsbestimmung].» Roczniki teologiczno-kanoniczne 26, no. 1 (1979): 35–41. Héring, 1Corinthians Héring, Jean. The First Epistle of Saint Paul to the Corinthians. Translated by A. W. Heathcote and P. J. Allcock. London: Epworth, 1962. Herlong, «Covenant» Herlong, T. H. «The Covenant in John.» Emmanuel 95 (1989): 394–400. Herr, «Calendar» Herr, M. D. «The Calendar.» Pages 834–64 in Safrai and Stern, Jewish People. Herzfeld, «Hospitality» Herzfeld, Michae1. « «As in Your Own Housé: Hospitality, Ethnography, and the Stereotype of Mediterranean Society.» Pages 75–89 in Honor and Shame and the Unity of the Mediterranean. American Anthropological Association 22. Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association, 1987. |
| 276 См.: Baird W. History of New Testament Research. From C.H. Doddto Hans Dieter Betz. Lanham: Fortress Press, 2013. P. 299; Chansey M. A. Sanders, Ed Parish/Ed. by J. J. Collins, D.C. Harlow. The Eerdmans Dictionary of Early Judaism. Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Сотрапу. P. 1191–1192. 277 См.: Nickelsburg G.W.E. Ancient Judaism and Christian Origins: Diversity, Continuity, and Transformation. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003. P. 1. 279 Neusner J., Green W.S., and Frerichs E. (Ed.): Judaisms and Their Messiahs at the Turn of the Christian Era. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. P. XII. 280 Boccaccini G. Roots of Rabbinic Judaism. An intellectual history, from Ezekiel to Daniel. Grand Rapids, Mich: William B. Eerdmans Pub., 2002. P. 32. 281 Sanders Е.Р. Comparing Judaism and Christianity: An Academic Autobiography//Udoh F.E. with Heschel S., Chancey M., and Tatum G. (Ed.): Redefining first-century Jewish and Christian identities. Essays in honor of Ed Parish Sanders. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press (Christianity and Judaism in antiquity series, v. 16), 2006. P. 29. 282 См.: Sanders E.P. Judaism. Practice and Belief, 63 BCE-66 CE. London, Philadelphia: SCM Press; Trinity Press International, 1992. P. 47. 285 См.: Sanders Е.Р. Comparing Judaism and Christianity: An Academic Autobiography//Udoh F.E. with Heschel S., Chancey M., and Tatum G. (Ed.): Redefining first-century Jewish and Christian identities. Essays in honor of Ed Parish Sanders. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press (Christianity and Judaism in antiquity series, v. 16), 2006. P. 18. 287 См.: Sanders E.P. Paul and Palestinian Judaism. A Comparison of Pattems of Religion. London: S.C.M., 1997. P. 17. 290 См.: SandersE.P. (2008): Common Judaism Explored//McCready W. O., Reinhartz A. (Eds.): Common Judaism. Explorations in Second-Temple Judaism. Minneapolis, Minn: Fortress Press, 2008. P. 21. 291 См.: Moore G.F. Christian Writers оп Judaism//The Harvard Theological Review. Vol. 14. N 3.1921. P. 197–254. |
| The Hellenistic context of the Gospel is not, however, to be understood apart from Judaism, but as a broader context for Judaism (both Palestinian and, to a greater extent, Diaspora Judaism.) 1237 Almost everything Hellenistic in this Gospel can be explained in terms of Hellenistic influence already known in early Judaism. 1238 Some have, however, preferred to read the Gospel in a Greek context apart from its nearer Jewish context. Those who have defended a purely Hellenistic context for the Fourth Gospel have tended to stress Hellenistic features and minimize the Jewish contacts, 1239 but this methodology is suspect. 1240 Purely Jewish texts regularly betray Hellenistic features, but, apart from syncretistic magical texts, texts that include some strictly Jewish motifs are normally Jewish. Granted, Jewish Palestine was not as hellenized in this period as the Diaspora or as Palestine was a few centuries later, 1241 but evidence of hellenization is abundant. 1242 Rabbinic texts, traditionally (albeit inaccurately) considered the epitome of Judaism in Palestine or less hellenized areas farther east, 1243 often betray Greek language 1244 and culture. 1245 Judaism in Alexandria and elsewhere naturally absorbed and accommodated even more Greek cultural influences. 1246 Many Jewish documents, including at times purely Palestinian Jewish documents, employ Greek interpretive methods. 1247 Jewish texts frequently include elements from Greek mythology, 1248 although these naturally prevail in more hellenized Jewish communities and are sometimes euhemeristic. 1249 Judaism was so thoroughly hellenized that far more obviously Hellenistic elements than probably appear in John do appear in other Jewish documents, even at times in purely Palestinian Jewish documents. Yet the Jewish elements in these documents testify that the documents in question are Jewish, not the work of Greeks. Conversely, Hellenism was not thoroughly Judaized; 1250 Judaism had little direct influence on the Hellenistic world except in the area of magic (and possibly its thoroughgoing emphasis on a supreme deity). |
| 1451 Lucian Pereg. 11 (Loeb 5:12–13); but Tiede, Figure, 85, is all too accurate when he calls this passage «perplexing.» Wilken, «Christians,» 119–23, notes that outsiders recognized Christianity " s Jewish roots well into the third century. 1454 E.g., Smallwood, Rule, 539; Reinhold, Diaspora, 74; Selwyn, Peter, 51; Levinskaya, Diaspora Setting, 6. 1455 Rome treated it as a collegium rather than a religio; see Rajak, «Charter»; Parkes, Conflict, 8; Koester, Introduction, 1:365. For general information on their status, cf. Rabello, «Condition»; Applebaum, «Status»; Whittaker, Jews and Christians, 92–105. 1456 See Pucci Ben Zeev, «Position»; cf. Aune, Revelation, 169–72; Witherington, Acts, 541–44. Some cities had challenged these rights, but rarely in the preceding century (Trebilco, Communities, 13,183–84). 1460 Cf. Luke (Kent, Jerusalem, 17; Bruce, Commentary, 20–24); this may be why Acts 18omits mention of the reasons Suetonius later cites for Claudius " s expulsion. 1463 E.g., Borchert, John, 72; some suggest that Christians in Galatia may have accepted circumcision to escape the demands of the imperial cult (Winter, Welfare, 133–43). For persecution in John " s Sitz im Leben, see Minear, «Audience,» 340–41; cf. Kysar, Evangelist, 153. 1465 Foakes Jackson and Lake, «Evidence,» 183–84; Aune, Environment, 137. For this practice in antiquity in Judaism, cf., e.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.1,58–59,103–105; Justin 1 Apo1. 44; Parke, Sibyls, 8; Mason, Josephus and NT, 196–98; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 349; Hengel, Judaism, 1:93. 1466 Some accuse Luke of anti-Judaism (Sandmel, Anti-Semitism, 100; Klausner, Paul, 229; Slingerland, «Jews»; cf. Hare, «Rejection,» 27). More likely, Luke-Acts merely emphasizes the veracity and Jewishness of Christianity, despite much of Judaism " s rejection (Brawley, Jews, 158–59); Lukés portrayal of the Pharisees (Brawley, Jews, 84–106) and the Jewish people (Brawley, Jews, 133–54; cf. Jervell, Luke, 44, 49; Stowers, «Synagogue»; Hengel, Acts, 63–64) is essentially positive (contrast Justin Martyr). The Christianity of Luke-Acts may have been sectarian like other early Jewish movements, but this hardly makes it anti-Semitic (see Donaldson, «Typology»). |
| 3503 E.g., 1QM 11.12–13; 14.7; 15.1–2; 17.1–2; t. Sanh. 13:2; b. Roš Haš. 17a; Lev. Rab. 13:2; Num. Rab. 19:32; Ecc1. Rab. 1:9, §1; Pesiq. Rab. 10:5; 11:5; cf. 1 En. 99:4; other texts in Bonsirven, Judaism, 65–68; Donaldson, Paul and Gentiles, 52–54. Some of these texts include in the judgment the wicked of Israel as wel1. 3504 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 214–15. Urbach, «Self-Affirmation,» 278–84, attributes the predominantly negative attitude toward Gentiles to the period before 70, suggesting that rabbis at Yavneh emended it to avoid profaning God " s name. Jeremias, Promise, 40–41, suggests that the negative view (which he may overemphasize) climaxed in such statements as that of R. Eliezer ben Hyrcanus, ca. 90 C.E.: «No Gentile shall have a part in the world to come.» But Moore, Judaism, 2:385–86, cites texts indicating that R. Eliezer was believed to have changed his mind; see Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 215, for a critique of Jeremias on this point. 3505 CD 12.6–8; m. Git. 5:9; Ecc1. Rab. 11:1, §1; though cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 154, for qualifications of this principle. The principle was widespread; Isocrates Ad Nic. 22, Or. 2, stresses the obligation to treat foreigners well for reputation " s sake. Ps.-Phoc. 39–40 may be directed toward just treatment of Alexandrian Jewry rather than toward witness to Gentiles. 3506 Let. Aris. 279 (Ptolemy Philadelphus); t. Sanh. 13:2; Sipre Deut. 307.4.2. This tradition may have served an apologetic purpose, since idolatry and sexual immorality excluded most Gentile men from the broadest Jewish definition of «righteous»; nevertheless, individual righteous Gentiles do appear (e.g., Sipra A.M. pq. 13.194.2.15; b. Hu1. 92a; Lev. Rab. 1:3; cf. also a third-century C.E. Phrygian inscription, praising one who «knew the law of the Jews " –CI J 2:34, §774). See further Donaldson, Paul and Gentiles, 65–69; for surveys of ancient Jewish texts» diverse positions on the lostness of the Gentiles, see Sanders, Paul and Judaism, 206–12; Bonsirven, Judaism, 66–70; Donaldson, Paul and Gentiles, 52–74; for a broad sampling of rabbinic texts on Gentiles, see Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 556–65. |
| While I believe that the scribes probably influenced popular interpretation through their teaching of children, future scribes, and probably occasional lay instruction in the synagogues, no one school of thought ruled the scribes, whose teachings as a whole thus reflected as much as shaped popular Judaism. 1500 Indeed, early rabbinic traditions themselves may imply Pharisaic competition with other views in the synagogues. 1501 Most of Judaism was united on general practices and certain very basic issues (such as one God, the law " s divine authority, Israel or the remnant as God " s covenant people); but different groups could view one another with discomfort or even suspicion without questioning that all were Jewish. 1502 Indeed, allegiance to the Jewish community as a whole was an ancient value repudiated only by sectarians and those motivated by a greater self-interest; 1503 on the popular level, eclecticism was probably the norm. 1504 Admittedly, diversity was not always maintained in tension with continuity in the larger community. The Essenes, for instance, were clearly sectarian, withdrawing from and pronouncing judgment on the larger society. Their claim to be the true Israel (by which they undoubtedly meant the faithful remnant of Israel) distinguished them from the larger Judaism of which they were generally no longer an active part. 1505 And whatever unity may have existed in Palestinian Judaism, Diaspora Judaism may be judged even more diverse. 1506 But tolerance of diversity remained the norm because it was necessary; Judaism existed in a hostile world, and Jews needed one another to survive. After 70, this diversity began to diminish in Jewish Palestine; 1507 the Sadducees» base of power disappeared with the temple, 1508 revolutionary movements (including the revolutionary wing of the Pharisaic movement) were temporarily discredited, 1509 and the Essenes appear to have gradually declined in influence. 1510 This is not to imply that the aristocrats and other elite gathered at Yavneh immediately began to control Palestinian Judaism. |
| Recent scholars have severely critiqued the ahistorical perspective by which previous scholars mined rabbinic literature for Jewish opinions, without recognizing the diversity of early Judaism or the development in the rabbinic sources. Rabbinic literature is one body of Jewish texts among others, and provides some of our evidence for early Judaism; but the later and more specific a tradition, the less valuable it is for understanding first-century Judaism. (One probably should not, for example, suppose that the core of Sipra reflects instructions used by priests in the temple before 70; though it is Tannaitic, it is very specific.) 1538 In the same way, editors of specific rabbinic documents clearly redacted stories and sayings to fit the documents as a whole. 1539 Further, rabbinic literaturés focus on halakic questions (often defining theoretical questions that likely arose in practice only relatively rarely) 1540 reflects the purpose of the literature, but need not limit the religious experience of the rabbinic community. 1541 Nevertheless, the utility of the literature for our study should not be ruled out; 1542 on some points, in fact, it is all the evidence we have, even if that evidence must be treated as less than certain. 1543 Granted, local sources are better than foreign ones and contemporary ones better than later ones, but historians of antiquity regularly have to depend on a single source, often confirmed by later sources. Thus by this usual historical approach, if some reference in the NT «is supported by later rabbinic law, then in accordance with the routine practice of ancient historians, we have to treat it as a terminus post quern» provided it is a view that the rabbis could have derived from the broader continuum of early Judaism. 1544 As Vermes points out, many scholars who insist on using only Qumran texts and rejecting rabbinic literature do not know rabbinic texts well, hence are eager to embrace this approach; yet the rabbis certainly did not borrow their traditions from the Gospels. He thus argues for using all available early Jewish sources to shed light on different facets of early Judaism. 1545 In this volume, rabbinic literature will be treated as one useful strand of evidence by which we seek to reconstruct the broader cultural and social milieu of early Judaism–not as if implying that the NT borrows from rabbinic tradition, but that notable commonalities probably reflect a common source in early Judaism or at times in the generally Pharisaic movement of scholars that coalesced into rabbinic Judaism. 3B. Neusner " s Minimalism |
| Christianity was often perceived as Jewish, 1450 as late as Lucian " s Peregrinus. 1451 Some argue that it was not until Nerva that Roman policy perceived Judaism as a religious more than an ethnic entity. 1452 Others argue that Rome must have been able to distinguish God-fearers and proselytes at an earlier period. 1453 In any case, as early as Nerós persecutions Roman officials who wished to do so had been able to distinguish Jews and Christians. Many have claimed, following the language of Tertullian (cf. Apo1. 21.1), that Judaism was a religio licita. 1454 Others deny that Judaism was exactly a religio licita 1455 but acknowledge that Rome accorded Judaism the status of an ancient, ethnic religion, granting at least the Privilegium of assembly. 1456 Because custom acquired potential legal force, 1457 precedent became important, 1458 as both early Jewish 1459 and early Christian 1460 writers recognized. Thus the emperor Claudius cited precedents from both his own administration and that of Augustus in supporting the rights of Alexandrian Jews to worship according to their customs. 1461 Since «new» religions could face ambiguities of legal status, 1462 Christianity " s ostensible separation from its Jewish roots could expose it to mistrust and hence ultimately to persecution. 1463 Not only early Christian texts but early second-century rabbinic traditions acknowledged that the state sometimes considered Christian practice a crime. 1464 Luke in Acts strives to defend Christianity by emphasizing the continuity of Jesus» followers with the ancient religion of Israel, 1465 sometimes challenging the divinely sanctioned status of non-Christian Judaism in the process. 1466 But the increasing number of Gentiles entering the Christian community without accepting Jewish customs, together with the fact that faith in Jesus remained a minority option within Judaism, probably weakened his case among any Roman officials who knew of it. After 70, the Diaspora Jewish community, cut off from the now deposed temple hierarchy, might have yet looked to Palestinian authorities permitted by the Romans for a symbol of Judaism " s Palestinian centrality. |
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