| 10713 Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.31–32; more relevant for 1Cor 15:45–49 . For Philonic exegesis of Gen. 2:7 , applying it especially to the soul " s immortality, see esp. Pearson, Terminology (he addresses the gnostic exegesis in pp. 51–81); for later rabbinic exegesis with the two impulses, see, e.g., Hirsch, Pentateuch, 1:56–57. 10714 Gen. Rab. 14:8; Grassi, «Ezekiel,» 164. Wojciechowski, «Don,» also notes that God " s breath in the Targumim on Gen 2brings the word, enabling Adam to speak, suggesting relevance for John 20and Acts 2:4; cf. perhaps also 1 En. 84:1. 10715 E.g., Sipre Deut. 306.28.3; p. Seqa1. 3:3; Exod. Rab. 48:4. Rabbis also assumed that the Spirit implied resurrection in some other texts (e.g., p. Sanh. 10:3, §1; Gen. Rab. 26:6; cf. 1 En. 71:11). Philonenko, «Qoumrân,» parallels 4Q385 and the Dura Europos mural of Ezek 37:1–14 . 10716 If the traditions they preserve are early enough (which is uncertain), it may be relevant that Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 2and Tg. Neof. on Gen 2both attribute Adam " s gift of speech to divine insufflation. 10717 See my discussion in Keener, Questions, 46–61; idem, Giver, 157–68. 10718 See Hawthorne, Presence, 236. 10719 Cf. Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 49–50; Ezek 36:27 ; though cf. 1Pet 1:11 ; Gen 41:38 ; Num, 27:38; Dan 4:8–9, 18; 5:11–14 ; corporately, Isa 63:11; Hag 2:5 . 10720 In 4QNab 1.4 an exorcist «forgives» sins; but this may only mean that he pronounced forgiveness, a prerogative Sanders, Judaism, 240, associates with the priesthood in the pre-70 period; the idea of being mediators of God " s forgiveness appears with regard to conversion and disciple making in rabbinic texts (e.g., b. Sanh. 107b; cf. b. Yoma 86b-87a). Here it is associated with the bearers of the divine word. 10721 Quast, Reading, 137. 10722 With, e.g., Cook, «Exegesis,» 7–8. 10723 Cf. Isaacs, «Spirit,» 405. Differently, Tholuck thinks the Spirit provides discernment of who is truly repentant (John, 454–55). 10724 Most commentators acknowledge that all believers are in view from the standpoint of John " s theology (e.g., Beare, «Spirit»; Smith, « John 16 ,» 60; Lenski, John, 1389; Wheldon, Spirit, 283–84). «Disciples» (20:19) certainly includes the Twelve (20:24–25), but its Johannine usage is broader; cf. also Morris, John, 844. |
| Soares Prabhu, Quotations Soares Prabhu, George M. The Formula Quotations in the Infancy Narrative of Matthew: An Enquiry into the Tradition History of Mt 1–2 . Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1976. Söding, «Feindeshass» Söding, Thomas. «Feindeshass und Bruderliebe: Beobachtungen zur essenischen Ethik.» RevQ 16 (1993–1995): 601–19. Söding, «Kann aus Nazareth» Söding, Thomas. « " Was kann aus Nazareth schon Gutes kommen?» (Joh 1.46): Die Bedeutung des Judenseins Jesu im Johannesevangelium.» NTS 46, no. 1 (2000): 21–41. Soggin, Introduction Soggin, J. Alberto. Introduction to the Old Testament. Philadelphia: Westminster, 1980. Sonne, «Use» Sonne, Isaiah. «The Use of Rabbinic Literature as Historical Sources.» JQR 36 (1945–1946): 147–69. Soramuzza, «Policy» Soramuzza, Vincent. «The Policy of the Early Roman Emperors towards Judaism.» Pages 277–97 in vo1. 5 of The Beginnings of Christianity. Spencer, «Narrative Echoes» Spencer, Patrick E. «Narrative Echoes in John 21 : Intertextual Interpretation and Intratextual Connection.» JSNT75 (1999): 49–68. Spencer, Philip Spencer, F. Scott. The Portrait of Philip in Acts: A Study of Roles and Relations. JSNTSup 67. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992. Sperber, «Shíurim» Sperber, Danie1. «A Note on Some Shíurim and Graeco-Roman Measurements.» JJS 20 (1969): 81–86. Speyer, «Derjenige» Speyer, Wolfgang. ««Derjenige, der verwundet hat, wird auch heilen.»» Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 36 (1993): 46–53. Spicq, » Trogein» Spicq, C. » Trogein: Est-il synonyme de phagein et d " esthiein dans le Noveau Testament?» NTS 26 (1979–1980): 414–19. Spittler, «Introduction» Spittler, R. P. Introduction to «Testament of Job.» OTP 1:829–38. Spriggs, «Water» Spriggs, D. G. «Meaning of " Water» in John 3:5 .» ExpTim 85 (1973–1974): 149–50. St. Clair, «Shrine» St. Clair, A. «The Torah Shrine at Dura-Europos: A Re-evaluation.» Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 29 (1986): 109–117, plates 14–15. Stählin, «πνεμα» Stählin, G. «To ττνεμα ησο (Apostelgeschichte 16:7).» Pages 229–52 in Christ and Spirit in the NT: In Honour of Charles Francis Digby Moule. Edited by Barnabas Lindars and Stephen S. Smalley. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973. |
| Garland, Matthew Garland, David E. Reading Matthew: A Literary and Theological Commentary on the First Gospe1. New York: Crossroad, 1993. Garland, «Quotations» Garland, David E. «The Fulfillment Quotations in John " s Account of the Crucifixion.» Pages 229–50 in Perspectives on John: Method and Interpretation in the Fourth Gospe1. Edited by Robert B. Sloan and Mikeal C. Parsons. National Association of the Baptist Professors of Religion Special Studies Series 11. Lewiston, N.Y.: Mellen, 1993. Garner, «Synagogue» Garner, G. G. «The Synagogue at Capernaum.» Buried History 20, no. 3 (1984): 49–52. Garner, «Temples» Garner, G. G. «The Temples of Mt. Gerizim: Tell er Ras–Probable Site ot the amaritan Temple.» Buried History 11, no. 1 (1975): 33–42. Garnet, «Baptism» Garnet, Pau1. «The Baptism of Jesus and the Son of Man Idea.» JSNT 9 (1980): 49–65. Garnet, «Soteriology» Garnet, Pau1. «Qumran Light on Pauline Soteriology.» Pages 19–32 in Pauline Studies: Essays Presented to Professor F. F. Bruce on His 70th Birthday. Edited by Donald A. Hagner and Murray J. Harris. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980. Garnsey and Sailer, Empire Garnsey, Peter, and Richard Sailer. The Roman Empire: Economy, Society, and Culture. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987. Garte, «Resurrection» Garte, Edna. «The Theme of Resurrection in the Dura-Europos Synagogue Paintings.» JQR 64 (1973–1974): 1–15. Gärtner, «Know» Gärtner, Bertril E. «The Pauline and Johannine Idea of " to Know God» against the Hellenistic Background.» NTS 14 (1967–1968): 209–31. Gärtner, Temple Gärtner, Bertri1. The Temple and the Community in Qumran and the New Testament: A Comparative Study in the Temple Symbolism of the Qumran Texts and the New Testament. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965. Garvie, «Prologue» Garvie, Alfred E. «The Prologue to the Fourth Gospel and the Evangelist " s Theological Reflexions.» The Expositor, Eighth Series 10 (1915): 163–72. Gasparro, Soteriology Gasparro, Giulia Sfameni. Soteriology and Mystic Aspects in the Cult of Cybele and Attis. Études préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l " empire romain 103. Leiden: Brill, 1985. |
| France, Matthew France, R. T. Matthew. Tyndale New Testament Commentaries. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985. Francis, «Graffiti» Francis, E. D. «Mithraic Graffiti from Dura-Europos.» Pages 424–45 in vo1. 2 of Mithraic Studies: Proceedings of the First International Congress of Mithraic Studies. Edited by John R. Hinnells. 2 vols. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1975. Francis, «Humility» Francis, Fred O. «Humility and Angelic Worship in Col 2:18.» Pages 163–95 in Conflict at Colossae: A Problem in the Interpretation of Early Christianity Illustrated by Selected Modern Studies. Edited and translated by Fred O. Francis and Wayne A. Meeks. SBLSBS 4. Missoula, Mont.: Society of Biblical Literature, 1973. Franck, Revelation Franck, Eski1. Revelation Taught: The Paraclete in the Gospel of John. Coniec-tanea biblica, New Testament series 14. Lund: Gleerup, 1985. Frank, Aspects Frank, Tenney. Aspects of Social Behavior in Ancient Rome. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932. Frankfurter, «City» Frankfurter, David. «Lest Egypt " s City Be Deserted: Religion and Ideology in the Egyptian Response to the Jewish Revolt (116–117 C.E.). " JJS 43 (1992): 203–20. Frankfurter, Religion in Egypt Frankfurter, David. Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1998. Franzmann and Klinger, «Stories» Franzmann, M., and M. Klinger. «The Call Stories of John 1 and John 21 .» St. Vladimirs Theological Quarterly 36 (1992): 7–15. Fredriksen, Christ Fredriksen, Paula. From Jesus to Christ: The Origins of the New Testament Images of Jesus. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. Freed, «Eg Eimi» Freed, Edwin D. »Eg Eimi in John 1and 4:25.» CBQ 41 (1979): 288–91. Freed, «Influences» Freed, Edwin D. «Some Old Testament Influences on the Prologue of John.» Pages 145–161 in A Light unto My Path: Old Testament Studies in Honor of Jacob M. Myers. Edited by Howard N. Bream, Ralph D. Heim, and Carey A. Moore. Gettyburg Theological Studies 4. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1974. |
| Goldin, «Magic» Goldin, Judah. «The Magic of Magic and Superstition.» Pages 115–47 in Aspects of Religious Propaganda in Judaism and Early Christianity. Edited by Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza. University of Notre Dame Center for the Study of Judaism and Christianity in Antiquity 2. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1976. Goldstein, «Acceptance» Goldstein, Jonathan A. «Jewish Acceptance and Rejection of Hellenism.» Pages 64–87 in vo1. 2 of Meyer and Sanders, Self-Definition. Goldstein, «Composition» Goldstein, Jonathan A. «The Central Composition of the West Wall of the Synagogue of Dura-Europos.» Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society 16–17 (1984–1985): 99–142. Goldstein, «Creation» Goldstein, Jonathan A. «Creation ex Nihilo: Recantations and Restatements.»/5 38 (1987): 187–94. Goldstein, «Origins» Goldstein, Jonathan A. «The Origins of the Doctrine of Creatio ex Nihilo.» JJS 35 (1984): 127–35. Good, King Good, Deirdre J. Jesus the Meek King. Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1999. Goodblatt, «Suicide» Goodblatt, David. «Suicide in the Sanctuary: Traditions on Priestly Martyrdom.» JJS 46 (1995): 10–29. Goodenough, Church Goodenough, Erwin R. The Church in the Roman Empire. New York: Cooper Square, 1970. Goodenough, Philo Goodenough, Erwin R. An Introduction to Philo Judaeus. 2d ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 1962. Goodenough, «Stamp» Goodenough, Erwin R. «An Early Christian Bread Stamp.» HTR 57 (1964): 133–37. Goodenough, Symbols Goodenough, Erwin R. Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period. 13 vols. Bollingen Series 37. Vols. 1–12: New York: Pantheon Books, for Bollingen Foundation, 1953–1965. Vo1. 13: Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, for Bollingen Foundation, 1968. Goodman, Demons Goodman, Felicitas D. How about Demons? Possession and Exorcism in the Modern World. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988. Goodman, «Essenes» Goodman, Martin. «A Note on the Qumran Sectarians, the Essenes, and Josephus.» JJS 46 (1995): 161–66. |
| Hay razones para creer que lo hizo en griego y que más tarde lo tradujo al siríaco. Unos arqueólogos americanos descubrieron recientemente un fragmento del texto griego. Es un fragmento de catorce líneas, hallado en Dura Europos, en Siria, el año 1934, durante las excavaciones realizadas por la John Hopkins University. Es ciertamente anterior al año 254. Un texto griego tan antiguo parece favorecer el origen griego del Diatessaron. Se puede reconstruir todo el texto a base de las traducciones que se conservan. Las hay en árabe, latín y holandés de la Edad Media. Además, entre los años 360 y 370, Efrén Siro compuso un comentario del Diatessaron; aunque se perdió el original siríaco de este comentario, poseemos una traducción armenia del siglo VI. Todas estas versiones hacen pensar que el Diatessaron ejerció notable influjo en el texto evangélico de toda la Iglesia. La traducción latina se hizo en fecha muy temprana y representa el primer intento de evangelio en lengua latina. Todos los demás escritos de Taciano se han perdido. Tres de ellos los menciona el mismo autor en su Apología. El capítulo 15 de esta obra da a entender que Taciano había escrito anteriormente un tratado Sobre los animales (περ ζoων). En el capνtulo 16 dice él mismo que en otra ocasión había compuesto un trabajo Sobre los demonios. En el capítulo 14 promete escribir un libro Contra los que han tratado de cosas divinas. Clemente de Alejandría cita (Stromata 3,81-lss) un pasaje del tratado de Taciano Sobre la perfección según los preceptos del Salvador. Rhodon refiere (Eusebio, Hist. eccl. 5,13,8) que su maestro Taciano «había preparado un libro Sobre los problemas, en el que intentó explicar lo que estaba oscuro y oculto en las Escrituras sagradas.» Eusebio afirma, además, que Taciano ese atreve a cambiar algunas palabras del Apóstol (Pablo), como corrigiendo su estilo» (Hist. eccl. 4,29,6). Milciades El retórico Milcíades nació en el Asia Menor. Fue contemporáneo de Taciano y, probablemente, al igual que él, discípulo de Justino. |
| An examination of the remains yields much about the liturgy of the early Christian church. A typical Roman upper class house was centered around a columned courtyard with an open room caled the atrium. In the center of the courtyard was a pool or impluvium. At the opposite end from the entrance was a raised area tablinum containing a table and used by the family as a reception area and for ceremonial functions. In the Dura Europos home converted to a church, scholars speculate that the congregation gathered around the pool, which was used for baptism. In the tablinum sat the bishop, who presided over the Eucharist, celebrated at the table. This arrangement provides a logical basis for the liturgical arrangement of later basilica churches. As mentioned earlier, there were iconographic depictions discovered in both the Jewish synagogue and the Christian house church at Dura Europos. Below are a few pictures from the Jewish synagogue, showing frescoes which display Old Testament imagery, including a scene from the book of Esther, the golden calf “incident,” and the patriarch Abraham himself: In the church at Dura Europos, there are many iconographic frescoes as well. The first is a scene from the Holy Gospels where Jesus heals a paralytic man. The depiction shows Jesus standing over the paralytic telling him, “That you may know that the Son of Man has power to forgive sins: rise up, take up your bed and walk.” Interestingly enough, this image is above the baptistry, showing a connection between baptism and being healed from the corruption of death. You can clearly see next to the scene the paralytic taking his cot and walking away like normal, just as in the gospel story (and much like the later icons of this Gospel story): Dura Europos Church Next to this, there is a scene of the Lord Jesus extending His hand out towards the apostle Peter, in order to avoid drowning in the water (also from the gospels): The continuity between the the worship of late Judaism and that of early Christianity seems apparent here, not only from the perspective of the prayers of thanksgiving within the Eucharistic context (as discussed in the previous article), but also with this common practice of both catechetical and decorative iconography. |
| The thought runs like a thread through this statement that the practice of venerating icons, just as the veneration of those who pleased God and of their relics, is different from the worship of the One God. True service in faith can relate only to God. However, because God did not disdain human nature but took it on in the person of Jesus Christ, as according the apostle Paul, For in him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily (Col 2:9), therefore Christ can be depicted and we can honor His image. Although it would seem at first glance that the second commandment of Moses forbids the creation of any graven images of visible and invisible things, it can be seen from the Bible that this is not the case. God Himself commanded Moses to make an ark with a depiction of the cherubim (cf. Ex. 25:17-22). On the walls of the temple in Jerusalem there were not only pictures of the cherubim, but also of palm trees and flowers (cf. 3 Kings 6:29). And this does not contradict God’s commandment “not to make for yourselves idols.” Ancient Christian icons in the form of wall paintings of Biblical scenes and depictions of the cross date back to the first century A.D.. They have been discovered in excavations in the cities of Pompeii in Italy, which was covered by lava and ash in the year 79. Those were still apostolic times, as fifteen years prior to this the apostle Paul was preaching ten kilometers from Pompeii in the town of Puteoli (cf. Acts 28:13). In the catacombs of Dura-Europos in Mesopotamia, Christian frescoes with depictions of the Virgin Mary dating to the second century have been preserved to our times. 1 In Roman catacombs even now we can see frescoes from the second and fourth centuries A.D., showing scenes on the theme of the resurrection of Lazarus, the symbols of the anchor, the fish, and the image of Christ as the Good Pastor or the Lamb. The third century writers Tertullian, Minutius Felix, and Origen witness to the fact that Christians of their times venerated the sacred image of the Cross. St. Basil the Great asked artists to depict the feats of the holy Martyr Varlaam in paint. That by the fourth century the use of icons in churches was ubiquitous is proved by the words of St. Basil: “I receive also the holy apostles, prophets, and martyrs and call upon them to intercede before God, that through them, through their intercessions, the man-loving God will be merciful to me and grant me remission of my sins. I honor also their depiction on the icons and bow down before them especially because they were bequeathed from the holy apostles and not forbidden, but depicted in all our churches.” |
| I have recently written about the archaeological discoveries of ancient Christian house churches in the middle east. In that piece, I discussed how the manuscripts found at these sites shows us that a central practice within these early church communities was the sacrificial mystery of the holy Eucharist (along with baptism), and very much in a way that is consonant with later Eucharistic rites of the fourth century, as well as the rites described in the first-century Didache. I also alluded briefly to the iconographic frescoes in these churches (both at Megiddo and Dura Europos), but I’d like to dive into that aspect a little further. Up until the late-19th century, it was a common polemic of Protestant apologists (against both Rome and the Orthodox Church) that the veneration given to saints was a late innovation and even degradation of the faith (perhaps as late as the fifth or sixth century). Not only this, but it was an established presumption that Judaism (in this case, Second Temple Judaism, as at the time of Christ and His apostles) was wholly iconoclastic, and that it would be impossible to imagine how the early Christians could have ever developed an iconographic tradition, as a result—given both their heritage and dependence upon the Judaism prior to Christianity. However, there is now an abundance of evidence to the contrary, beyond the pale of the Orthodox-Catholic tradition. From the standpoint of popular traditions, most are aware of the “Icon Made Without Hands” that the Lord imprinted into a cloth and gave to King Abgar of Edessa (reigned A.D. 13–50) of the Osroene Kingdom. There is also the tradition of Luke the Physician painting the first icon of the Theotokos (the Virgin Mary) and the infant Jesus (the Hodegetria, which is currently enshrined at a church on Mount Athos). Eusebius of Cæsarea even wrote about the existence of icons and statues of Christ, which had existed well before his time (A.D. 263-329): “Eusebius tells of a statue said to be that of Christ which existed in Palestine, and did not think it strange. He had heard too of portraits of Peter and Paul” ( The Orthodox Liturgy , p. 23). |
| Заметим, что здесь, в этой карсавинской методе чтения, проявляется не просто лекторское искусство, умение достичь живости и доходчивости. Дело глубже. За этим лежит и определенный подход к историческому познанию, определенная герменевтика: Карсавин на практике проводит установку «вживания» историка в предмет, в обстановку и атмосферу явления и эпохи. В науке связывают эту установку с Дильтеем, но Карсавин, разделяя ее, имел для нее и собственные прочные основания в своей теории всеединства. Особенно ярко этот эффект вживания выступает еще в одном рассказе, уже не о лекции, а о простой беседе с сотрудниками Художественного Музея, где он работал после войны. Рассказывает Б.Микенайте: «Мы попросили нам немножко объяснить больше» об одном портрете 16 века — и объяснял Карсавин три с половиной часа. «Всю историю, всю эпоху открыл нам через одну картину… всю жизнь этого времени, когда художник сделал этот портрет. Какая там жизнь была в стране… и сам художник, и его настроение, и те, которые заказали этот портрет, какие это люди были… Все удивлялись, как человек может всё это из одного портрета открыть». Подобных рассказов множество — и видно воочию, как фигура героя их принимает очертания и масштаб культурного символа. Материалы лекций он затем обрабатывал, дополнял — и на их базе на всем протяжении 30-х годов создавались и выпускались тома капитального труда «Europos kulturos istorija» («История европейской культуры»). 5 томов этого уникального для Литвы проекта вышли в свет в 6 книгах в 1931-37 гг.; законченный том 6-й, посвященный эпохе Реформации, утрачен был в рукописи при событиях первой сталинской оккупации в 1940 г. Многотомный курс — в 90-е годы он был целиком переиздан — был, несомненно, новым словом в литовской науке и ее высшим достижением, и в немалой мере, он сохраняет это свое место доныне. Вся же в целом деятельность Карсавина в университете, в науке с трудом поддается обозрению: помимо названного уже, он основал исторический журнал «Senove» («Старина»), организовал исторический семинар и руководил им, разрабатывал концепции, темы, планы работы историков… и чего-чего еще он не делал в эти долгие 22 года своего литовского бытия. |
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