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| Heron 1973 – The two Pseudo-Athanasian dialogues against the Anomoeans. JThS 24 1973. p. 101–122. –The Holy Spirit in Origen and Didymus the Blind: A Shift in Perspective from the Third Fourth Century, in: Kerygma und Logos. FS C. Andresen zum 70 Geburtstag, 1979/80. S. 298–310. Heston E. The spiritual life and the Role of the Holy Ghost in the Sanctification of the Soul, as described in the works of Didymus of Alexandria. , Diss. St. Meinrad//Notre-Dame. Indiana. 1938. 61 р. Roma Univ. Gregor.//рец.: CW. 1939. 33. р. 63. Sister Rose Marie. Hiltbrunner Ο. Didymus der Blinde. Der kleine Pauly, Lexikon der Antike 2. 1967. S. 14. Hönscheid 1975 – Hönscheid J. Didymus der Blinde. De Trinitate. Buch I – II. Meisenheim. 1975. Jülicher Α. Didymus der Blinde. PRE Bd. I. Stuttgart 1903. S. 474–475. Kehl 1964 – Kehl A. Der Psalmenkommentar von Tura. Quaternio IX. (Pap. Colon. Theol. I), hrg. Köln/Opladen. 1964. Klostermann 1905 – Klostermann E. Über des Didymus von Alexandrien „In epistulas canonicas enarratio». TU 28, 2. Leipzig J. C. Hinrichs. 1905. Koenen 1960 – Koenen L. Ein theologischer Papyrus der Kölner Sammlung. Kommentar Didzmos’ des Blinden zu Zach. IX, 11 und 16. APF. 17. 1960. р. 61–105. Kramer 1978 – Kramer B. Protokol eines Dialogs zwischen Didymos dem Blinden und einem Ketzer. ZPE 32. 1978. p. 201–211. Kramer 1981 – Kramer B. «Didymus von Alexandrien. In Theologische Realenzyklnpädie. ed G. Krause and G. Müller. Vol. 8. 741–746. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1981. Kramer B. & J 1987 – Kramer B. & Kramer J. Les éléments linguistiques hébreux chez Didymos l’Aveugle. )Alexandr_na. Hellenisme, juudaisme et christianisme a Alexandrine. Mélanges offerts a Claude Mondésert. Paris Ed. de Cerf 1987. 313–323. Kramer B. Didymus der Blinde. TRE 8. 1981. S. 741–746. Kramer 1971 – Kramer J. Einige Bemerkungen zum dritten Band des Ekklesiastes-Kommentars des Didymos. ZPE. 7. 1971 г. стр. 188–192. Kramer B. Kramer J. Les éléments linguistiques Hébreux chez Didyme L» Aveugle. ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΙΝΑ mélange oferts à Claude Mondésert. Paris 1987. S. 313–323 |
| Berlin: Reimer (Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca. Vol. XV). Henry R., éd. (1967) Photius. «Bibliothèque. Codices 230: Eulogius». Photius. Bibliothèque. Texte établi et traduit par R. Henry. 9 vols. Vol. 5. Paris: Les Belles Lettres (Collection Budé). P. 8–64. Junglas P. (1908) Leontius von Byzanz. Studien zu seinen Schriften, Quellen und Anschauungen. Paderbom: F. Schoningh. Kotter B., hg. (1981) Johannes von Damaskos «Liber de haeresibus». Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos. Bd. IV: Liber de haeresibus. Opera polemica. Berlin; New York: Walter de Gruyter (Patristische Texte und Studien. Bd. 22). S. 19–67. Lang U.-M. (2001) John Philoponus and controversies over Chalcedon in the six century. A Study and Translation of the «Arbiter». Leuven: Peeters (Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense. Études et documents. Fascicule 47). Lebon I., ed. (1938) Severi Antiocheni liber contra impium Grammaticum. Oratio prima et orationis secundae quae supersunt. Louvain: Peeters (Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium. Vol. 112; Scriptores Syri. Vol. 59 (IV, 4)). Lemerle P. (1971) Le premier humanisme byzantin: notes et remarques sur enseignement et culture à Byzance des origines au Xe siècle. Paris: Les Presses universitaires de France (Bibliothèque byzantine. Etudes 6). Rashed M. (2007) «Un texte proto-byzantin sur les universaux et la Trinité». L’héritage aristotélicien: textes inédits de l’Antiquité. Sous la direction de M. Rashed. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. P. 345–377. Reichardt W., hg. (1897) Joannis Philoponi de opificio mundi libri VII. Leipzig: Teubner. Ronconi F. (2012) «Quelle grammaire à Byzance? La circulation des textes grammaticaux et son reflet dans les manuscrits». La produzione scritta tecnica e scientifica nel Medioevo: libro e documento tra scuole e professioni. Atti del Convegno internazionale, Fisciano – Salerno, 28–30 settembre 2009. A cura di G. De Gregorio e M. Galante. Spoleto: CISAM. Р. 63–110. Sanda A., ed. (1930) Opuscula monophysitica Ioannis Philoponi. |
| Louth, A. (1981) The Origins of the Christian Mystical Tradition. From Plato to Denys, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Louth, A. (1986) ‘Pagan Theurgy and Christian Sacramentalism in Denys the Areopagite’, in Journal of Theological Studies, New Series, 37, pp. 432–8. Louth, A. (1989) Denys the Areopagite, London: Geoffrey Chapman, Wilton, CT: Morehouse-Barlow. Louth, A. (1993a) ‘St Gregory the Theologian and St Maximus the Confessor: the shaping of tradition’, in S.Coakley and D.A.Pailin (eds), The Making and Remaking of Christian Doctrine: Essays in honour of Maurice Wiles, Oxford: Clarendon Press, pp. 117–30. Louth, A. (1993b) ‘St Denys the Areopagite and St Maximus the Confessor: a question of influence’, in Studia Patristica 27, pp. 166–74. McGuckin, J.A. (1994) St Cyril of Alexandria: The Christological Controversy, Its History, Theology and Texts, Leiden-New York-Cologne: E.J.Brill (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, 23). Marrou, H.-I. (1943), ‘Diadoque de Photice et Victor de Vita’, in Revue des Etudes anciennes 45, pp. 225–32. May, G. (1978) Schopfung aus dem Nichts, Berlin-New York: Walter de Gruyter (Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte, 48). Meyendorff, J. (1989) Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions, Crestwood, NY: St Vladimir’s Sen1 " »0«» press (The Church in History, 2). Miquel, P. (1966) ‘Httpfl Contribution a l’etude du vocabulaire de l’experience religieuse dans l’oeuvre de Maxime le Confesseur’, in Studia Patristica 6, pp. 355–61 (=Texte und Untersuchungen, 92). Murdoch, I. (1970) The Sovereignty of Good, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Murphy, F.-X. and Sherwood, P. (1974) Constantinople II et Constantinople III, Paris: Editions de l’Orante (Histoire des Conciles Oecumeniques, 3). Nichols, A. (1993) Byzantine Gospel: Maximus the Confessor in Modern Scholarship, Edinburgh: T. & T.Clark O’Donovan, O. (1980) The Problem of Self-Love in Augustine, New Haven- London: Yale University Press. Osborne, C. (1994) Eros Unveiled: Plato and the God of Love, Oxford: Clarendon Press. |
| Использованные источники и литература: Из Слова Святейшего Патриарха Русской Православной Церкви Алексия II на открытии XV Международных Рождественских Образовательных Чтений, сказанного Его Святейшеством 29 января 2007 г. и опубликованного на официальном сайте Московской Патриархии: http://www.patriarchia.ru/db/text/188230.html . Перевод анализируемой статьи Джошуа Морица на русском языке на портале «Богослов.ру»: http://www.bogoslov.ru/text/print/5595056.html . Сарфати Дж. «Человек: образ Божий или “продвинутая обезьяна”?»//Несостоятельность теории эволюции: Пер. с англ./Христианский научно-апологетический центр. — Симферополь, 2001. Ознакомиться с научными и религиозными взглядами представителей данного движения можно, в частности, на сайте: . Haar, Stephen. «Simon Magus – The First Gnostic?». Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der älteren Kirche, Band 119, de Gruyter, Berlin, 2003. « Albert der Grosse. Seine Zeit, sein Werk, seine Wirkung»/Hrsg. A. Zimmermann. Berlin, 1981. Затворник, свт. «Созерцание и размышление». М.: Правило веры, 1998. Буфеев, Константин, прот. «Православное вероучение и теория эволюции. В защиту святоотеческого учения о сотворении мipa, жизни и человека». СПб.: Издание Общества святителя Василия Великого, 2003 г. Василий Великий, свт. «Беседы на Шестоднев»//Творения. Часть 1. Свято-Троицкая Сергиева Лавра, 1900. Святитель Игнатий (Брянчанинов) придерживался следующего строго ортодоксально-православного взгляда на происхождение и развитие мира: «Растения не были подвержены ни тлению, ни болезням; и тление, и болезни, и самые плевелы явились после изменения земли вслед за падением человека, как должно заключить из слов Бога изгоняемому из рая Адаму: терния и волчцы израстит тебе земля. По сотворении на ней было одно прекрасное, одно благотворное, было одно приспособленное к бессмертной и блаженной жизни ее жителей… Звери и прочие животные пребывали в совершенном согласии между собою, питаясь произрастениями» , – Игнатий (Брянчанинов), свт. Слово о человеке. М.: Изд-во Свято-Введенского монастыря Оптиной пустыни, 1997. |
| Bühner 1983=Bühner J.A. πας. – Exegetisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament 3. Stuttg., 1983, 11–14. Burini 1982=Burini С. Il ringraziamento «anzitutto per il calice», Didache 9, l-2a. – Atti della Settimana Sangue e antropologia Biblica nella patristica (Roma, 23–28 novembre 1981). T. II. Roma: Centro Studi Sanguis Christi, 1982, 331–352. Buschmann 1994=Buschmann G. Martyrium Polycarpi – Eine form-kritische Studie. Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach der Entstehung der Gattung Märtyrerakte. Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1994 (Beihefte zur ZNTW. Hrsg. v. E.Gräβer. Bd. 70). Buschmann 1998=Das Martyrium des Polykarps/Übersetzt und erklärt von Gerd Buschmann. Göttingen, 1998. Cambe 1993=Cambe M. La Predication de Pierre (ou: le Kerygma de Pierre). – Apocrypha 4, 1993, 177–195. Chase 1912=Chase F.H. On πρηνς γεννμενος in Acts 1, 18. – JThS 13, 1911–1912, 278–285. Collins 1993=Collins J.J. Daniel: A Commentary on the Book of Daniel. With an essay «The influence of Daniel on the New Testament» by Adela Yabro Collins/Ed. by F.M. Cross. Minneapolis, 1993 (Hermeneia: A Critical and Historical Commentary on the Bible). Couilleau 1977=Couilleau G. L» «alliance» aux origines du monachisme égyptien. – Collectanea Cisterciensia 39, 1977, 170–193. Cowe 1992=Cowe (S. Peter). The Armenian Version of Daniel. Atlanta, GA, 1992 (University of Pennsylvania. Armenian Texts and Studies, Cowley 1983=Cowley R.W. The Traditional Interpretation of the Apocalypse of St John in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. Cambridge, 1983 (University of Cambridge. Oriental Publications 33). Daniélou 1966=Daniélou J. Études d’exégèse judéo-chrétienne. (Les Testimonia). Paris, 1966 (Théologie historique 5). Daniélou 1991=Daniélou J. Histoire des doctrines chretiennes avant Nicée. I. Théologie du judéo-christianisme. Paris, 19912. Davis 1995=Davis C. The Didache and Early Monasticism in the East and West. – Didache in Context 1995, 352–367. de Vito 1974=de Vito J. The leopards of Ignatius of Antioch (Romans 5.1). – The Classical Bulletin 50, 1973–1974, 63. |
| Tkacz C.B. ‘Labor Tarn Utilis: The Creation of the Vulgate//Vigiliae Christianae. 1996. 50. P. 42–72. Tov E. The Greek and Hebrew Bible: Collected Essays on the Septuagint. Leiden: Brill, 1999. 577 p. Idem. On «Pseudo-Variants» Reflected in the Septuagint//Journal of Semitic Studies. 1975. 20. P. 165–177. Idem. The Text-Critical Use of the Septuagint in Biblical Research. Jerusalem: Simor, 1981. 343 p. «Translation Is Required»: The Septuagint in Retrospect and Prospect/Ed. R. Hiebert (Septuagint and Cognate Studies, 56). Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2010. 248 p. Vail G. L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’antiquité: actes du colloque de Strasbourg 8 et 9 novembre 2002//Catholic Biblical Quarterly. 2006. 4. P. 788–789. Vawter B. Intimations of Immortality and the Old Testament//Journal of Biblical Literature. 1972. 6. P. 158–171. Veltri G. Libraries, Translations, and ‘Canonic’ Texts. The Septuagint, Aquila and Ben Sira in the Jewish and Christian Traditions. Leiden: Brill, 2006. 260 p. Von der Septuaginta zum Neuen Testament: textgeschichtliche Erörterungen/Hrsg. von M. Karrer u.a. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2010. 464 s. Waddell W.G. The Tetragrammaton in the LXX//Journal of Theological Studies. 1944. 45. P. 158–161. Wadsworth T. Is there a Hebrew Word for Virgin? Bethulah in the Old Testament//Restoration Quarterly. 1980. 3. P. 161–171. Walter N. Urchristliche Autoren als Leser der «Schriften» Israels//Berliner Theologische Zeitschrift. 1997. 14–1. S. 59–77. Waltke B. The Samaritan Pentateuch and the Text of the Old Testament//New Perspectives on the Old Testament/Ed. J. Barton Payne. Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1970. P. 212–239. Weitzman M.P. The Syriac Version of the Old Testament: An Introduction. Cambridge: University Press, 1999. 376 p. Wendland P. Die Hellenistisch-Römische Kultur in ihren Beziehungen zum Judentum und Christentum. 4 e Auflage. Tübingen: Mohr, 1972. 284 s. Wenham G.J. Betûlh A Girl of Marreageable Age’//Vetus Testamentum. 1972. 3. P. 326–348. |
| PG 94:1436-1501; critical edition in Kotter, op. cit., pp. 109-153 [this work is better known as Against the Jacobites —trans.]. PG 95:21-61; critical edition in Kotter, op. cit., pp. 304-332. PG 95:57 (Kotter, op. cit., p. 329). PG 95:128-185; critical edition in Kotter, op. cit., pp. 173-231). PG 94:677-780; critical edition in Kotter, op. cit., pp. 19-67. PG 94:789-1228; critical edition in Kotter, Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, vol. II (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1973), pp. 7-239. PG 94:521-676; critical edition in Kotter, Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, vol. I (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1969), pp. 51-146. PG 94:741A-744B (Kotter, op. cit., vol. IV, pp. 49-50). De Sectis 6 (PG 86.1:1233B-1237D); critical edition in Franz Diekamp (ed.), Doctrina Patrum de Incarnatione Verbi: Ein griechisches Florilegium aus der Wende des 7. und 8. Jahrhunderts, 2nd ed. (Münster: Aschendorff, 1981), pp. 177-179. “They say that it is not necessary to accept the Synod of Chalcedon, because those who assembled at it were fickle and inconsistent. For the same people deposed Eutyches at Byzantium and accepted him with Dioscoros at Ephesus while rejecting Flavian, and again the same people accepted Flavian at Chalcedon, but rejected Dioscoros. In response to this we say that one should not take human factors into account. For many people, perhaps even men of repute, clearly experienced this often. But even if five or more than thirty of the 630 appeared fickle, as you say, we should not for this reason reject a Synod of six hundred men, when the same men sat in council with Dioscoros at Ephesus, and you do not reject such a Synod on account of these men. Again they ask, ‘Why do you not accept Dioscoros if—as Anatolios of Constantinople avers—he was not deposed for reasons of faith?’ We respond in truth he was not deposed for reasons of faith. For this is why he did not come to the Synod, that his affairs might not be subjected to inquiry; but if he had come and an inquiry had taken place, he would have been deposed as a heretic, for this is what he was. Since he did not come after being summoned three times and they made this a reason for his deposition, this is why Anatolios said that he was not deposed for reasons of faith. |
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