| Vol. 25. (1943) Les Homiliae cathedrales de Severe d’Antioch. Homelies 91 a 97/Maurice Briere; 2. Le lectionnaire de la semaine sainte. 2/O.H.E. Burmester; 3. Euchologium sinaiticum/Jehn Frek; 4. Les homiliae cathedrales de Severe d’Antioche. Homelies 104 a 112/Maurice Briere]; Vol. 26. (1950) Le synaxaire ethiopien/Sylvian Grebaut; 2. La liturgie de Saint Jacques/Dom В.–Сн. Mercier; 3. Les homiliae cathedrales de Severe d’Antioche/Maurice Briere; 4. The old Georgian version of the gospel of John/Robert P. Blake, M. Briere; 5. Voyage du patriarche macaire d’Antioche/Basile Radu]; Vol. 27. (1957) Hippolyte de Rome/M. Briere, Louis Marius et В.–Сн. Mercier; 3. La version Georgienne ancienne de l’evangile de Luc/M. Briere; 4. Le candelabre du sanctuaire de Gregoire Aboul’ Faradj dit Barhebraeus/F. Graffin]; Vol. 28. (1959) Les six centuries des «Kaphalaia Gnostica» d’Evagre le Pontique/Ed. critique de la version syriaque commune et ed. d’une nouvelle version syriaque, integrate, avec une double trad. fran?. par Antoine Guillaumont; 2. Les homiliae cathedrales de Severe d’ Antioch/Ignaziole Pontique, Antoine Guillaumont; 2. Le grand euchologe du Monastere Blanc/Emmanuel Lanne; 3. Eznik de Kolb, de deo, ed. critique du texte armenien/Louis Maries et Charles Mercier; 4. Eznik de Kolb, de deo, trad, franc., notes et tables/L. Maries, Ch. Mercier]; Vol. 29. (1961) Les homiliae cathedrales de Severe d’Antioch. Introduction generale a Unites les Homelies. Homelies 120 a 125 ed. et trad, en franc./M. Briere; 2. The old Georgian version of the Prophets. Petits prophetes. Critical ed. with a Latin trans./Robert Pierpoint Blake, Canon Maurice Briere; 3. id. Isaíe; 4. id. Jeremie; 5. id. Ezechiel et Daniel]; Vol. 30. (1963) Hymnes de saint Ephrem conservees en version armenienne. Texte armenien, trad, latine et notes explicatives/L. Maries, Ch. Mercier; 2. Le candelabre du sanctuaire de Gregoire Aboulfaradj dit Bar Hebraeus. Septieme base, Des demons/Texte syriaque ed. pour la premiere fois avec trad. franc. Micheline Albert; 3. The old Georgian version of the Prophets Apparatus criticus/Robert P. Blake, M. Briere; 4. Le candelabre du sanctuaire de Gregoire Aboulfaradj dit Bar Hebraeus. Cinquieme base, Des anges/Texte syriaque ed. pour la premiere fois et trad. fran?. Antoine Torbey; V La lettre a Patricius d’Edesse de Philoxene de Mabboug. Ed. critique du texte syriaque et trad. franc./Rene Lavenant; Table des matieres des tomes 21 a 30]; |
| Лит.: Trumbull H. C. Kadesh Barnea: its Importance and Probably Site. N. Y., 1884; Schmidt N. Kadesh Barnea//JBL. 1910. Vol. 29. P. 61-76; Woolley Ch. L. The Desert of the Wanderings//PEFQSt. L., 1914. Vol. 46. P. 65-66; Hogarth D. G., Wooley L. The Wilderness of Zin//Palestinian Exploration Fund. L., 1914/1915. P. 61-63; Dothan M. The Fortress at Kadesh Barnea//IEJ. 1965. Vol. 15. P. 134-151; Fritz V. Israel in der Wüste. Münch., 1970. S. 26-51; Cohen R. The Iron Age Fortresses in the Central Negev//BASOR. 1979. Vol. 236. P. 61-79; idem. Did I Excavate Kadesh-Barnea?: Difficulty of Site Identification and Absence of Exodus Remains Poses Problem//BAR. 1981. Vol. 7. N 2, 3. P. 20-33; idem. Excavations at Kadesh-Barnea//BiblArch. 1981. Vol. 44. P. 93-107; idem. Kadesh-Barnea, 1980//IEJ. 1982. Vol. 32. P. 70-71; idem. Kadesh-Barnea, 1981-1982//Ibid. Vol. 32. P. 266-267; idem. Kadesh-Barnea: A Fortress from the Time of the Judean Kingdom. Jerusalem, 1983; idem. Qadesh-Barnea//Le Monde de la Bible. 1985. Vol. 39. P. 9-27; idem. Kadesh-Barnea//NEAEHL. 1993. Vol. 3. P. 841-847; idem. Qadesh-Barnea//OEANE. 1997. Vol. 4. P. 365-366; Keel O., Küchler M. Orte und Landschaften der Bibel. Gött. etc., 1982. Bd. 2. S. 177-185; Kallai Z. The Wandering-Traditions from Kadesh-Barnea to Canaan: A Study in Biblical Historiography//Essays in Honour of Y. Yadin/Ed. G. Vermez, J. Neusner. Totowa (N. J.), 1983. P. 175-184; Кадеш-Барнеа//Краткая евр. энциклопедия. Иерусалим, 1988. Т. 4. Ст. 28-29; Knauf E. A. Supplementa Ismaelitica 14: Mount Hor and Kadesh Barnea//BN. 1992. Vol. 61. P. 22-26; Manor D. W. Kadesh-Barnea (Place)//ABD. 1992. Vol. 4. P. 1-3; Ussishkin D. The Rectangular Fortress at Kadesh-Barnea//IEJ. 1995. Vol. 45. N 2-3. P. 118-127; Johnstone W. From the Mountain to Kadesh, with Special Reference to Exodus 32, 30-34, 29//Deuteronomy and Deuteronomic Literature: FS C. H. W. Brekelmans. Leuven, 1997. P. 449-467; Tabachnick S. E. Lawrence of Arabia as Archaeologist//BAR. 1997. Vol. 23. N 5. P. 40-47, 70-71; Rainey A. F., Notley R. S. The Sacred Bridge: Carta " s Atlas of the Biblical World. Jerusalem, 2006; Cohen R., Bernick-Greenberg H., Bar-Yoseph Mayer D. Excavations at Kadesh Barnea (Tell el-Qudeirat), 1976-1982. Jerusalem, 2007; Singer-Avitz L. The Earliest Settlement at Kadesh Barnea//Tel-Aviv. 2008. Vol. 35. N 1. P. 73-81; Gilboa A. Notes on Iron IIA 14C Dates from Tell el-Qudeirat (Kadesh Barnea)//Ibid. 2009. Vol. 36. N 1. P. 82-94; Finkelstein I. Kadesh Barnea: A Reevaluation of its Archaeology and History//Ibid. 2010. Vol. 37. N 1. P. 111-125. |
| Начало служения Иисуса Иоанн Креститель 29–30 по Рождестве Христове 1. КРЕЩЕНИЕ В ИОРДАНЕ, Марка 1:9–11 Иисус отправился из Назарета на Иордан для крещения от Иоанна. Библия не говорит, где именно в Иордане был крещён Иисус. Все попытки найти место крещения Иисуса являются догадками. Слова в Марк. 1:5 , что к Иоанну приходили люди из Иудеи и Иерусалима, могут подразумевать, что крещение Иисуса произошло в иудейской части низовья Иордана. При крещении небеса открылись не для суда над миром ( Пс. 17:10 ; Ис. 63:19 ), а как знак уникальных взаимоотношений между Иисусом и Отцом. Дух сошёл на Иисуса в виде голубя, а Отец засвидетельствовал: «Ты Сын Мой возлюбленный, в Котором Моё благоволение». Иоанн Креститель был главным свидетелем этих событий. 2. ИСКУШЕНИЕ, Марка 1:12–13 Сразу же после крещения Иисус поведён был Духом в пустыню для искушения от сатаны – в какую именно, мы не знаем. Предание называет Иудейскую пустыню, но нельзя исключать и пустыню, расположенную на восток от Иордана. В любом случае, инициатива была за Богом, а не сатаной. Бог через Иисуса перевёл битву в стан противника, и итогом стала победа. После победы второго Адама в пустыне трагические последствия первого греха, совершённого Адамом в раю, находились в процессе отмены ( Рим. 5:19 ). 3. С ИОАННОМ КРЕСТИТЕЛЕМ и ПЯТЬЮ УЧЕНИКАМИ за Иорданом, Иоанна 1:19–51 После крещения Иисуса Иоанн ушёл в Вифанию за Иорданом. Этот регион располагался восточнее моря Галилейского на территории Ирода Филиппа, а не напротив Иерихона, как считают некоторые (Древн. XVH.2.1, XVII. 11.4, ХХ.7.1). Попытки отождествить Вифанию за Иорданом с местом напротив Иерихона сопровождаются неверным предположением, что Иисус крестился в Вифании (напр., BAR 31/1, 2005: 34–43). Евангелист Иоанн приводит подробное, день за днём описание первой недели служения Иисуса ( Иоан. 1:19– 51 ). Когда Иоанн Креститель нёс служение за Иорданом, религиозные вожди в Иерусалиме послали представителей допросить его. Он сказал им, что он не Мессия, не Илия и не пророк, а голос, говорящий: «Приготовьтесь, Идущий за мной стоит среди вас». На следующий день после этого Иоанн увидел идущего к нему Иисуса и сказал: «Вот Агнец Божий, Который берёт на Себя грех мира... Я видел Духа, сходящего с неба, как голубя, и пребывающего на Нём... Я видел и засвидетельствовал, что Сей есть Сын Божий». Само крещение происходило не в Вифании за Иорданом. В Вифании, более чем 40 дней спустя, Иоанн вспоминал крещение, свидетельствуя о том, Кто такой Иисус. |
| 3219 E.g., b. Ned. 39b, bar.; Pesah. 54a, bar.; Gen. Rab. 1:4; Lev. Rab. 14(his spirit); Pesiq. Rab. 33:6; Midr. Pss. 72:17; cf. similarly Vermes, Jesus the Jew, 138; Schoeps, Paul, 150; Urbach, Sages, 1:684. Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 586, suggest that the preexistent-messiah tradition may appropriate Christian theology. In Mek. Pisha 1.54–56, all Israel was «fit for the kingship» until David was chosen, which would argue against a préexistent messiah in this stream of Tannaitic tradition (i.e., it may have fallen only to Akibás heirs). 3220 E.g., " Abot R. Nat. 37, §95 B; Gen. Rab. 1:4. Moses appears as preexistent or premeditated in T. Mos. 1and in very late Samaritan tradition (MacDonald, Samaritans, 162–79; cf. 423–24 on the date); cf. Moses» divinity in Philo Sacrifices 9; Exod. Rab. 8:1; Num. Rab. 15:13; based on Exod 7:1. Cf. 2 Clem. 14.1 for the preexistence of the church (2 Clement reflects many Jewish motifs). 3221 We are assuming here that the Similitudes might not be pre-Christian; see 1 En. 48:3,6 (OTP 1cites 1 En. 46:1–2; 48:3; 62:7; 4 Ezra 12:32; 13:26, on 2 Bar. 30:1; the last reference may not imply a préexistent messiah). 3223 Pesiq. Rab Kah. 12:24; Gen. Rab. 8:2; Lev. Rab. 19(«before the Beginning»); Pesiq. Rab. 46:1; Midr. Pss. 90:3; Tg. Neof. 1 on Gen. 3:24 . Ibn Ezra (twelfth century C.E.) concurred with this opinion but did not regard it as literal, observing that one could not calculate years without days nor days before creation (Jacobs, Exegesis, 14–15). 3224 " Abot R. Nat. 31 A (R. Eliezer b. R. Yose the Galilean); b. Šabb. 88b (R. Joshua bar Levi, third century). 3226 Cf. Loewe in Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 171: «The pre-existence of the Torah is very often merely tantamount to an expression that God Himself is bound by His own Laws.» Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.154–156 uses the law " s antiquity (albeit not its metaphysical préexistence) apologetically (cf. Ag. Ap. 1.1–29, 196, 215–218, 227; 2.1, 144, 279, 288). 3229 Jub. 2:30; 3:8,10; 6:2,18–19; 7:3; 14:24; 16:21; 22:1–9; 44:4. See Schultz, «Patriarchs,» passim, who contrasts Genesis " s Noahides with Jubilees» (and some later Jewish sources») law keepers; cf. Endres, Interpretation, 3–4 (though Sinai apparently began a new era in Israel " s history; cf. Wintermute in OTP 2:39, following Testuz [if the latter is correct]). |
| 25 ol wagt onu uly ogly ekin meýdanynda eken. Ol öýe golaýlanda, aýdym-saz bilen oýun-gülki seslerini eidýär. 26 Ol hyzmatkärleri birini ýanyna çagyryp, munu sebäbini soraýar. 27 Ol hem oa: „Ini gaýdyp geldi. Kaka onu sag-aman yzyna dolanyp geleni üçin, baga bakylan göläni damagyny çaldy“ diýýär. 28 Uly ogly gaharlanyp, içeri girmek islemeýär. onda kakasy daary çykyp, oa ýalbarýar. 29 Emma ol kakasyna eýle jogap berýär: „Görýämi, men näçe ýyldyr, seni üçin gul ýaly iledim, hiç haçan seni buýruklarya ýok diýmedim. Mua garamazdan, öz dostlarym bilen üwele eder ýaly, sen maa hiç haçan bir çebi-de bermedi. 30 Emma ähli baýlygyy loly heleýlere sowran bu oglu gelende, sen onu üçin baga bakylan göläni damagyny çaldy“. 31 Kakasy oa: „Oglum, sen hemie meni ýanymda ahyry, meni bar zadym senikidir. 32 Bu gün bolsa toý edip, atlanmak gerek, sebäbi seni ini ölüdi, indi direldi; ol ýitipdi, indi tapyldy“ diýip jogap berýär». 16-njy bap Ugurtapyjy i dolandyryjy 1 Isa ägirtlerine ulary gürrü berdi: «Bir baý adamy i dolandyryjysy bar eken. Bu i dolandyryjyny baýy mal-mülküni dargadýandygy barada oa ikaýat edipdirler. 2 Baý ony ýanyna çagyryp: „Sen hakda eidýän zatlarym näme? I dolandyryy babatda hasabat ber, sebäbi sen mundan beýläk meni i dolandyryjym bolup bilmersi“ diýýär. 3 I dolandyryjy öz-özüne: „Indi näme etsemkäm? Hojaýynym iimi elimden alýar. Men gazy gazmaga ejiz, dilenmäge utanýaryn. 4 Hä…, iden kowlan wagtym halk meni öýüne kabul eder ýaly, näme etjegimi bilýärin“ diýip oýlanýar. 5 eýlelikde, ol hojaýynyna bergili adamlary baryny bir-birden ýanyna çagyrýar. Birinji çagyranyndan: „Meni hojaýynyma näçe bergi bar?“ diýip soraýar. 6 Ol: „Ýüz çelek zeýtun ýagy“ diýip jogap berýär. I dolandyryjy oa: „Dil hatyy al-da, oturyp, dessine ony elli çelek diýip ýaz“ diýýär. 7 Onso baga birinden: „Seni näçe bergi bar?“ diýip soraýar. Ol hem: „Mü halta bugdaý“ diýip jogap berýär. Oa-da: „Dil hatyy al-da, ony sekiz ýüz diýip ýaz“ diýýär. 8 Hojaýyny bu hilegär i dolandyryjyny ugurtapyjylygy üçin taryplady. Bu dünýäni adamlary öz neslini arasynda hereket etmekde nurdaky ynsanlardan parasatlydyr. 9 Size uny aýdýaryn: özüize dost gazanmak üçin dünýäni baýlygyny ulany, bu mal-mülk gutaranda bolsa, siz ebedi galjak mesgenlere kabul edilersiiz. |
| 8296 E.g., 1Pet. 5:5 ; t. Meg. 3:24; c Abod. Zar. 1:19; 4 Bar. 5:20; Ps.-Phoc. 220–222; Syr. Men. 11–14, 76–93 (but cf. 170–172); Homer II. 1.259; 23.616–623; Aulus Gellius 2.15; Diodorus Siculus 1.1.4; 2.58.6; Pythagoras in Diogenes Laertius 8.1.22–23. 8300 Among philosophers, cf. Epicurus (Culpepper, School, 107, cites Lucretius Nat. 3.9); Epictetus Diatr. 3.22.82; Nock, Christianity, 30. 8302 E.g., Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.490; 1.25.536, 537; Iamblichus V.P. 35.250; 2 Kgs 2:12; 4 Bar. 2:4, 6, 8; 5:5; t. Sanh. 7:9; Matt 23:9; cf. Gen. Rab. 12(Simeon b. Yohai of the sages of Beth Hillel and Shammai); for Christian usage from the second to fifth centuries, see Hall, Scripture, 50. 8303 E.g., Ahiqar 96 (saying 14A); Sir 2:1 ; Did. 5.2; 1 John 2:1; cf. Babrius pro1.2; Babrius 18.15. This included astronomical and other revelatory wisdom (1 En. 79[esp. MS B]; 81:5; 82:1–2; 83:1; 85:2; 91:3–4; 92:1). 8304 E.g., Jub. 21:21; Tob 4:3,4, 5,12; 1Macc 2:50, 64; 1 En. 92:1; T. Job 1:6; 5:1; 6:1; T. Jud. 17:1; T. Reu. 1:3; T. Naph. 4:1; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6. 8305 E.g., m. B. Mesía 2:11; Ker. 6:9; Sipre Deut. 32.5.12; p. Hag. 2:1, §10; among Gentiles, Theon Progymn. 3. 93–97. 8307 Malina, Windows, 55. One may compare the frequent topic of unity in Greek speeches (e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.53.1; Livy 24.22.17). Some characterized loving one another (φιλλληλους) as more naturally a rural phenomenon that could include sharing resources (Alciphron Farmers 29 [Comarchides to Euchaetes], 3.73, par. 2). 8308 Though Segovia, Relationships, 179, is correct that the Gospel, unlike 1 John, is involved in polemic with the synagogue rather than «intra-church.» 8309 «Commandment(s)» appears frequently in the Johannine Epistles (1 John 2:3–4, 7–8; 3:22–24; 4:21; 5:2–3; 2 John 4–6 ; cf. also Rev 12:17; 14:12); the commandment specifically concerns love (1 John 3:23; 4:21) and accurate faith (1 John 3:23). 8310 It was new in the sense of realized eschatology (1 John 2:8). The Johannine Epistles may employ «from the beginning» meaning «from the beginning of the gospel tradition,» however (1 John 2:24; 3:11; 2 John 6 ), perhaps as a double entendre with the beginning of creation (1 John 1:1; 2:13–14; 3:8). |
| 4778 E.g., PGM 4.930–1114; 12.325–334; 77.1–5; Lucian Icaromenippus 1–2 (satirically); Lincoln, Paradise, 83; cf. shamanic journeys in other cultures, e.g., Rasmussen, «Journey.» 4779 One might argue that the lack of early attestation reflects the secret character of transmission (Séd, «Traditions secrètes,» following t. Hag. 2:2), but this only means we cannot verify their antiquity either way. Dimant and Strugnell, «Vision,» contend for early Merkabah revelations on the basis of 4Q385.4. 4781 Some argue that Jewish merkabah mysticism provided the framework for Paul " s experience (Bowker, «Visions»; cf. Kim, Origin, 252–53; contrast Schäfer, «Journey»); for a Jewish context including such rabbinic and apocalyptic sources, see Young, «Motif.» 4783 See particularly Meeks, Prophet-King, 298–99. Grese, «Born Again,» argues that John adapts the «heavenly journey» motif to entering the kingdom through Jesus. 4785 E.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.30.1 (νωθεν); for vertical dualism, see, e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.9; Plutarch R.Q. 78, Mor. 282F. Sanders, John, 123, thinks John " s «from above» reflects a Hellenistic vertical dualism; but apocalyptic texts are full of vertical dualism (below); for that matter, the image is not foreign to unrelated cultures (e.g., Mbiti, Religions, 237). 4786 E.g., T. Ab. 7:7A; m. Roš Haš. 3:8. Using the term νωθεν in this sense, see, e.g., Sib. Or. 3.307; Philo Heir 64; Flight 137–138; Names 259–260. Many texts associate God with heaven (1 Esd 4:58; Tob 10:13; Jdt 6:19; 1Macc 3:18, 50,60; 4:24; 3Macc 7:6; 1 En. 83:9; 91:7; T. Ab. 2:3A; Philo Creation 82; Sib. Or. 1.158,165; 3.247, 286; 4.51). 4787 E.g., Ascen. Isa. 9:9; T. lud. 21:3; Gen. Rab. 38:6; Pesiq. Rab. 25:2. See especially in apocalyptic texts, most thoroughly in Lincoln, Paradise. 4788 E.g., 3 En. 28:9; b. Pesah. 54a; Gen. Rab. 51:3; Ecc1. Rab. 10:11, §1; Marmorstein, Names, 91. For «heaven» as a title for God, see Dan 4:26 ; Luke 15:18,21; Rom 1:18 ; 1 En. 6:2; 13:8; 1QM 12.5; 3Macc 4:21; m. «Abot 1:3,11; 2:2,12; t.B. Qam. 7:5; Sipra Behuq. pq. 6.267.2.1; Sipre Deut. 79.1.1; 96.2.2; »Abot R. Nat. 29 A; b. c Abod. Zar. 18a, bar.; Nid. 45a, bar.; Num. Rab. 7:5; 8:4; cf. probably Diodorus Siculus 40.3.4. On periphrasis, see Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.32.43; Rowe, «Style,» 127; Anderson, Glossary, 23,102. |
| Isa we jynlary hökümdary (Matta 12:22-30,43-45;Mark 3:20-27) 14 Günleri birinde Isa bir lal adamdan arwah-jyny kowdy. Arwah-jyn çykan badyna, lal adam geplemäge balady, halk mua haýran galdy. 15 Emma olary käbiri: «Ol arwah-jynlary jynlary hökümdary Beýelzebul arkaly kowup çykarýar» diýdiler. 16 Beýlekiler hem Ony synamakçy bolup, gökden bir gudratly alamat görkezmegini talap etdiler. 17 Emma Isa olary pikirlerini bilip, eýle diýdi: «Içinde bölüniik bolan patyalyk dargar, öz içinden bölünen öý ýykylar. 18 eýtan öz içinden bölünse, heý-de patyalygy durarmy? Muny sizi Maa arwah-jynlary Beýelzebul arkaly kowýar diýýäniiz üçin aýdýaryn. 19 Men arwah-jynlary Beýelzebul arkaly kowýan bolsam, onda sizi adamlaryyz olary kim arkaly kowýarlar? eýle diýýäniiz üçin sizi öz adamlaryyz höküm eder. 20 Men arwah-jynlary Hudaýy güýji bilen kowýan bolsam, onda Hudaýy alygy size gelendir. 21 Eger bir güýçli adam depesinden dyrnagyna çenli ýaraglanyp, öz öýüni goraýan bolsa, onu mal-mülki howpsuzdyr. 22 Emma özünden güýçli adam hüjüm edip, ony ýese, onda onu buýsanýan hemme ýaraglaryny elinden alyp, talan oljasyny paýlar. 23 Meni bilen bolmadyk Maa garydyr, Meni bilen sürüni toplamadyk ony dargadýandyr. 24 Arwah-jyn adamdan çykandan so, gurak ýerlere aýlanyp, dynçlyk gözleýär, emma tapmaýar. onda ol: „Çykan öýüme dolanaýyn“ diýýär. 25 Dolanyp gelende, öýü süpürilgi, hemme zady ýerbe-ýerdigini görýär. 26 Onso gidip, özünden hem erbet ýedi ruhy ýanyna alýar-da, ol ýere baryp, mesgen tutýar. eýlelikde, ol adamy soky ýagdaýy öküsinden-de erbet bolýar». 27 Isa bu zatlary aýdyp durka, mähelläni arasyndan bir aýal sesini gataldyp: «Seni dogran, Seni emdiren ene nähili bagtly!» diýdi. 28 Isa bolsa: «Hawa, Hudaýy sözüni eidip, ony berjaý edýänler has hem bagtlydyr!» diýip jogap berdi. Ýunusy alamaty (Matta 12:38-42) 29 Mähelle has köp üýende, Isa eýle diýdi: «Bu nesil erbet nesildir. Olar alamat talap edýär, emma olara Ýunus pygamberikiden baga alamat berilmez. 30 Ýunus Ninewe halkyna nähili alamat bolan bolsa, Ynsan Ogly-da bu nesle edil onu ýaly alamat bolar. 31 Günorta melikesi kyýamat güni bu nesle gary çykyp, ony höküm eder, sebäbi ol Süleýmany pähimini dilemek üçin, ýeri ary ujundan geldi. Ine, bu ýerde Süleýmandan-da üstün Biri bar. 32 Ninewe halky kyýamat güni bu nesle gary çykyp, ony höküm eder, sebäbi olar Ýunusy wagzy bilen toba geldiler. Ine, bu ýerde Ýunusdan hem üstün Biri bar. |
| 6741 T. Mos. 3:14. 6742 E.g., Sipre Deut. 305.2.1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2(Tannaitic tradition); 12:25; 15:5. Cf. traditions on the four kingdoms ( Dan 2; 2 Bar. 39:7; 5/7?. Or. 8.6–11; Midr. Pss. 40, §4; cf. Lucas, «Origin»). 6743 Philo Rewards 137; Good Person 36. One enslaved might be said to have lost half onés worth (Homer Od. 17.322–323), and the impoverished free, as much as aristocrats, resented treatment as slaves (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 19.9.4; Livy 4.3.7; Dio Cassius 8.36.3; Chariton 1.11.3). Although high-status slaves existed (e.g., Herodian 1.12.3; see our comment on 1:27), a slavés position was otherwise socially low (e.g., Cicero Acad. 2.47.144; Num. Rab. 6:1). 6744 Homer Od. 17.320–321; Sir 33:24–30 ; b. Qidd. 49b. 6745 Lucian [Asin.] 5. 6746 Terence Self-Tormentor 668–678; Lady of Andros 495; Chariton 2.10.7; Apuleius Metam. 10.7,10; cf. MacMullen, Relations, 116. 6747 Plato Ale. 1.135C; Achilles Tatius 7.10.5; Chariton 6.5.5; Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Sotah 1:6; b. Menah. 43b-44a, bar.; Syr. Men. 154–67. 6748 Homer Od. 24.252–253; Chariton 1.10.7; 2.1.5; T. Jos. 11:2–3. 6749 Homer Od. 4.63–64; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Apuleius Metam. 4.23. 6750 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42. For manual labor, see, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.25.2; further Finley, Economy, 40–41; Luwel, «Begrip.» Manual laborers themselves were probably more pleased with their status (Martin, Slavery, 44–46,123–24; Lenski, «Crystallization»). 6751 E.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.30; 1.9.20; 1.12.24; 1.13.3; 1.24.17; 1.29.16; 2.7.13; 2.13.18; 3.24.74; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.33; 6.2.43; probably Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100E. Also Jeremias, Jerusalem, 351, citing a baratta in b. Qidd. 28a. To call one a «son of a slave» was to imply one s illegitimate birth (Josephus Ant. 13.292)–a charge one polemical document, probably from the early first century, levels against the Jerusalem priesthood (T. Mos. 5:5). 6752 M. B. Qam. 8:6; see further development of this idea in texts in Bonsirven, Judaism, 61. Some suggest that even Roman Jewish freedmen omitted mention of their manumission because Judaism acknowledged only God as master (cf. Fuks, «Freedmen»), but this probably assumes too monolithic a view of Roman Judaism. |
| 2440 Pss. So1. 17:21–25 (OTP2:667). Neusner, Beginning, 36, focuses on this aspect of messiahship; Jonge, «Psalms of Solomon,» also sees a scribal element. 2441 See Wittlieb, «Bedeutung.» 2442 Collins, «Son of Man.» 2443 See Beckwith, « Daniel 9 .» 2444 Josephus War 6.312–313; Tacitus Hist. 5.13; Suetonius Vesp. 10.4, apply the biblical prophecy of a king from Palestine to Vespasian; paganism could absorb Jewish motifs without objections. See esp. Aune, Prophecy, 76, citing Sib. Or. 3.350–380; Virgil Eel 4.4–10. 2445 1QM 15.1; Jub. 23:13; 2 Bar. 29:3; Τ Mos. 7–8; cf. also Allegro, «History,» 95, on 4QpPs. Such sufferings were sometimes associated with the advent of the messianic era or of the messiah (Sib. Or. 3.213–215, 635–648, probably pre-Christian; possibly 1QH 5; 4 Ezra 6:24; 7:29; 8:63–9:8; m. Sotah 9:15; b. Sanh. 97a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:9; Pesiq. Rab. 36:1); cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 180–83. Its estimated duration varied widely, e.g., 7 years (b. Sanh. 97a; Song Rab. 2:13, §4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:9; Pesiq. Rab. 15:14/15; 34:1; 36:1–2); 12 parts (2 Bar. 26–30); or 40 years (CD 20.14–15). (In the late Pesiq. Rab. 36Messiah himself suffers seven years to save Israe1.) 2446 Cf.,e.g.,S/fc. Or. 3.46–50. 2447 Cf., e.g., Villiers, «Messiah»; Horsley, «Groups»; Evans, «Messianism,» 700; in the Diaspora, see Goldstein, «Composition,» according to whose interpretation messianic imagery is prominent. Glasson, Advent, 8–13, notes that Judaism diverged even on the messiah " s origin from heaven or from earth, though pre-Christian Judaism mainly held to the earthly view (cf. 15–23 on 1 Enoch). For wisdom associations with the messiah, see Witherington, Christology, 180. 2448 Wächter, «Messianismus,» stresses this political aspect of Jewish expectations, distinguishing them from the early Christian view defined by Jesus» mission. That Jesus did not inaugurate an earthly kingdom is one of the primary objections to his followers» messianic claim for him in contemporary Jewish scholarship; cf. Berger and Wyschogrod, «Jewish Christianity,» 18–19; Klausner, Jesus, 414; Borowitz, Christologies, 21. |
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