| 5486 This claim is a parenthesis (on this rhetorical form, see, e.g., Rowe, «Style,» 147; Anderson, Glossary, 89–90), not an interpolation or redaction (see Van Belle, «Salvation Is from Jews,» noting that this observation must qualify charges that John is anti-Judaic). 5487 Sikes, «Anti-Semitism,» 29; Morris, «Jesus,» 41–42. On «we» vs. «you» plural for the corporate nature of the dialogue, cf. Hyldahl, «Kvinde.» 5488 Jesus» response in Matt 8is probably a question; see, e.g., Jeremias, Promise, 30; Martin, «Servant,» 15. 5491 Ashton, «loudaioi,» 52, also speculating (not necessarily as reliably) that the Samaritan mission originated in Judea. We also regard «Judea» as Jesus» place of origin in this Gospel only in the more general use of the term, encompassing all of Jewish Palestine. 5493 See ANET 326; Clifford, «Tent,» 223; Gordon, Civilizations, 48, 232–33; Kaiser, «Pantheon,» 29–30, 181; De Vaux, Israel, 279–80; Dahood, Psalms, 11; Maximus of Tyre Or. 2.1. R. Simeon b. Yohai reportedly claimed that no mountain proved suitable for Torah but Sinai (Lev. Rab. 13:2). 5494 Cf. Kalimi and Purvis, «Hiding»; Collins, «Vessels»; MacDonald, Samaritans, 365. For a parallel Jewish hope, cf. 2Macc 2:4–7; 2 Bar. 6:7–9; 4 Bar. 3:10–11,19; 4:4; m. Seqa1. 6:1–2; contrast Jer 3:16 . 5495 We extrapolate here on the basis of Jewish hopes; see comments on 2:16, 19. Later Samaritan texts also attest the hope that the tabernacle of Moses» day had been hidden on that mountain and would be restored in the eschatological time (Olsson, Structure, 190). 5499 See Bull, «Report XII» 41; Finegan, Archaeology, 35; Kee, «Tell-Er-Ras»; Garner, «Temples»; Schwank, «Berg»; cf. Bull and Wright, «Temples.» The first new temple built on it was the pagan, Hadrianic one (early second century C.E.). 5500 Anderson, «Temple,» doubts its existence; for more likely recent evidence, see McRay, «Archaeology,» 96. 5503 E.g., Sipra A.M. par. 6.187.1.1. God gave Israel the temple (and other gifts) as a reward for worship (Gen. Rab. 56:2). |
| 6741 T. Mos. 3:14. 6742 E.g., Sipre Deut. 305.2.1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2(Tannaitic tradition); 12:25; 15:5. Cf. traditions on the four kingdoms ( Dan 2; 2 Bar. 39:7; 5/7?. Or. 8.6–11; Midr. Pss. 40, §4; cf. Lucas, «Origin»). 6743 Philo Rewards 137; Good Person 36. One enslaved might be said to have lost half onés worth (Homer Od. 17.322–323), and the impoverished free, as much as aristocrats, resented treatment as slaves (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 19.9.4; Livy 4.3.7; Dio Cassius 8.36.3; Chariton 1.11.3). Although high-status slaves existed (e.g., Herodian 1.12.3; see our comment on 1:27), a slavés position was otherwise socially low (e.g., Cicero Acad. 2.47.144; Num. Rab. 6:1). 6744 Homer Od. 17.320–321; Sir 33:24–30 ; b. Qidd. 49b. 6745 Lucian [Asin.] 5. 6746 Terence Self-Tormentor 668–678; Lady of Andros 495; Chariton 2.10.7; Apuleius Metam. 10.7,10; cf. MacMullen, Relations, 116. 6747 Plato Ale. 1.135C; Achilles Tatius 7.10.5; Chariton 6.5.5; Josephus Ant. 4.219; m. Sotah 1:6; b. Menah. 43b-44a, bar.; Syr. Men. 154–67. 6748 Homer Od. 24.252–253; Chariton 1.10.7; 2.1.5; T. Jos. 11:2–3. 6749 Homer Od. 4.63–64; Arrian Alex. 5.19.1; Apuleius Metam. 4.23. 6750 E.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42. For manual labor, see, e.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.25.2; further Finley, Economy, 40–41; Luwel, «Begrip.» Manual laborers themselves were probably more pleased with their status (Martin, Slavery, 44–46,123–24; Lenski, «Crystallization»). 6751 E.g., Demosthenes Against Leptines 132; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.30; 1.9.20; 1.12.24; 1.13.3; 1.24.17; 1.29.16; 2.7.13; 2.13.18; 3.24.74; Diogenes Laertius 6.2.33; 6.2.43; probably Plutarch Virt. 2, Mor. 100E. Also Jeremias, Jerusalem, 351, citing a baratta in b. Qidd. 28a. To call one a «son of a slave» was to imply one s illegitimate birth (Josephus Ant. 13.292)–a charge one polemical document, probably from the early first century, levels against the Jerusalem priesthood (T. Mos. 5:5). 6752 M. B. Qam. 8:6; see further development of this idea in texts in Bonsirven, Judaism, 61. Some suggest that even Roman Jewish freedmen omitted mention of their manumission because Judaism acknowledged only God as master (cf. Fuks, «Freedmen»), but this probably assumes too monolithic a view of Roman Judaism. |
| 2432 Kraeling, John, 52. Some professed signs-prophets also sought kingship in broader Mediterranean culture (Diodorus Siculus 34/35.2.5–6,22–23). 2433 See Freyne, Galilee, 194–95, on Ant. 18.85–87; 20.97–98,169–171; War 2.261–266; Acts 5:36; 21:38; cf. also Crossan, Jesus, 158–68. Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 110–31, do, however, point out that popular attempts to rule often focused on commoners rather than a revived Davidic dynasty. 2434 Cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:346. Rivkin, «Messiah,» 65, contrasts the set belief in the world to come and the resurrection with the greater flexibility on messianic belief after the revolt. 2436 Sipre Deut. 34.4.3 (resurrection in the messianic era); Ketub. 12:3, §13 (R. Meir); speculation flourished again in the Amoraic period (e.g., b. Meg. 12a). Aberbach, «Hzqyhw,» thinks that «Hezekiah» was sometimes a code-name for R. Judah when some still considered him the messiah. 2437 For groups that emphasized biblical messianic hopes, see Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 102–10. 4Q521 2,4 1.1, suggests a global or even cosmic (though this may be hyperbole) role for the messiah. 2438 Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 109. In a later period redemptive work suggested genealogical correctness rather than Davidic descent being primary; cf. Kaufmann, «Idea.» 2439 OTP 2:667. «Lord» is κριος, but the messiah " s king is the «Lord himself» (17:34), who is also Israel " s eternal king (17:46); cf. the distinction also in J En. 48(Sim.) 2440 Pss. So1. 17:21–25 (OTP2:667). Neusner, Beginning, 36, focuses on this aspect of messiahship; Jonge, «Psalms of Solomon,» also sees a scribal element. 2444 Josephus War 6.312–313; Tacitus Hist. 5.13; Suetonius Vesp. 10.4, apply the biblical prophecy of a king from Palestine to Vespasian; paganism could absorb Jewish motifs without objections. See esp. Aune, Prophecy, 76, citing Sib. Or. 3.350–380; Virgil Eel 4.4–10. 2445 1QM 15.1; Jub. 23:13; 2 Bar. 29:3; Τ Mos. 7–8; cf. also Allegro, «History,» 95, on 4QpPs. Such sufferings were sometimes associated with the advent of the messianic era or of the messiah (Sib. Or. 3.213–215, 635–648, probably pre-Christian; possibly 1QH 5; 4 Ezra 6:24; 7:29; 8:63–9:8; m. Sotah 9:15; b. Sanh. 97a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:9; Pesiq. Rab. 36:1); cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 180–83. Its estimated duration varied widely, e.g., 7 years (b. Sanh. 97a; Song Rab. 2:13, §4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:9; Pesiq. Rab. 15:14/15; 34:1; 36:1–2); 12 parts (2 Bar. 26–30); or 40 years (CD 20.14–15). (In the late Pesiq. Rab. 36Messiah himself suffers seven years to save Israe1.) |
| Men ondan bir beýik millet ýaradaryn» diýdi. 19 Hudaý Hajary gözüni açdy we ol bir suwly guýyny gördi. Ol baryp, guýudan meigini doldurdy-da, ondan ogluna içirdi. 20 Hudaý ol oglan bilen biledi. Ol ulalyp, çölde ýaap, ökde kemançy bolup ýetidi. 21 Oglan Paran çölünde ýaaýardy. Ejesi ony müsürli bir gyza öýerdi. Ybraýym bilen Abymelek äht ediýärler 22 ol döwürde Abymelek patya öz harby serkerdesi Pikol bilen bile Ybraýymy ýanyna baryp, oa: «Ähli ide Hudaý seni bilen biledir. 23 Sen maa meni tohum-tijime biwepalyk etmejekdigie, meni saa wepaly bolum ýaly, seni-de maa we öz gelmiek bolup ýaaýan ýurdua wepaly boljakdygya sen Hudaýdan ant iç» diýdi. 24 Ybraýym: «Ant içýärin» diýdi. 25 Sora Abymelegi gullaryny özünden suwly guýyny zor bilen alandyklary üçin Ybraýym oa närazylyk bildirdi. 26 Abymelek oa: «Muny men u wagt eidýärin. Ony kimi edendiginden habarym ýok. Sen muny maa habar bermedi» diýdi. 27 Ybraýym Abymelege ownukly-irili mal berdi. Olar özara äht bagladylar. 28 Ybraýym ýedi sany guzyny sürüden çykaryp, aýry goýdy. 29 Patya Ybraýymdan: «Näme üçin beýdýärsi?» diýip sorady. 30 Ol: «Sen u ýedi guzyny menden al. eýle etmek bilen sen ol guýyny meni gazdyrandygyma aýatlyk edersi» diýdi. 31 Olar bu guýyny Beýereba diýip atlandyrdylar, çünki bu ýerde olar özara ant içiipdiler. 32 Olar Beýerebada äht baglaanlaryndan so, Abymelek öz harby serkerdesi Pikol bilen ol ýerden öz ýurduna, pilitlileri topragyna dolandy. 33 Ybraýym Beýerebada bir sany ýylgyn ekip, ol ýerde Baky Hudaý Rebbe ybadat etdi. 34 Ybraýym pilitlileri ýurdunda uzak wagtlap gelmiek bolup ýaady. 22-nji bap Hudaý Ybraýymy synaýar 1 ol wakalardan so Hudaý Ybraýymy synady. Hudaý oa: «Ybraýym!» diýip seslendi. Ybraýym Oa: «Lepbeý» diýip jogap berdi. 2 Hudaý: «Ogluy, ýalyz ogluy, söýgüli oglu Yshagy al-da, Moryýa ýurduna bar we Meni saa görkezjek dagymy üstünde Yshagy Hudaýa ýakma gurbanlygy hökmünde hödür et» diýdi. 3 Ybraýym da bilen turup, eegini gaalady. Öz hyzmatkärlerinden ikisini hem-de Yshagy ýanyna aldy; ýakma gurbanlygy üçin odun döwüdirdi we Hudaýy özüne aýdan ýerine gitdi. 4 Üçülenji gün Ybraýym ol ýeri uzakdan gördi. 5 Ybraýym hyzmatkärlerine: «Siz u ýerde, eegi ýanynda galy. Oglum ikimiz beýleräge gidip, sede edip, onso yzymyza dolanyp geleris» diýdi. 6-7 Ol ýakma gurbanlygy üçin niýetlenen odunlary ogly Yshagy omzuna goýdy, ot bilen pyçagy bolsa Ybraýymy özi göterdi. eýdip, ikisi tirkeip gitdiler. Olar gidip barýarkalar, Yshak birden: «Kaka!» diýip, Ybraýyma ýüzlendi. Ybraýym: «Näme, oglum?» diýdi. Yshak: «Ot-da, odun-da bar, ýöne ýakma gurbanlygy üçin janly nirede?» diýdi. 8 Ybraýym: «Ýakma gurbanlyk janlysy bilen Hudaýy özi üpjün eder, oglum» diýip jogap berdi. Olar ýollaryny dowam etdirdiler. |
| Hudaýy alygyny geli barada (Matta 24:23-28,37-41) 20 Bir gün fariseýler Isadan Hudaýy alygyny haçan geljekdigini soranlarynda, Ol: «Hudaýy alygy göze görnüp gelmez. 21 Adamlar: „Ine, bu ýerde!“ ýa-da „Anha, ol ýerde!“ diýmezler, sebäbi Hudaýy alygy sizi arayzdadyr» diýip jogap berdi. 22 Onso Isa ägirtlerine eýle diýdi: «Ynsan Ogluny günlerinden birini görmegi küýsejek wagtyyz geler, emma ol güni görmersiiz. 23 Adamlar size: „Ine, Ynsan Ogly u ýerde!“ ýa-da „Anha, ol ýerde!“ diýerler. Emma gitmä, olary yzyna dümä! 24 Ýyldyrym gögü bir ujundan çakyp, beýleki bir ujuny nähili ýagtyldýan bolsa, Ynsan Ogly hem Öz gününde eýle bolar. 25 Emma Ol öürti köp görgi görüp, bu nesil tarapyndan ret edilmelidir. 26 Nuhu günlerinde nähili bolan bolsa, Ynsan Ogluny günlerinde-de eýle bolar. 27 Adamlar Nuhu gämä münen gününe çenli iýip-içip, öýlenip, durmua çykyp, arkaýyn ýaap ýördüler. Sora äpet sil gelip, baryny ýok etdi. 28 Lutu günlerinde hem onu ýaly boldy: adamlar iýip-içip, alyp-satyp, ekip-dikip ýördüler. 29 Emma Lutu Sodomdan çykan güni gökden ot bilen kükürt ýagyp, hemmesini ýok etdi. 30 Ynsan Ogluny peýda boljak gününde hem eýle bolar. 31 ol gün üçekdäki adam öýdäki zatlaryny almak üçin aak dümesin. eýle-de, ekin meýdanyndaky hem yzyna gelmesin. 32 Lutu aýalyny ýada saly! 33 Kim janyny aýamaga çalysa, ony ýitirer, kim janyny ýitirse, ony aman saklar. 34 Size uny aýdýaryn: ol gije bir düekde iki adam bolar, biri alnar, biri goýlar. 35-36 Bilelikde bugdaý üweýän iki aýal bolar, biri alnar, beýlekisi goýlar». 37 ägirtler Isa ýüzlenip: «Agam, bu hadysalar nirede bolar?» diýip soradylar. Isa hem: «Maslyk nirede bolsa, garagular hem ol ýere üýýändir» diýip jogap berdi. 18-nji bap Tutanýerli dul aýal tymsaly 1 Onso Isa ägirtlerine olary hemie Hudaýa doga edip, asla ruhdan dümezligi zerurlygy hakda bir tymsal aýdyp berdi: 2 «Bir äherde Hudaýdan gorkmaýan bir kazy bar eken. Ol kazy adamlary äsgermeýän eken. 3 ol äherde bir dul aýal hem bar eken. Ol üznüksiz kazyny ýanyna gatnap: „Dawagärimden meni hakymy alyp ber“ diýip ýalbarypdyr. 4 Kazy birnäçe wagtlap muny etmändir. Ahyrsoy ol öz-özüne: „Men Hudaýdan gorkmasam-da, adamlary äsgermesem-de, 5 dyngysyz gelip, meni bizar etmez ýaly, bu dul aýaly hakyny alyp bereýin. Indi bir gelip, meni gulak etimi guratmasyn“ diýýär». 6 Reb Isa ýene sözüni dowam etdi: «Adalatsyz kazyny näme aýdanyna gulak asy. 7 Eýsem, Hudaý Öz saýlanlaryny, gije-gündiz Özüne ýüz tutup perýat edýänleri hakyny alyp bermezmi? Olary köp garadyrarmy? 8 Size uny aýdýaryn: olary hakyny tiz alyp berer. Ýöne Ynsan Ogly gelende, ýeri ýüzünde imanly adam taparmyka?» |
| 9309 Cf. Schlier, «Begriff,» 269, who says that the Spirit illuminates the work of Jesus in his glory. In Wis 8:3, Wisdom δοξζει, but the object is her own nobility. 9310 John Chrysostom believed that the Spirit would glorify Jesus by performing greater miracles, as in 14(Hom. Jo. 78). 9313 E.g., 1 En. 1:2; 72:1; 74:2; 75:3; Jub. 32:21; 3 Bar. 1:8; 5:1; 6:1; 4 Ezra 4:1; Rev 1:1; b. Ber. 51a; Ned. 20ab; cf. gnostic traditions in Paraphrase of Shem (NHL 308–28) and Hypsiphrone (NHL 453). It also appears in negative polemic ( Gal 1:8 ; Col 2:18), some of which reflects the Prometheus myth (b. Sabb. 88a; Gen. Rab. 50:9; 68:12; 78:2). 9314 T. Mos. 1:14; 3:12; Sipra Behuq. pq. 8.269.2.15; b. Ned. 38a; Acts 7:38; cf. Isaacs, Spirit, 130. Aelius Aristides claimed that Athena passed on what she received from her Father (37.4–7, in Van der Horst, «Acts,» 57). 9316 Cf., e.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.1.11 (Antisthenes); Achilles Tatius 3.10.4; 1Macc 12:23; T. Job 18(OTP 1:847)/18(ed. Kraft, 40). 9317 Diogenes Laertius 6.2.37 (LCL); cf., e.g., Crates Ep. 26–27 (to the Athenians); Anacharsis Ep. 9:12–14 (to Croesus). In early Christian literature, see, e.g., Sent. Sext. 228. See further the comment on 15:15. 9321 In the Q tradition cf. Matt 11:27; Luke 10:22; for Jesus passing to the disciples what he received from the Father, cf., e.g., Luke 22:29. 9322 Cf., e.g., Holwerda, Spirit, 132. Brown (John, 2:728) divides 16:16–33 into a chiasmus: prediction of a test and subsequent consolation (16:16, 31–33); intervening remarks of disciples (16:17–19,29–30); and promise of blessings to be enjoyed by disciples (16:20–23a, 23b-28). But the structure is too general to be clear, and remarks about a test and consolation appear elsewhere in the section (16:20–21). 9324 Pass, Glory, 233 (cf. also Westcott, John, 231–32; Phillips, «Faith,» 89; Derrett, «Seeing»), tentatively suggests a distinction between the two terms here «behold» (for bodily sight) and «see» (for spiritual vision); in view of Johannine usage, however, the terminological distinction cannot hold (see «vision» in our introduction; also Sanchez Navarro, «Acerca»). |
| 8790 Epictetus Diatr. 3.13.9–11; probably Let. Arts. 273; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 2.2.3; Seneca Dia1. 7.8.6. 8792 Tob 13:14; 1 En. 1:6–8; 5:7–10; 71:17; 105(contrast 98:11, 15; 99:13; 101:3; 103for the wicked); Jub. 1:15; 23:29–30; 31:20; 1QM 1.9; 12.3 (after the battle); Sib. Or. 2.29; 3.367–380,751–755, 780–782; 5.384–385; T. Jud. 22:2; Lev. Rab. 9:9, bar.; Christian material in Γ. Dan 5:11. Ford, «Shalom,» compares the quietistic pacifism/Divine Warrior picture of Revelation with the Gospel " s picture of Jesus submitting to suffering, in defining Johannine «peace» (cf. 16:33; 20:19,21,26). 8793 This wing of Pharisaism was probably a minority in the first century; see, e.g., Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 86, 324. 8794 Cf. the standard rabbinic «Great is peace, for ...» (Sipre Num. 42.2.3; Sipre Deut. 199.3.1; Gen. Rab. 38(Tannaitic attribution); 48:18; 100:8 (Tannaitic attribution); cf. Sipra Behuq. pq. 1.261.1.14). It is associated with keeping the commandments (Sipra VDDen. pq. 16.28.1.1,3) and is a fruit of righteousness (m. Abot 2:7, attributed to Hillel). Cf. AbotR. Nat. 48, §134B; Num. Rab. 21:1. 8796 This joy likewise characterizes the harvest of new believers (4:36; cf. Luke 15:6–7, 9–10, 23–24); cf. the realized eschatology in Abraham " s foretaste of Jesus» day (8:56). In context, 15includes love toward one another. 8799 Many philosophers regarded perfection as superlative (e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 66.8–12) and hence would have to regard Jesus» character, if true deity, as nonsubordinate; but perfection of identity can be easily confused with identity of all that is perfect. For some historic interpretations of 14:28, see, e.g., Whitacre, John, 366–68. For more ontological rankings among pagan philosophers, cf., e.g., Porphyry Marc. 16.269–270 (only God is greater than virtue) 8802 Pagans also regarded fulfilments as confirmations, though they were sometimes deceptive (e.g., Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.9, depending on magic). 8803 This princés «coming» (14:30) may also contrast with his own «coming» back to them after the resurrection (14:3, 28); the antichrist figure of Revelation often parodies God " s Messiah (Rev 13:3–4, 18; 17:8). |
| 7852 Riley, Fruits, 29, notes that an embryo is already growing in the wheat seed as it falls; usually after two days in moist soil, it breaks through the seed coating. 7853 Barrett, John, 423, suggests that though the article is generic, it might allude to Christ as the specific grain; but this grammatical explanation is not likely. 7857 Cf. 1 En. 108:10; 2 Bar. 51:15–16; m. «Abot 4:17; »Abot R. Nat. 32, §71B; b. Tamid 32a; Lev. Rab. 3:1; Deut. Rab. 11:10; Ecc1. Rab. 4:6, §1; Daube, Judaism, 137. Boring et a1., Commentary, 106, suggest that the summons of the analogous Matt 16resembles the typical prebattle speech of generals: risking life in battle more often than not yields its preservation (Tyrtaeus frg. 8.11–13). 7860 E.g., the oath to Augustus and his descendants, 3 B.C.E., in IGRR 3.137; OGIS 532; ILS 8781 (Sherk, Empire, 31); or to Gaius, 37 C.E., in CIL 2.172; ILS 190 (Sherk, Empire, 78). 7862 Xenophon Anab. 3.2.39; also Boring et al, Commentary, 106, citing Tyrtaeus frg. 8.11–13 (seventh century C.E.) and Ps.-Menander. See Publilius Syrus 242. 7863 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.212; 1.191; 2.218–219,233–235. Sanders, Judaism, 239, cites Josephus War 2.169–174; Ant. 15.248; 18.262; Ag. Ap. 2.227–228; Philo Embassy 192; cf. Dio Cassius 66.6.3. 7865 On the two ways in ancient literature, Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.3; 27.4; Diogenes Ep. 30; Plutarch Demosthenes 26.5; Deut 30:15 ; Ps 1 ; 4Q473 frg. 1 (developing Deut 11:26–28 ; probably also 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 2, lines 1–4); m. «Abot 2:9; T. Ash. 1:3, 5; Ecc1. Rab. 1:14, §1; Lev. Rab. 30:2; Deut. Rab. 4–3;SongRab. 1:9, §2; Matt 7:13–14; Luke 13:24; Did. 1.1–6.2; Barn. 18.1–21.9; cf. the two roads after death in Virgil Aen. 6.540–543; Cicero Tusc. 1.30.72; 4 Ezra 7:3–16, 60–61; 8:1–3; T. Ab. 11:2–11A; 8:4–16B; »Abot R. Nat. 25A; b. Ber. 28b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:2; Gen. Rab. 100:2. 7866 Coulot, «Quelqúun,» provides arguments that 12probably stems from Jesus. On serving as following, persevering, and discipleship here, see Cachia, «Servant.» |
| 1590 Feldman, «Antiquities,» also suggests that some of L.A.R " s traditions sound closer to those later preserved in the rabbis than to Josephus. 1591 Martin Abegg in Wise, Scrolls, 355, on 4Q389 frg. 3 (though the text is fragmentary, making the parallel less clear). 1592 Cf. also, e.g., the story told by Judah ha-Nasi in b. Sank 9lab (cf. Mek. Sir. 2), which appears in more elaborate form in Apocr. Ezek. 1–2, a document which may have been in circulation by the late first century c.E. (assuming that the Clement quote represents this document; cf. comparisons in OTP 1:492,494). 1593 Jub. 4:30; Gen. Rab. 19:8; Pesiq. Rab. 40:2. These were the results of an unpublished study in Essene and Pharisaic haggadic (with some halakic) trajectories from common Judaism. 1596 Jub. 7:20–25; Finkelstein, Making, 223–27; Schultz, «Patriarchs,» 44–45, 48–49, 55–56; Mek. Bah. 5; b. c Abod. Zar. 64b; Sanh. 56a; 59a; 74b; Yebam. 48b; Gen. Rab. 26:1; 34:14; Exod. Rab. 30:9; Deut. Rab. 1:21. 1598 Jub. 4:17–23; 10:17; Gen. Apoc. 2.19; 1–3 Enoch; T. Ab. 11:3–10B; contrast Gen. Rab. 25:1; on Jubilees special Enoch traditions, cf. VanderKam, «Traditions,» 245. Cf. perhaps also Noah haggadah (Jub. 10:17; Gen. Rab. 26:6; 28:8; 29:1, 3; 36:3; more positive in b. Sanh. 108a), especially his birth (Gen. Apoc. co1. 2; extraordinary birth narratives apply especially to Moses in b. Sanh. 101a; Sotah 12a; Exod. Rab. 1:20,23,26: Lev. Rab. 20:1; Pesiq. Rab. 43:4; also in Philo Moses 1.3, §9; Josephus Ant. 2.217–37, but not in Jub. 47:1–8). 1599 Jub. 4:22; 5:1; 7:21; 2 Bar. 56:10–15; T. Reu. 5:5–6; CD 2.16–18: Philo Unchangeable 1; rare in rabbis except perhaps Gen. Rab. 31:13. 1601 Jubilees» and Qumran " s continuance of the old solar calendar (see Morgenstern, «Calendar»; Marcus, «Scrolls,» 12), possibly influential in the second century B.c.E. (Wirgin, Jubilees, 12–17, 42–43; for a consequent pre-Hasmonean dating, see Zeitlin, ««Jubilees,»» 224), naturally created a rift with the lunar-based temple service and Pharisaism (Noack, «Pentecost,» 88–89; Brownlee, «Jubilees,» 32; Baumgarten, «Beginning»; cf. Jub. 2:9–10; 6:17, 32–38). Rivkin, «Jubilees,» even argues that Jubilees was written against the Pharisee-scribes because they had created their own calendar. This may also indicate why the sun is extolled (Jub. 2:12; 4:21; cf. 1QS 10.1–5; CD 10.15–16; cf. Smith, «Staircase,» who may go too far, given synagogue zodiacs and Josephus " s astrological interpretations of temple imagery). |
| 4672 Cf. 2 Bar. 29:8; commentaries on Rev 2:17; see our comment on eschatological manna in 6:32–35. For manna in the ark, see Heb 9:4. 4673 The Samaritan hope seems to have drawn this conclusion; see Kalimi and Purvis, «Hiding»; cf. Collins, «Vessels»; MacDonald, Samaritans, 365; Bowman, Documents, 89. 4674 Thus in the Scrolls (Flusser, Judaism, 43; probably, e.g., also in 4Q176 frg. 1, 2, co1. 1, lines 2–3). Bryan, «Hallel,» rightly argues that the renewal of the temple suggests its purification rather than its rejection. 4677 E.g., 1QS 8.5, 8–9; 9.6; CD 3.19A; 2.10, 13B; 4Q511 frg. 35, lines 2–3; more fully, Gärtner, Temple, 20–46; Flusser, Judaism, 37–39; Bruce, «Jesus,» 76; Wilcox, «Dualism,» 93–94; McNamara, Judaism, 142; already applied by NT commentators, e.g., in Kelly, Peter, 90; Goppelt, Theology, 2:11; and by Sanders, e.g., in Judaism, 376–77; but cf. suggested qualifications in Caquot, «Secte.» The claims for 4QFlor (e.g., Gärtner, Temple, 30–42) have proved less persuasive (McNicol, «Temple»; Schwartz, «Temples»). The eschatological temple in 11QT follows the design of Israel " s camp in the wilderness (inlay article in Yadin, «Scroll,» 42). 4680 Compare also Herrn. Vis. 3.2, 5–6; 3.9, with the tower/temple in 1 En. 89:49–50. Aune, Prophecy, 175, argues that Jesus probably intended the eschatological remnant community, as in the Qumran Scrolls. 4682 Articulated by Menenius Agrippa (Livy 2.32.9–12; Dio Cassius 4.17.10–13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.86.1–5) but employed by many others (Aristotle Po1. 1.1.11, 1253a; Maximus of Tyre 15.5; Sallust Letter to Caesar 10.6). 4683 E.g., familial relations (Hierocles Love 4.27.20); most often to the cosmos (e.g., Diodorus Siculus 1.11.6), as among the Stoics (cf. Long, «Soul»), probably borrowing from Plato (Tim. 30B-34B). 4684 See Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 69,270, citing Josephus Ant. 18.262; Philo Embassy 159,192, 194,212–215; Let. Aris. 92–99. Cf. Case, Origins, 56. 4688 For temple symbolism in this Gospel, see also Coloe, Temple Symbolism, passim (suggesting that John places the cleansing earlier than the Synoptics partly to emphasize this point; see 65–84, esp. 84). |
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