| 6761 E.g., Phaedrus 1.2.1–3, 11–31. 6762 E.g., 4 Macc 3:2; 13:1–2; T. Ash. 3:2; 6:5; T. Jos. 7:8; T. Jud. 18:6; Josephus Ant. 1.74; 4.133; 15.88; War 1.243; Philo Abraham 241; Alleg. Interp. 2.49; Creation 165; Good Person 17; Heir 269; Unchangeable 111; cf. Decharneux, «Interdits»; Let. Arts. 211,221–223; T. Jud. 15:2,5; Sim. 3:4; Rom 6:6; 16:18 ; Phil 3:19 . 6763 Odeberg, Gospel 297–301; idem, Pharisaism, 50–52,56; cf. Gen. Rab. 94:8; Wis 1:4. Cf. freedom from the hostile angel in CD 16.4–6; from the Angel of Death in late material in Exod. Rab. 41:7; 51:8; Num. Rab. 16:24; Song Rab. 8:6, §1; from astrological powers in t. Sukkah 2:6; b. Ned. 32a; Šabb. 156a; Sukkah 29a; Gen. Rab. 44:10; Pesiq. Rab. 20:2. 6764 Odeberg, Gospel 296–97; Whitacre, Polemic, 69,75–76; but cf. Schnackenburg, John, 2:208. 6765 Black, Approach, 171, comparing «abed and »abd. 6766 Also, e.g., Num 5:6–7 LXX; 2Cor 11:7 ; Jas 5:15; 1Pet 2:22 . 6767 Cf. the two spirits and ways in Qumran and elsewhere ( Deut 30:15 ; Ps 1:1 ; m. " Abot 2:9; T. Ash. 1:3, 5; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.3; 27.4; Diogenes Ep. 30; see further Keener, Matthew, 250, on 7:13–14). Barrett, John, 345, appeals especially to Greek thought here, but he cites for it only Philo and Corp. herm. 10.8. 6768 CPJ 1:249–50, §135; p. Ter. 8:1; Rawson, «Family,» 7; Dixon, Mother, 16; Safrai, «Home,» 750. 6769 They could be divided at inheritance (P.S.I. 903, 47 C.E.). 6770 Cf. abundant references to freedpersons, e.g., P.Oxy. 722 (ca. 100 C.E.); CIL 2.4332; 6.8583; ILS 1578. Such freedom sometimes had strings attached (see, e.g., Horsley, Documents, 4:102–3); cf. the freedwoman who inherited half her master " s debt (CPJ 2:20–22, §148). 6771 E.g., BGL/5.65.164; 5.66–67.165–70. 6772 E.g., P.Cair.Zen. 59003.11–22; P.Oxy. 95; Terence Self-Tormentor 142–144. 6773 For rare examples of disownment, see, e.g., P.Cair.Masp. 67353 (569 C.E.); Isaeus Estate of Menecles 35; 43; especially in hypothetical declamations, e.g., Seneca Controv. 1.1.intr.; 1.6.intr.; 1.8.7; 2.1.intr.; 2.4.intr.; 3.3; Hermogenes Issues 33; 40.20; 41.1–13; Berry and Heath, «Declamation»; in Roman law, see Garnsey and Sailer, Empire, 137; for the revocation of wills, e.g., P.Oxy. 106 (135 C.E.); for the usual (but not certain) presumption of disinherited sons» guilt, see Hermogenes Issues 47.1–6; the disinheritance could be challenged at times if the grounds were inadequate (Hermogenes Issues 38.12–17; Valerius Maximus 7.7.3). For the son being greater than the servant in this Gospel, cf., e.g., John 1:27 . |
| 9992 «Purple» could mean scarlet (e.g., Rev 17:4; 18:16; Appian C.W. 2.21.150; cited in Brown, Death, 866; cf. Dupont, Life, 260), though the Gospel tradition probably preserves it for its symbolic value, both to the soldiers and to Jesus» later followers. Egyptian gentry in nome capitals purchased green, red, and especially blue outer apparel (Lewis, Life, 52–53). 9994 For its association with wealth, see, e.g., Lucretius Nat. 5.1423; Horace Carm. 1.35.12, 2.18.7–8; Cicero Sen. 17.59; Athenaeus Deipn. 4.159d; Diogenes Laertius 8.2.73; 1Macc 10:20, 62, 64, 14:43–44; lQapGen 20.31; Sib. Or. 3.389, 658–659; 8.74; Petronius Sat. 38, 54; Epictetus frg. 11; Martial Epigr. 5.8.5; 8.10; Juvenal Sat. 1.106; 4.31; Apuleius Metam. 10.20; Chariton 3.2.17; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:7, 15:3; T. Ab. 4:2A; Jos. Asen. 2:2/3, 8/14–15; 5:5/6. Some writers complained about its extravagance (Seneca Dia1. 12.11.2; Plutarch T.T. 3.1.2, Mor. 646B; 1 En. 98MSS). 9995 Cf. Brown, John, 2:875. Derrett, «Ruber,» suggests that the red alludes to Isa 1and (somewhat less unlikely) 63:1–2; Lukés white robe in Luke 23characterized Jewish kings as well (Hill, Prophecy, 52). 10003 Flusser, Judaism, 600 (cf. Suggit, «Man»); Flusser argues (Judaism, 602) that on the historical level it is perfectly in character to suppose that Pilate joined in the ridicule of Jesus. Cf. Smith, John, 346. 10006 For the emphasis on Jesus» humanity here, see also Sevenster, «Humanity»; Koester, Symbolism, 187; Smith, John, 346. Schwank, «Ecce Homo,» finds an answer to Pilatés own question in 18:38; but the connection, while possible, is unclear. 10007 John elsewhere juxtaposes announcements of Jesus» humanity with his messianic identity (4:29; cf. 5:27) though more often those who do not recognize Jesus» fuller identity call him «human» (5:12; 7:46, 51; 9:16,24; 10:33; 11:47,50; 18:17,29); he may link his humanity and mortality in 3:14; 6:53; 8:40; 12:23, 34; 13:31. 10010 A familiar accusation; they may allude in part to Jesus» claims to authority to revise the Sabbath law (5:18; cf. Wead, «Law»); but cf. esp. 10:33. Less probably, Barrett, John, 541, thinks the law of blasphemy is particularly in view. |
| 5065 The subject in 3could be the Father; Jesus» gift contrasts with that of Jacob in 4:5,12 and with that of Moses in 6:31–32 (cf. 1:17; 7:19, 22). 5066 1:22; 9:24; 11:57; 12:5; 13:29; 19:9. The world «gives» Jesus only blows (18:22; 19:3). 13may extend the divine predestinarian use of «give» (e.g., 10:29) to Jesus (cf. 21:13), but this is less than absolutely clear. 5067 ; 28LXX; 28:8,11, 52,53; 30LXX; 30:20; 31:7; 31LXX; 32:49; 34:4; cf. 2:5,9,19. This represents a majority of the occurrences of δδωμι in Deuteronomy (also frequent in Exodus, e.g., 6:4, 8; 12:25; 13:5; 33:1; and elsewhere). 5068 E.g., Josephus Ant. 4.318; notably among the rabbis, who emphasized Torah (Sipre Deut. 32.5.10; b. Ber. 5a; Ned. 38a; p. Hag. 3:5, §1; Exod. Rab. 1:1; Lev. Rab. 35:8; Num. Rab. 19:33). 5069 Strikingly, moralists could recommend being discriminating in choosing to whom to give gifts; they should not be given randomly to anyone (Seneca Benef. 1.1.2). 5071 E.g., Burkert, Religion, 74–75; Ferguson, Backgrounds, 118,147–48. Traditional African religions rarely speak of God " s love; but as in African relations, love is more something to demonstrate than to speak about (Mbiti, Religions, 49). 5072 E.g., Homer Il. 1.86; 5.61; 22.216. Occasionally this is explicitly tied to their sacrifices (Homer Il. 24.66–68). 5074 Goodenough, Church, 10. For Isis, cf. P.Oxy. 1380.109–110 in Griffiths, «Isis»; for Thoeris, see P.Oxy. 3.528.5–6 (also cited by Grant, Paul, 110). 5075 E.g., CD 8.17; " Abot R. Nat. 36, §94B; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 9(attributed to R. Ishmael); Gen. Rab. 80(third century); Exod. Rab. 18:5; 38(attributed to an early Tanna); 51:4; Song Rab. 8:7, §1; cf. Goshen Gottstein, «Love.» 5076 Cohen, «Shekhinta»; cf. Pesiq. Rab. 8:5; Bonsirven, Judaism, 5, 18. See also Ayali, «Gottes,» though Hadrianic repression is a better catalyst for its emergence in the early period than Christian polemic; immutability was long a Greek doctrine, and polemic against Origen in Pesiq. Rab Kah. 15 (so Manns, «Polémique») is unlikely. Cf. Judg 10:16 ; Isa 63:9; Hos 11:8 . |
| 1874.12–21; Stowers, Letter Writing, 142–46; Lewis, Life, 80–81. 8373 Holwerda, Spirit, 20 n. 52; also Calvin, John, 2(on John 14:2 ), though denying the «degrees» interpretation prevalent in his day. Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 60, appeals to Philo to make this a symbol of the Logos. 8374 Pass, Glory, 66–68; MacGregor, John, 305 (as a metaphor for «God " s immediate presence»); cf. Sanders, John, 321 (a king " s palace). Michaels, John, 252, thinks the allusion is to the temple but that it is used as a metaphor for heaven. 8376 T. Zebah. 13:6. Cf. t. Sukkah 4:3/b. Sukkah 53b, attributed to Hillel, in which God says to Israel, «If you come to My house, I come to your house» (Urbach, Sages, 1:577; Sandmel, Judaism, 240). Cf. also Buchanan, Hebrews, 161. 8379 Augustine Tr. Ev. Jo. 68.2.1; he suggested that God " s people and kingdom is even now being built (68.2.2). 8382 Porphyry Marc. 11.191–193,196–198; 19.318–319 (νες is Attic for νας); cf. also his neoplatonist alternative in which either the divine or an evil δαιμνιον dwell in (νοικω) the soul ι Marc. 21.333–336; cf. 19.321–322; 21.331–332, 336–339). 8386 Epictetus Diatr. 2.8.14. The Loeb translator (1:262–63) translates temporally, «when» he is present, but the participle can as easily be taken as «since.» One could beseech Mithras to «dwell» in onés ψυχ (PCM 4.709–710), an entreaty that might have erotic overtones (so Betz, Papyri, 52) or may even reflect Christian influence. Cf. 1 John 3:9 . 8387 Seneca Ep. Luci1. 73.16 (after arguing that good people are divine, 73.12–16). In a different vein, Ovid Fasti6.5–6 claimed that a god was in mortals, leaving them seeds (semina) of inspiration; cf. divinizing intimacy and union in Iamblichus V.P 33.240. 8388 If Aune, Prophecy, 33–34, is correct that pre-Christian Greek literature has barely any real examples associating Pythian prophecy with possession, the OT background may be prominent here. 8391 OTP 1(ed. Charles, 196). In 10:3, where God dwells, God will rescue the person and exalt him. |
| 3963 T. c Abod. Zar. 3:11; Ber. 47b; c Abod. Zar. 57a; Yebam. 46ab; p. Qidd. 3:12, §8; cf. t. Zabim 2:7. 3964 Taylor, «Baptism»; Smith, «Baptism,» 13–32; Robinson, Studies, 16 n. 12; Légasse, «Baptême»; Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:52. 3965 For whatever reasons, Judaism attracted Gentile women more frequently than their husbands (cf. Josephus War 2.560–561; CIJ 1:384, §523; inscriptions in Leon, Jews, 256). 3966 Cohen, «Ceremony,» may be correct that until the mid-second century different people practiced it in different ways. At least in politically sensitive cases such as Izates, some Jews felt circumcision itself unnecessary (cf. Gilbert, «Convert») though others clearly disagreed (Josephus Ant. 20.44). 3967 Cf. similarly Pusey, «Baptism.» Also Taylor, Immerser, 64–68 (though she on other grounds rejects this as background for John " s baptism, 69); for Gentile impurity (because of idolatry), cf., e.g., Acts 10:28; 11:3; m. Pesah. 8:8; " Oha1. 18:7; Josephus War 2.150; p. Šeb. 6:1, §12; Safrai, «Religion,» 829. 3968 Epictetus Diatr. 2.9.20 (despite the interpretation of the Loeb editor that these are Christians, probably based on ignorance of the Jewish practice). Stern, Authors, 541, interprets it correctly. 3969 It might also be implied by Juvenal Sat. 14.104, who would then be regarding it as a matter of common knowledge in Roman society that after Jews circumcized their converts, they led them to the place of washing. On Sib. Or. 4.165, see below; Jos. Asen. 14requires Aseneth to purify her hands and feet in water when converting (for Diaspora handwashing, see comment on 2:6). Cf. Justin Dial 29.1 for a mid-second-century Diaspora reference. 3970 Schiffman, «Crossroads,» 128–31; definite early attestation is not possible here, but «the transmission of this statement in the names of three separate Tannaim may indicate that it was widespread,» and probably reflects an authentic early dispute. Cf. Torrance, «Baptism,» 154. 3973 Sib. Or. 4.162–165; the text probably dates to ca. 80 C.E., and Collins regards this as Jewish rather than Christian. The association of turning from sin (4.162–164), repentance (4.168–169), and washing in water (4.165) is significant. Some Diaspora circles may have required only washing of hands and feet (Jos. Asen. 14:12). |
| 2449 Sib. Or. 3.652–656; cf. the Potter " s Oracle and Collins " s note on Sib. Or. 3 in Sibylline Oracles, 356; Egyptian expectation in Frankfurter, Religion in Egypt, 244. Cf. the oracle about a coming ruler in Josephus War 6.312, perhaps followed by Tacitus Hist. 5.13 (Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 110). 2450 Black, «Messiah» (cf. similarly Jeremias, Theology, 50), against Charles (who is followed by Barrett, Spirit, 43–44). 2451 Evans, «Messianism,» 701–2, finds thirty Qumran texts describing «anointed» individuals, with the royal Messiah probably in CD 12.23–13.1; 14.19 (=4Q266 frg. 18, 3.12); 19.10–11; 20.1; 1QS 9.11; lQSa 2.11–12,14–15, 20–21; 4Q252 frg. 1 5. 3–4; 4Q381 frg. 15.7; 4Q382 frg. 16.2; 4Q458 frg. 2, 2.6; 4Q521 frg. 2 4, 2.1; 4Q521 frg. 7.3. 2452 E.g., 1Macc 14:41–42, with the functions of ruler, priest, commander, and possibly prophet sought for Simon Maccabeus. 2453 See the Wicked Priest of lQpHab 8.8–10; 9.4–7; 11.5–6; 12.5; and the role of Zadokites in the community. The view that the Teacher of Righteousness is modeled after Judas Maccabee (Eisenman, Maccabees, 35) has not garnered much support. 2454 Evans, «Messianism,» 703, lists οτ precedent for the two messiahs ( Jer 33:15–18 ; Hag 2:1–7 ; Zech 4:11–14; 6:12–13; 4Q254 frg. 4 alludes to Zech 4:14). 2455 7: Reu. 6:8; T. Jud. 21:1–2; cf. T. Sim. 5with 1QM. On Melchizedek as eschatological priest, see Puech, «Manuscrit.» 2456 See Jub. 31:12–17 and 31:18–20; cf. similarly T. Iss. 5:7; T. Dan 5:4, 10; T. Naph. 5:3–5; 8:2. Schniedewind, «King,» roots the dual messianic expectation in the Chronicler " s ideal leadership pattern (esp. 1 Chr 17:14). 2457 Jub. 31:18–20; see Noack, «Qumran and Jubilees,» 201. 2458 See Charles, Jubilees, xiv (although we may date Jubilees somewhat earlier than he suggests on xiii). 2459 Higgins, «Priest,» 333; idem, «Messiah,» 215–19; Laurin, «Messiahs,» 52. LaSor, Scrolls, 152ff., argues that the Hebrew idiom supports one messiah, rabbinic scholars seeing two because of their Talmudic background; although there may be more than one «anointed one,» only one is eschatologica1. T. Benj. 11seems to support a figure from both Judah and Levi (perhaps reflecting a Jewish-Christian desire to derive one of Jesus» parents from Levi, cf. Luke 1:5,36). The DSS conflate various anointed figures (e.g.,4Q174 3.10–13; 4Q252 1 5.1,3; 11Q13 2.15–20). |
| Most disciples in the Gospel had begun to «believe» Jesus before the resurrection, often with minimal signs (cf. 1:49); they become paradigmatic for believers after Jesus» ascension. 10775 Like the disciples before the resurrection appearances, John " s own audience comprised entirely, or almost entirely, believers through the word of others (17:20), who had not seen Christ for themselves (cf. 1Pet 1:8 ); 10776 through Jesus» words to Thomas, John exhorts his own audience to believe despite having to depend on the eyewitnesses. The Spirit, after all, presented the real Jesus through the witnesses» testimony ( John 16:7–11 ). Signs-faith is not rejected here; Thomas " s faith is a start. But signs are not always available, and signs do not in themselves guarantee faith (6:26; 11:45–47). Thus Jesus provides a beatitude (see comment on 13:17) for those who believe without signs, on the testimony of others about signs Jesus already worked (20:30–31). The argument that those who had not seen yet believed were more blessed (20:29) would have been intelligible in terms of Jewish logic about rewards. 10777 But as Thomas " s confession demonstrates, the true, resurrection faith requires more than commitment to Jesus (cf. 11:16); it requires in addition the recognition of Jesus» divine role. 10375 Niccacci, «Fede,» emphasizes parallels between 1:19–51 and 20:1–29, including in the four units of each section (some others make the parallels with the epilogue, ch. 21–e.g., Breck, «Conclusion»; Ellis, «Authenticity»). 10376 Cf. Sabugal, «Resurreccion.» 10377 See Brown, «Resurrection.» 10378 Here we have used material especially from Keener, Matthew, 697–712. 10379 Dodd, Tradition, 148. 10380 See Lindars, «Composition,» 147. He believes that John utilized his material creatively (Lindars, Behind, 76). 10381 Wenham, «Narratives»; Gundry, Matthew, 590–91. 10382 The sudden ending in Mark 16fits some ancient narration patterns; though in some cases, e.g., L.A.B., the ending may be lost, one may compare also abrupt original endings, e.g., in some of Plutarch " s speeches (Fame of Athenians 8, Mor. 351B; Fort. Alex. 2.13, Mor. 345B; Fort. Rom. 13, Mor. 326C; Uned. R. 7, Mor. 782F); Isocrates Demon. 52, Or. 1; Demetrius 5.304; Lucan C.W. 10.542–546; Herodian 8.8.8. See esp. Magness, Sense, for more ancient literary parallels; for consistency with Markan style, especially a final γρ, cf. Boomershine and Bartholomew, «Technique.» An abbreviated conclusion allows Mark to retain the centrality of the cross without actually playing down the resurrection (cf. also Thompson, Debate, 225), because he points to resurrection appearances beyond his narrative (e.g., Anderson, Mark, 353; Rhoads and Michie, Mark, 42; Hooker, Mark, 120». Farmer, Verses, even makes a noteworthy case on external (pp. 3–75) and internal (79–103) grounds that Mark 16:9–20 has more support for being the original ending than usually accepted. |
| 7099 In apposition to the pronoun αυτν earlier, this title functions as epitheton (similar to an-tonomasia; see Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.31.42; Anderson, Glossary, 23, 52–53; Rowe, «Style,» 128; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 579–80). 7100 Culpepper, John, 177. In the last case, the Pharisees do not know as much as they hope (9:29), as the man points out (9:30). 7101 Interestingly, however, what «we [Jews] know» is correct when laid against the knowledge of the Samaritans (4:22), except for Samaritans who affirm Christ (4:42); preresurrection disciples also could admit inadequate knowledge (14:5; 16:30; 20:2; but cf. 21:24). 7102 On their meaning, see «knowledge» in the introduction; I suspect οδα clusters in ch. 9 for solely stylistic reasons, either because the term was fresh on John " s mind or because he wished to emphasize the continuity of the term in the debate. 7103 For further comment, cf. introduction, ch. 6; also Keener, «Knowledge,» 34–40,94–98. Probably a rhetorically trained reader would have viewed this repetition of epistemological language as akin to diaphora, «the repeated use of the same word, which acquires added or different significance in the repetition» (Rowe, «Style,» 133–34; cf. Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 580). 7105 Many teachers probably permitted medicine if it had been prepared before the Sabbath (t. Šabb. 12:12) or the act was medically urgent (m. Ed. 2:5; Šabb. 22:6; Yoma 8:6; Lachs, Commentary, 199–200 adds Mek. Sab. 1.15–23 on Exod 31:13, which speaks of saving life on the Sabbath), which most of Jesus» healings were not (cf. Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 13; idem, Figure, 208). 7106 Cf. Falk, Jesus, 149. Tradition reported that the Shammaites were usually stricter (e.g., b. Ber. 23b; Hu1. 104). Probably all Pharisees allowed what was necessary to preserve life (m. Yoma 8:6), but the blind man is not in danger of dying. 7107 M. Šabb. 1:4; t. Šabb. 1:16; b. Besah 20a; majority opinion came to carry much weight among the sages (t. Ber. 4:15; b. Ber. 37a; p. Moed Qat. 3:1, §6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:17; Gen. Rab. 79:6; Ecc1. Rab. 10:8, §1; Song Rab. 1:1, §5; cf. Essenes in josephus War 2.145). |
| 5547 In the priestly perspective of the Chronicler, national revivals normally involved revivals of cultic worship (1 Chr 6:31–32; 15:16, 28–29; 16:4–6, 41–42; 23:30; 2 Chr 8:14; 20:18–22, 28; 29:25; 30:27; 31:2; 35:2–5; Ezra 3:10–11; Neh 12:24, 27–47). 5549 So also Scott, Spirit, 196 («that mood of ecstasy in which prayer was offered and the will of God ascertained» among the early Christians). Cf. Aune, Eschatology, 104 («charismatic manifestations»); pace Johnston, Spirit-Paraclete, 44, who opposes signs-faith (4:48) to ecstatic worship, presumably on the basis of their linkage in some modern movements. 5551 For Spirit-empowered worship, see, e.g., T. Job 51:4, 52:12; Tg. Jon. on 1Sam 19:23–24 (cf. 1Sam 19MT); Tg. Jon. on 2Sam 22:1; 23:1 ; Keener, Spirit, 11. Inspired singing appears in the OT but was also recognized in the Greco-Roman tradition (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 1.31.1; with Philós Therapeutae, cf. also Diodorus Siculus 2.47.3). 5555 1QS 11.8; 1QM 12.1–2; 4QShirShab; Jub. 30:18; 31:14; Sipre Deut. 306.31.1; Vermes, Religion, 128; Robinson, «Adam and Liturgy»; cf. Pr. Man. 15; Apoc. Ab. 17. This may be why Essenes emphasized correct times of worship (1QS 10.6; Jub. 16:28). 5556 Cf. 2:4, also addressed to γναι. Brown, John, 1:172, compares here Synoptic references to the kingdom as already and not yet. Schnackenburg, John, 1:438, suggests that the realized eschatology in this passage goes beyond the Qumran texts; but Aune has argued that it appears in some sense there as well (Eschatology). 5559 Talbert, «Worship,» 340–46, citing, e.g., Seneca Ep. 41; Apollonius of Tyana On Sacrifices frg. in Eusebius Praep. ev. 4.12–13; Apollonius of Tyana Ep. 26; Porphyry On Abstinence frg. in Eusebius Praep. ev. 4.11; Philo Good Person 75. One could cite many examples of spiritual or ethical sacrifices (e.g., Isocrates Ad Nic. 20, Or. 2; Plutarch Educ. 14, Mor. 11C; Pyth. Sent. 15, 20; Diogenes Laertius 7.1.119; 8.1.22; Philostratus Ep. (of Apollonius) 27; Prov 15:8 ; Ps 154:10–11 ; Jdt 16:16; Sir 32:1–3 ; Wis 3:6; 1QS 9.4–5; 10.6; Sipre Deut. 306.20.3; " Abot R. Nat. 4A; 8, §22B; Rom 12:1 ; Sent. Sext. 47). |
| 10172 4 Macc 15:30; Aristotle Po1. 3.2.10, 1277b; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 4.82.3; 6.92.6; Diodorus Siculus 5.32.2; 10.24.2; Livy 2.13.6; 28.19.13; Appian R.H. 2.5.3; 7.5.29; Iamblichus V.P. 31.194. Some philosophers held that women were capable of courage (Musonius Rufus 4, p. 48.8 and that philosophy improved women " s courage (3, p. 40.33–35). 10173 2Macc 7:21; 4 Macc 15:23; 16:14; Diodorus Siculus 17.77.1; 32.10.9; Apuleius Metam. 5.22. «Courage» is literally «manliness» (e.g., 1Macc 2:64; Aristotle E.E. 3.1.2–4, 1228ab; Dio Cassius 58.4.6; Diodorus Siculus 17.45.6; 40.3.6; Theon Progymn. 9.22; Crates Ep. 19; Chariton 7.1.8). 10174 E.g., Homer I1. 7.96; 8.163; 11.389; 16.7–8; Virgil Aen. 9.617; 12.52–53; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.7.2; 10.28.3; Diodorus Siculus 12.16.1; 34/35.2.22; Aulus Gellius 17.21.33; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.46; cf. an unarmed man in Homer I1. 22.124–125; an effeminate man in Aristophanes Lys. 98. 10176 Mothers (Homer I1. 22.79–90,405–407; Euripides Supp1. 1114–1164) mourned sons; see especially a mother " s mourning the death of the son who would have solaced her in old age (e.g., Virgil Aen. 9.481–484; Luke 7:12–13). 10177 It may support an identification with the disciple of 18:15–16. The disciple perhaps departs in 19:27, «to his own» (Michaels, John, 319). 10178 Hoskyns, «Genesis,» 211–13; Ellis, Genius, 271; cf. Peretto, «Maria.» The specific meaning in Rev 12 is clearer, but even there the mariological reading is unclear unless one resorts to subsequent tradition; cf., e.g., Keener, Revelation, 313–14, 325–27. 10180 Cf. Moloney, «Mary.» Boguslawski, «Mother,» sees this new «eschatological family» confirmed by the coming of the Spirit in 19:30. 10183 Witherington, Women, 95. Cf. Jesus» mother as an example of discipleship also in Seckel, «Mère.» 10184 For care of parents in their old age, see P.Enteux. 26 (220 B.C.E.); Hierocles Parents 4.25.53; Diogenes Laertius 1.37; Quintilian 7.6.5; Sir 3:16 ; Gen. Rab. 100:2. Some texts view such care as «repayment» of parents (Homer Ii. 4.477–478; 17.302; 1Tim 5:4 ; possibly Christian interpolation in Sib. Or. 2.273–275). More generally on honor of parents, see comment on 2:4. |
|
|
