| Jesus eventually did provide some «open» teaching (7:26; 18:20), and especially was frank with his disciples (11:14; 16:25; cf. 14:21–23); but it did not come in response to others» demands, and the timing had to be right. 6338 Jesus would «reveal» himself fully, as the brothers request in 7:4, but not simply to reflect well on his earthly family; rather, privately to those who were truly his own (14:22). It was not that he feared death in Judea (cf. 11:7–9), though others in the narrative will avoid παρρησα for that reason (7:13); it was only that he must obey the Fathers plan and so delay it until the right time (7:7). In this Gospel, Jesus truly lays down his life and no one takes it from him (10:18); all happens according to the wisdom of his plan in obedience to his Father " s wil1. Given this emphasis of Jesus» brothers on open speech and behavior (7:4), it is significant to note that, after Jesus publicly reveals himself in his temple discourse, the Pharisaic elite portray him as a demagogue (7:47–49), suggesting significant class tension in the story world which was not unlikely in the world of John " s intended audience as wel1. Jesus» «open» appearance in both 7:14–36 and 7:37–52 polarizes the crowd; «that is, just as Jesus moves from " hiddenness» (verse 4) to openness,» so the response of his hearers moves from hiddenness (verse 13 … ) to open decision.» 6339 Jesus cannot guide his life according to political expediency; he must follow his Father " s leading (cf. 9:4; 11:9). 6340 That Jesus» «time» is not yet at hand is another Johannine double entendre; his brothers in the story world would understand him as referring to the time to go to the feast, but John " s ideal audience understands that going to the feast brings Jesus into conflict with the officials, hence hastens his impending death. Thus, as noted above, this passage emphasizes the matter of the appropriate time (7:6–7); as in 2(see more detailed comment there), Jesus is heading for the cross. When would Jesus» identity be better revealed to the world than at his final hour, at the cross (cf. 8:28; 12:32–33)? 6341 As in John " s use of «cannot» in general, so here «the impossibility lies in the true nature of things, and is the other side of the divine «must»» (see comment on 4:4). 6342 The world cannot hate them (7:7) because it would thereby hate its own ways instead of those of God (cf. 15:19). 6343 Jesus, by contrast, cannot simply elicit faith by his «works» (7:3), for he challenges the «works» of the world as evil (7:7; cf. 3:19–20). 6344 |
| 6686 For hostile spirits in the air realm, cf., e.g., Incant. Text 17.2; 43.6–7; T. So1. 2:3; 25:3; b. Git. 68b; Hag. 16a, bar.; Num. Rab. 12:3; Deut. Rab. 6:6; Eph 2:2 . Some expected magic spirits (PGM 1.179–182; 4.3043–3044; 12.67), «daemons» (Dillon, Platonists, 288), or deceased souls (Philo Dreams 1.135; Giants 9,12; Pythagoras in Diogenes Laertius 8.1.32; temporarily in Apoc. Zeph. 4:7) in the air realm. 6687 1 En. 10:4–5, 12; Jub. 5:6, 10; 10:7–9; Apoc. Zeph. 6:15. This was in Tartarus (Sib. Or. 1.101–103; L.A.B. 60:3; 2Pet 2:4 ; cf. T. So1. 6:3), probably after the analogy of the Titans (Hesiod Theog. 717–719; cf. Sib. Or. 1.307–323; 2.231). 6688 Cf. 2 En. 7; 1Pet 3:22 ; probably 1 En. 18:14–19:1. 6689 For antithesis in rhetoric, see Anderson, Glossary, 21–22; and our comments on the technique of comparison in John 13:23 . 6690 E.g., Freed, «Eg Eimi.» 6691 E.g., Lightfoot, Gospel, 134–35; Hunter, John, 89; Bell, I Am, 258. Cf. also Exod 3:14; Deut 32LXX. 6692 Stauffer, Jesus, 91, citing purportedly pre-Christian tradition in b. Sukkah 53a. 6693 Cf., e.g., Robert, «Malentendu.» 6694 Miller, «Christology.» 6695 Sanders, John, 224. Haenchen, John, 2suggests substituting «at all» for «beginning,» citing Ps.-Clem. Homilies 6.11. 6696 That «lifting up» includes the cross is nearly always recognized, although many also include the resurrection-ascension, as probably implied here (e.g., Holwerda, Spirit, 11). Pretending to dare onés hearers to act against the speaker " s counsel could be good rhetorical form (Rowe, «Style,» 147, on permissio or epitrope; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 582), though this may function as a form of rhetorical παρρησα (see comment on 7:4). 6697 Bauckham, God Crucified, 64–65, thinks this passage combines Isaiah " s «lifting up» (52:13) with Isaiah " s «I am he» (41:4; 43:10, 13; 48:12). On Jesus» claim to deity here, see, e.g., Pancaro, Law, 59–63; Brown, John, 1:348. Bowman, Gospel, 267 finds here God on Ezekiel " s throne-chariot. |
| 6727 E.g., Plutarch Superst. 5, Mor. 167B (including Judaism as a superstition in Superst. 8, Mor. 169C). Cf. freedom from fear of death (Cicero Nat. d. 1.20.56; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 80.6; Nat. 3.pref.l6; Epictetus Diatr. 1.17.25; 2.5.12; Heb 2:15). 6728 Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.19. 6729 E.g., Aristotle Rhet. 1.9.27, 1367a; Plutarch S.S., Anonymous 37, Mor. 234B; Dio Chrysostom Or. 18, On Freedom; Epictetus Diatr. 1.4.19. Aeschylus Prom. 50 opines that none but Zeus is free from all troubles. 6730 Epictetus Diatr. 2.14.13. 6731 Seneca Dia1. 1.5.6. 6732 Brown, John, 1:355. 6733 E.g., Diodorus Siculus 10.34.8; Strabo Geog. 10.4.16. 6734 Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 7.42.2. For freedom from undue interference in internal Jewish affairs, see 1 Esd 4:49–50; Josephus Ant. 16.2. 6735 Arrian Alex. 4.11.8; Sallust Cati1. 51.31; Jug. 31.11; Speech of Macer 1,9; Letter to Caesar 2A; 10.3; Cornelius Nepos 8 (Thrasybulus), 1.2; Musonius Rufus 9, p. 72.9–10. 6736 Demosthenes 3 Philippic 36; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.23.18–19; 6.7.2; Appian R.H. 4.10.80; Maximus of Tyre Or. 23.4; cf. Philostratus Hrk. 4.1–2. 6737 Lucan C.W. 7.445; Cornelius Nepos 8 (Thrasybulus), 1.5; Cicero Att. 14.14; Phi1. 3.5.12; 3.11.29; 3.13.33; 6.7.19; 14.14.37; Seneca the Elder, Historical Fragments 1; Iamblichus V.P. 32.220; Philostratus Vit. soph. 1.15.498; 1.486. 6738 Lysias Or. 2.21, §192; Demosthenes 3 Philippic 36; 4 Philippic 25; Isocrates Peace 105, Or. 8.180 (though employing νδραποδισμς); Sallust Jug. 102.6; Letter of Mithridates 10; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.23.20; Appian R.H. 8.9.56; Herodian 3.2.8; Cornelius Nepos 15 (Epaminondas), 5.3; 1Macc 2:11; Musonius Rufus relates it to freedom to speak out (παρρησα, see comment on 7:4) in 9, p. 72.23, 27–29; 72.31–73.3; 74.10–13) and to reason (16, p. 106.6–8). 6739 Culpepper, Anatomy, 157, thinks Jesus» interlocutors here mean freedom politically but are ironically self-evidently wrong. 6740 E.g., 3Macc 2:6; Josephus Ant. 3.19–20; 6.86. Some later rabbis celebrated this freedom also as ability to rule (Song Rab. 6:12, §1). |
| Recognizing that the level of threat was no longer that of mob violence (8:59; 10:31, 39) but premeditated and planned violence (11:53), Jesus stopped the «public» ministry he had begun in 7:4–14 (11:54; see comment on παρρησα in 7:4). 7739 God would protect Jesus until his hour (7:30; 8:20), but Jesus would also cooperate with his Father " s plan to do so. In 11Jesus continued to «remain» (cf. 10:40; 11:6; 12:24) in the wilderness (cf. the new exodus theme in 1:23; 3:14; 6:39,49), again no longer walking in Judean territory because of his enemies (as in 7:1). Some think that «Ephraim» (11:54) was in Samaritan territory, hence that Jesus took refuge there with his friends from Samaria (4:40). 7740 This is possible, though probably only the former Palestinian Jewish Christians in the community would understand the geographical allusion. 7741 That Jesus withdrew from «the Judeans» to find refuge in «Ephraim,» often a name for the northern kingdom in the biblical prophets (especially Hosea), may have struck more of them. That «the Jewish festival of Passover was near» (11:55) recalls the earlier Passovers in the Gospel, announced in almost identical words (2:13; 6:4). Both previous Passovers in the story became occasions for severe conflict (2:15–19; 6:66), and the earlier Gospel tradition reserves the paschal announcement for the passion week ( Mark 14:1,12 ; Matt 26:18). Most significantly, however, the reader knows from previous depictions of feasts that Jesus goes to Jerusalem for such feasts (e.g., 2:13; 5:1; 7:2, 10; 10:22); unless Jesus goes secretly (7:10), he is about to return to the place where Judeans have been wishing to kill him (5:18; 7:1; 8:59; 10:31; 11:8,53). Even if one approached the Gospel unaware of the passion tradition (and most of John " s original audience would not), one would recognize that, barring divine intervention (7:30; 8:20), his «hour» was soon at hand (12:23, 27; 13:1). Many went to Jerusalem early to «purify themselves» before the festival (11:55; cf. 2:6; 3:25). Like other pilgrims, they probably joked and made merry on the way. 7742 But Diaspora Jews in particular would want to arrive early to purify themselves ritually; many could do it nowhere else (cf. Acts 21:24, 26; 24:18). 7743 Many, especially those with corpse impurity, would need to arrive at least a week early. 7744 Jesus needed no further purification (cf. 10:36), but nevertheless is near Jerusalem several days before the festival (12:1). |
| 13 Anathema 11 of Constantinople II: Tanner (1990), 119. 14 Sherwood (1952), 3; see his full analysis of Amb. 7 in Sherwood (1955a), 72–222. 15 On Messalianism and the Macarian Homilies, see Stewart (1991). 16 See the footnote, ad loc. Other allusions to the Macarian Homilies can be found by consulting the index fontium in the editions of Maximus’ works in Corpus Christianorum. Series Graeca. See the Bibliography. 17 See, e.g., Amb. 20 (1236D-1241D) and Myst. 5 (672D-684A). 18 See, e.g., Amb. 19:1236C, Myst. prologue: 660B. 19 On Maximus’ understanding of religious experience, see Miquel (1966). 20 See des Places (1966), 9–10, citing Marrou (1943). 21 The quotation is from Century on Spiritual Knowledge 5 (des Places 1966 , 86) and concerns the meaning of thelesis: Opusc. 26:277C; Dialogue with Pyrrhus [Opusc. 28], 28:301 C. 22 See des Places (1966), 66–7, and also his article in Heinzer and Schonborn (1982), 29–35. 23 See Louth (1981), 125–31. 24 On Cappadocian thought see Otis (1958), and also, more recently but hardly as succinctly, Pelikan (1993). On the influence of the Cappadocians on Maximus, see G.C.Berthold in Heinzer and Schonborn, (1982), 51–9. 25 For a brief attempt to tackle this question see Louth (1993a). 26 See below, chapter 5 of the Introduction, and Amb. 41. 27 For more detail on Denys the Areopagite, see Louth (1989) and Rorem (1993). 28 See Suchla (1990), 1–91. 29 See Siddals (1983) and (1987). 30 See Louth (1986). 31 Translation from Luibheid (1987), 153f. 32 See the important paper: Gould (1989). 33 There has been considerable scholarly dispute about Maximus’ debt to the Areopagite; for further detail, see Louth (1993b). 34 See Amb. 71, below, and Andia (forthcoming). 3 MAXIMUS’ SPIRITUAL THEOLOGY 1 LP l. 97–106 (CCSG 23, pp. 32f.). 2 Psa. 44.3, quoted by Maximus in CT I.97 and Amb. 10.17:1128A, in reference to the transfigured Christ. 3 Bousset (1923), 304, cited by Sherwood (1955b), 235, n. 356. 4 For an introduction to Evagrius, see Louth (1981), 100–13; and for more on his influence among the Greek and the Syrians, see Guillaumont (1962). For Maximus’ attempt to correct Evagrian metaphysics, see below, chapter 5 of the Introduction. |
| 1 Dawut hem-de goun batutanlary Asafy, Heýmany hem-de Ýedutuny ogullaryny hyzmat ii üçin bölüp aýyrdylar. Olar lira, arfa hem kimwal çalyp pygamberlik etmelidiler. Hyzmat iini ýerine ýetirenler ulardyr: 2 Asafy ogullaryndan: Zakur, Ýusup, Netanýa, Asarela. Bular patyany emrine görä pygamberlik eden Asafy ogullarydy we onu garamagyndadylar. 3 Ýedutuny ogullaryndan: Gedalýa, Seri, Iaýa, imeý , Haabýa, Matytýa — jemi alty. Olar Rebbe lira bilen öwgi aýdyp, Ony öhratlandyryp pygamberlik edýän kakalary Ýedutuny garamagyndadylar. 4 Heýmany ogullary: Bukyýa, Matanýa, Uzyýel, ebuwal, Ýerimot, Hananýa, Hanany, Eliýata, Gidalty, Romamty Gezer, Ýobekaa, Malloty, Hotyr, Mahazyýot. 5 ulary hemmesi patyany görgüri Heýmany ogullarydyr. Bu ogullar Hemana ony beýik etmek üçin, Hudaýy beren wadasy bilen berlipdi. Hudaý oa on dört ogul bilen üç gyz berdi. 6 Bulary bary kakalaryny garamagynda Rebbi ybadathanasynda kimwal, arfa hem lira çalyp, aýdym aýdýardylar. Asaf, Ýedutun we Heýman patyany buýrugy astyndadylar. 7 Bular hem-de bulary Rebbi öünde aýdym aýtmaklyga türgenledirilen garyndalaryny bu ie ussatlary iki ýüz segsen sekiz adamdy. 8 Olary uludan-kiçä, halypadan-ägirde çenli bary borçlary üçin bije atdylar. 9 Birinji bije Asafy neslinden Ýusuba düdi; ikinji Gedalýa; doganlary we ogullary bilen on iki adam; 10 üçünji Zakura; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 11 dördünji Ýezer ; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 12 bäinji Netanýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 13 altynjy Bukyýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 14 ýedinji Ýesarela ; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 15 sekizinji Ýeagýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 16 dokuzynjy Matanýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 17 onunjy imgä; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 18 on birinji Azarel ; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 19 on ikinji Haabýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 20 on üçünji ubaýyla; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 21 on dördünji Matytýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 22 on bäinji Ýerimot; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 23 on altynjy Hananýa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 24 on ýedinji Ýobekaa; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 25 on sekizinji Hanana; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 26 on dokuzynjy Mallota; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 27 ýigriminji Eliýata; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 28 ýigrimi birinji Hotyra; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 29 ýigrimi ikinji Gidalta; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 30 ýigrimi üçünji Mahazyýota; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam; 31 ýigrimi dördünji Romamty Gezere düdi; ogullary we doganlary bilen on iki adam. |
| 5932 Jesus is essentially the Father " s voice in 5:37–40; one might compare him to a bat qo1. 5933 E.g., Westcott, John, 91; Morris, John, 330; Michaels, John, 82; Bruce, John, 136; Beasley-Murray, John, 78. 5934 Schnackenburg, John, 2:125, cites, e.g., 1QS 5.11; CD 6.7. See most fully Culpepper, School, 291–99, on darash and ζητω. 5935 So here, e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Hunter, John, 62; Brown, John, 1:225, citing, e.g., m. " Abot 2:7; see comment on 1:4. It was «the most meritorious of all good deeds» (Sandmel, Judaism, 184). 5936 So also Odeberg, Gospel, 224. 5937 Refuting someone on the basis of the very arguments or witnesses that person cites in his support was good rhetorical technique (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §101D; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; Matt 12:37; Luke 19:22; Tit 1:12–13 ). 5938 See Culpepper, School, 298–99. They do not «will» to come to him (5:40), though they had «willed» to listen to John momentarily (5:35). 5939 DeSilva, «Honor and Shame,» 520 (citing Seneca the Younger De constantia sapientis 13.2,5; Epictetus Ench. 24.1). 5940 Not needing such glory was commendable (e.g., Scipio in Macrobius Comm. 2.10.2, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225), though Diogenes the Cynic claimed to deserve public praise (Diogenes Laertius 6.62). 5941 Seeking glory was honorable only if sought in the right places ( Rom 2:7 ; Polybius 6.54.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.25.1; 5.27.2; Cicero Earn. 10.12.5; 15.4.13; Sest. 48.102; Valerius Maximus 2.8.5, 7; 4.3.6a; 5.7.ext.4; 8.14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.63–66; Orphic Hymn 15.10–11; Prov 22:1 ; see comment on 12:43). 5942 Cf. Michaels, John, 82. Brown, John, 1:226, suggests an allusion to Moses (leading naturally into 5:45–47), who sought God " s glory (Exod 34:29); cf. comment on 1:14–18. At least some later rabbis believed that Moses exalted God above everything else and after death God exalted him (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20). 5943 See comment on 14:13–14; comment on agency, pp. 310–17 in the introduction. Cf. also Sanders, John, 73. It is unlikely that this stems from Isaiah (pace Young, «Isaiah,» 223); though God " s name is a dominant motif in Isaiah, «coming» in his name more likely alludes to Ps 118:26 . |
| 5921 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.58–59. 5922 Let. Aris. 131–132, 156–157; see further Longenecker, Paul 54–58; Davies, Paul 27–29. Cf. Xenophon Mem. 4.3.13; Diodorus Siculus 12.20.2; Cicero Nat. d. 2.54.133–58.146; Seneca Benef. 6.23.6–7; Plutarch Isis 76, Mor. 382A; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.7, 10; 1.16.8; 2.14.11; Heraclitus Ep. 4; Theophilus 1.5–6. 5923 Other messianic claimants also appealed to promised signs as testimony of their identity (Talbert, John, 128, cites Josephus Ant. 18.85–87; 20.97,167–172). 5924 In Johannine theology, those who did see him through Jesus would be transformed, both spiritually in the present (1 John 3:6) and physically eschatologically (1 John 3:2). 5925 E.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3; see the source in Exod 19:9,11; 24:10–11. Philosophers spoke of hearing and seeing God through reason (cf. Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10). 5926 «Thunders» in Exod 19LXX is «sounds» or «voices» (φωνα). A later tradition even says this voice raised the dead (Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 20:15/18). 5927 Dahl, «History,» 133; cf. also Borgen, Bread, 151; Brown, John, 1:225; Schnackenburg, John, 2:52; Whitacre, Polemic, 68; see comment on 6:46. Against the bat kol here, see Odeberg, Gospel, 222. In Pirqe R. E1. 11, Torah shares God " s image; see comment on 1:3. 5928 Odeberg, Gospel, 223–24. Greeks told stories of gods unrecognized among mortals, as Jews did of angels (see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.105, 113–135; 17.484–487; Ovid Metam. 1.212–213; 2.698; 5.451–461; 6.26–27; 8.621–629; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Heb 13:2; cf. Gen 18 ; Tob 5:4–6,12; 9:1–5; Philo Abraham 114). 5929 Whitacre, John, 137, may be right to see polemic against mystical Judaism here; but we can account for the text sufficiently on the basis of any Torah-observent Jewish circles. 5930 See Philo Confusion 97,147; Flight 101; Heir 230; Planting 18; Spec. Laws 1.80–81,171; 3.83. Cf. Plutarch Isis 29, Mor. 362D; 43, 368C; 54, 373B; 377A. 5931 For a person having Torah in oneself, see, e.g., Deut 30:14 ; Ps 37:31; 40:8; 119:11 ; Lev. Rab. 3:7. Believers have Jesus " words in them ( John 15:7 ), Jesus in them (6:56; cf. 1 John 3:15 ), and remain in Jesus ( John 8:31 ). |
| 10685 Hilhorst, «Wounds.» See Virgil Aen. 2.270–279; 6.446,494–499; Silius Italicus 13.825; cf. also Philostratus Hrk. 10.2 (where a spirit appears the same age as when he died). Thus one might amputate a corpsés extremities so its ghost could not exact vengeance (Aeschylus Cho. 439). 10686 Plutarch Caesar 37.3. 10687 Tertullian Against Marcion 4.40, used Jesus promising his body as bread against the docetic view of Jesus» body as a phantom; cf. Luke 24:39. 10688 E.g., Yamauchi, «Crucifixion,» 2. 10689 Yohanan " s skeleton from Givat ha-Mivtar confirms that legs were occasionally nailed in this period, as in early Athens (Stanton, Gospel Truth, 119; Brown, John, 2:1022; Brown, Death, 950–51; cf. Ps 22:16 ); piercing of feet was shameful even for a corpse (Homer I1. 22.396–397). 10690 E.g., Seneca Apoco1. 13, applied to Claudius " s arrival in the realm of Hades because he favored Eastern cults. 10691 Menander Rhetor 2.3,385.7–8 (i.e., the rhetor greeting a city in which he arrives or an official arriving there). 10692 E.g„ 1QM 17.7; Tob 13:10, 13–14; Jub. 23:30; 1 En. 5:7; 25:6; 47:4; 103:3; Pss. So1. 11:3; Sib. Or. 3.619; 2 Bar. 14:13; see comment on John 3:29 . 10693 E.g., b. Yoma 4b; Lev. Rab. 16(purportedly from Ben Azzai); Pesiq. Rab. 21:2/3; 51:4; Urbach, Sages, 1:390–92; see comment on John 15:11 . 10694 See Hubbard, Redaction. 10695 On the agreement of diverse sources concerning the sending and mission, cf. Guillet, «Récits.» That John substitutes a Gentile mission for an earlier Jewish one is nowhere implied (see Martyn, «Mission»). 10696 See, e.g., Mek. Pisha 1.150–153; on the Spirit and succession, see more fully the comment on 14:16. 10697 Lenski, John, 1368–69, suggests that they will dispense Christ " s peace. 10698 E.g., Laurin, John, 261; Bengel, Gnomen, 491. 10699 See our introduction, pp. 310–17; cf. also Barrett, John, 569. 10700 Stott, «Commission,» 5, borrows the anachronistic language of «a trinitarian framework» but accurately captures the relationships in their Johannine framework. |
| 1 There is no need to give an elaborate bibliography, but there is a characteristically wide-ranging and thought-provoking article on what might be meant by a modern Orthodox cosmology by Olivier Clement in Clement (1967). 2 Athanasius, De Incarnatione 7. 3 Ibid. 4 Tin eis to mi einai phthoran: De Incarnatione 4. 5 It is instructive to contrast Athanasius’ treatment of why repentance on Adam’s part would have been insufficient with Anselm’s treatment of the same problem in Cur Deus homo I. 20. Athanasius also mentions the offence done to God’s honour, but the reason he gives for the inadequacy of repentance is based on the cosmic effects of Adam’s sin: Anselm’s reasoning turns entirely on the infinite offence done to God’s honour by Adam’s sin. 6 See esp. May (1978). 7 Origen, On First Principles II.8.3. 8 Ibid. I.6.2. 9 It is perhaps worth emphasizing that we have, in fact, no very clear idea from the Origenists themselves of their beliefs. The Origenism condemned by Justinian is the Origenism, not of Origen himself, but of Evagrius and his followers: see Guillaumont (1962), 124–70. This is presumably the Origenism faced by Maximus, though, as we shall see, occasionally what Maximus finds fault with seems more characteristic of Origen himself than of Evagrius. 10 For Maximus and Origenism see Sherwood (1955a), esp. 72–222. Sherwood argues against Balthasar’s claim that Maximus had experienced a conversion from Origenism (for this, see esp. Balthasar 1961 , 482–643, a modified reprint of the original article of 1940). 11 This is the argument of Amb. 15 (1216A-1221B); it is not so clearly expressed in the much longer (and presumably slightly earlier) Amb. 7 (1068D-1101C). 12 See Gersh (1978), 218–22, 243–51. 13 See, e.g., Amb. 41–1308C. 14 Origen, Homily of Exodus 12. 4. See Louth (1981), 65–6. 15 Evagrius, Gnostic Centuries I.27. 16 See Danielou (1954), 145–51. 17 On this see Balas (1966), 34–53. 18 E.g., Ep. 6:429D. And see on the whole subject, Thunberg (1965), 14052. |
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