| Из книги Деяний явствует, что Иисус имел иные виды на Свою Церковь , чем это представлялось апостолам на раннем этапе се бытия. И для того чтобы Его план осуществился, понадобился человек с иным опытом, иным образом мыслей и иным уровнем образования. Павел вошел в Церковь как аутсайдер: ему долго не доверяли, его апостольский статус оспаривали. Для иерусалимской общины своего времени Павел, очевидно, так и остался аутсайдером до конца своих дней. Его масштаб не могли оценить при жизни, как не осознавали масштаб личности и дела Иисуса Христа, пока Он был жив. Но последующие века все расставили на свои места: Церковь , созданная Христом, охватила весь мир, а Павел занял в ней по праву принадлежащее ему место первоверховного апостола. 41 Ныне Тарсус (Турция). Блаженный Иероним считал, что Павел «происходил... из города Гискалиса в Иудее. После захвата города римлянами родители увезли мальчика с собой в киликийский город Тарс» (О знаменитых мужах 5//PL. 23. Col. 615). Ha каком предании Иероним основывал это утверждение, неизвестно. 50 Vegge Т. Paulus und das antike Schulwesen. S. 494. O возможной связм между Павлом и греческими философами см. в кн.: Malherbe A.J. Paul and the Popular Philosophers. P.1 –9, 67–77. 52 Обзор научной дискуссии вокруг римского гражданства Павла см. в кн.: Keener C.S. Acts. Vol.3. P.2517–2527. 62 Meier J.P. A Marginal Jew. Vol.1. P.276. Отметим, что в настоящее время в научной литературе доминируют сдержанные оценки относительно самой возможности реконструкции системы образования у евреев до 70 года. Подчеркивается, что большинство раввинистических источников, которые упоминают школы и учителей, датируются периодом Поздней Античности (см.: Heiser S. Jewish Literacy in Roman Palestine. P.18–51). Они говорят o школах частного, неформального характера, которые дополняли образование в семье, а не заменяли его. Восстанавливать картину еврейского образования до разрушения храма с учетом и более поздних раввинистических источников исследователям позволяет убеждение в известном античном «консерватизме в структуре образования» (Riesner R. Jesus als Lehrer. S.100–101). O ранних традициях в раввинистических источниках см. также: Neusner J. Early Judaism. P. 51–57; Sanders P.P. Paul and Palestinian Judaism. P.63–65. |
| 2432 Kraeling, John, 52. Some professed signs-prophets also sought kingship in broader Mediterranean culture (Diodorus Siculus 34/35.2.5–6,22–23). 2433 See Freyne, Galilee, 194–95, on Ant. 18.85–87; 20.97–98,169–171; War 2.261–266; Acts 5:36; 21:38; cf. also Crossan, Jesus, 158–68. Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 110–31, do, however, point out that popular attempts to rule often focused on commoners rather than a revived Davidic dynasty. 2434 Cf. Moore, Judaism, 2:346. Rivkin, «Messiah,» 65, contrasts the set belief in the world to come and the resurrection with the greater flexibility on messianic belief after the revolt. 2436 Sipre Deut. 34.4.3 (resurrection in the messianic era); Ketub. 12:3, §13 (R. Meir); speculation flourished again in the Amoraic period (e.g., b. Meg. 12a). Aberbach, «Hzqyhw,» thinks that «Hezekiah» was sometimes a code-name for R. Judah when some still considered him the messiah. 2437 For groups that emphasized biblical messianic hopes, see Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 102–10. 4Q521 2,4 1.1, suggests a global or even cosmic (though this may be hyperbole) role for the messiah. 2438 Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 109. In a later period redemptive work suggested genealogical correctness rather than Davidic descent being primary; cf. Kaufmann, «Idea.» 2439 OTP 2:667. «Lord» is κριος, but the messiah " s king is the «Lord himself» (17:34), who is also Israel " s eternal king (17:46); cf. the distinction also in J En. 48(Sim.) 2440 Pss. So1. 17:21–25 (OTP2:667). Neusner, Beginning, 36, focuses on this aspect of messiahship; Jonge, «Psalms of Solomon,» also sees a scribal element. 2444 Josephus War 6.312–313; Tacitus Hist. 5.13; Suetonius Vesp. 10.4, apply the biblical prophecy of a king from Palestine to Vespasian; paganism could absorb Jewish motifs without objections. See esp. Aune, Prophecy, 76, citing Sib. Or. 3.350–380; Virgil Eel 4.4–10. 2445 1QM 15.1; Jub. 23:13; 2 Bar. 29:3; Τ Mos. 7–8; cf. also Allegro, «History,» 95, on 4QpPs. Such sufferings were sometimes associated with the advent of the messianic era or of the messiah (Sib. Or. 3.213–215, 635–648, probably pre-Christian; possibly 1QH 5; 4 Ezra 6:24; 7:29; 8:63–9:8; m. Sotah 9:15; b. Sanh. 97a; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:9; Pesiq. Rab. 36:1); cf. Bonsirven, Judaism, 180–83. Its estimated duration varied widely, e.g., 7 years (b. Sanh. 97a; Song Rab. 2:13, §4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:9; Pesiq. Rab. 15:14/15; 34:1; 36:1–2); 12 parts (2 Bar. 26–30); or 40 years (CD 20.14–15). (In the late Pesiq. Rab. 36Messiah himself suffers seven years to save Israe1.) |
| 7108 Hillelites prevailed after 70 (see, e.g., m. Demai 3:1; t. Ed. 2:3; Neusner, Traditions, 1:339). 7109 Stauffer, Jesus, 92, citing m. Šabb. 22(medical attention); Edersheim, 406, citing m. Šabb. 24(on kneading). The use of clay in slavery symbolism (b. Yebam. 46a) seems too remote for relevance here. 7110 Michaels, John, 152. Kneading, including making clay, was forbidden (commentators follow Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:530, in citing m. Šabb. 7:2); whether eyes might be anointed was debated but often opposed (commentators follow Billerbeck, Kommentar, 2:533–34, citing b. Abod. Zar. 28b); an Amora forbids using tasteless spit to treat eye scabs on the Sabbath (p. Šabb. 14:4, §3). 7111 Whitacre, John, 242, comparing peasants «interrogated by the junta.» He might also abbreviate to avoid incriminating himself if going to Siloam or washing involved a Sabbath breach (9:11); but this is not clear. 7112 Also Pancaro, Law, 51. On the severe meaning of «sinner,» probably in most of the gospel tradition, cf. Pss. So1. 2:34; 13:1; 14:6–7; Sib. Or. 3.304; Tg. Qoh. 6:6; Keener, Matthew, 294–96. 7116 Though cf. later rabbinic critiques of Pharisees with impure motives, e.g., m. Sotah 3:4; Abot R. Nat. 37A; 45, §124B; b. Sotah 22b, bar.; p. Sotah 5:5, §2. 7117 Perhaps also ancient Mediterranean patterns of conflict and invective, in which the powerful expected others to be their allies or else might assume them to favor their opponents (cf. Marshall, Enmity, passim). 7118 The πς δναται probably echoes the same narrative (3:4,9; cf. 6:52; 14:5). Dependence on character classifications (cf. Theophrastus Char.; cf. rhetorical characterization in Anderson, Glossary, 60–61) would render violations of stereotypes more disconcerting. 7120 Stauffer, Jesus, also refers to t. Sanh. 12:9; 13:4; L.A.B. 26(the latter conjoins curse and execution). 7122 Gentile courts typically administered far more blows, sometimes as many as one hundred (Plato Laws 9.881C; P.Ha1. 1.188–189; Petronius Sat. 28). |
| 3676 T. Ab. 7:1; 8ΙΑ; Γ. Isaac 2:20, 25 (probably a Christian work); Philo Abraham 50; Gen. Rab. 59:9. 3680 When Deut 16 lists first sons, then daughters, slaves, and Lévites, rabbis remarked, «the most beloved comes first» (Sipre Deut 138.2.1; 141.2; Neusner, 1:331, 337); Jeremiah could call his scribe Baruch, «my beloved son» (ε μου αγαπητ) (4 Bar. 7[Kraft, 38–39] ); like a king who favors his youngest son, God loves Benjamin in a special way (Sipre Deut 352 .7A). Thus Horus may appear as Isis " s and Osiris " s «beloved son» (PDM Sup. 131) by borrowing the earlier Christian expression, but may simply be «beloved» as a son would normally be. 3682 Tob 8:17; cf. 4 Ezra 10:1. Only sons could hold a special place because they were heirs, regardless of their behavior; cf. Manasseh in Ascen. Isa. 1(probably pre-Christian material); see comment on John 8:35 . 3684 Ibid., 7, citing Hesychius Pollux 3.19. Further, «Aquila and Symmachus have monogenes in every context where the LXX and Origen have agaptos« (Roberts, «Only Begotten,»» 13). 3687 CIJ 1:96, §137. Cf. Homer Il. 16.460. Normally one would have compassion on someone who had lost a son (cf. Plutarch Camillus 11.2). 3688 Sipre Deut 313.1.4; Gen. Rab. 55:7. Cf. also references above to Isaac as «beloved»; similar language from Abraham to Jacob in Jub. 19:27. The Akedah was among the Genesis texts apt to be emphasized in the Second Temple period (4Q252 1 3.6–9); in later texts, Isaac " s willingness to be sacrificed proved meritorious (e.g., Tg. Neof. on Gen 22:8, 10, 14 ; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 22:1,10 and on Lev 22:27 ; contrast the Greek child sacrifice tradition in Aeschylus Agamemnon 205–247). 3689 Since both Isaac and Ishmael were only sons of their mothers and Abraham loved both, they said that God had to specify further (e.g., Gen. Rab. 55:7; Pesiq. Rab. 40:6). Early Christian art applies the Akedah to Jesus» death (Jensen, «Binding»); but Hayward, «Sacrifice,» argues that the later Akedah haggadah is without Christian influence. |
| 562 Stein, «Criteria,» 225–28; see also Stanton, Gospel Truth, 60–61; Wright, People of God, 421. 563 Theissen, Gospels, 25–29. Cf. also the presence of Semitisms (e.g., Jeremias, Theology, passim; 565 This image appears in Tannaitic sources (Sipra Behuq. pq. 8.269.2.14 [anonymous and R. Akiba]; Sipre Deut. 306.25.1 [perhaps an Amoraic gloss]; 313.2.4; 351.1.2–3 [anonymous and R. Gamaliel]; " Abot R. Nat. 15 A and 29, §§61–62 Β [attributed to Shammai and Hillel]) as well as later Amoraic ones (b. Ber. 5a; Meg. 19b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:7; 10:5; 15:5; Pesiq. Rab. 3:1; Num. Rab. 13:15–16; 14:4; Lam. Rab. proem 2; Song Rab. 1:2, §5; 1:3, §2; cf. Neusner, Sat, 73–74; Patte, Hermeneutic, 23,87–92). Because it completes it, oral law takes precedence over and is more precious than Scripture in later sources (e.g., b. c Abod. Zar. 35a; c Erub. 21b; Menah. 29b; p. c Abod. Zar. 2:7, §3; Hor. 3:5, §3; Sanh. 11:4, §1; Song Rab. 1.2, §2; Pesiq. Rab. 3:2; cf. Sipra Behuq. par. 2.264.1.1; Sipre Deut. 115.1.1–2; 161.1.3; " Abot R. Nat. 2–3A; p. Meg. 1:5, §3; Urbach, Sages, 1:305), but rarely in the earliest rabbinic sources (Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 115–125), and never in Josephus or early Christian comments (Bonsirven, Judaism, 85). «Oral law» may have developed the Pharisaic fence of tradition to counter Jewish Christian and gnostic use of Scripture; cf. Chernick, «Responses»; Montefiore and Loewe, Anthology, 159. 566 Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 97–130; idem, Judaism, 424. The idea does appear in m. " Abot 1–2; this structure cannot be dated before the time of the last disciples mentioned, i.e., to end of the first century C.E. or later, but may derive support from earlier purported esoteric revelations to Moses on Sinai (cf. Charles, Jubilees, p. L, on Jubilees; cf. 4 Ezra 14:6). Sanders (Jesus to Mishnah, 126–27; Judaism, 424) thinks that the Essenes were closer to regarding their own tradition as law ( 11QT) than the Pharisees were (though Essene halakah, in contrast to Pharisaic halakah, was primarily written; see Baumgarten, «Unwritten Law»). Some groups, like Sadducees and Samaritans, pretended to reject postbiblical halakah (cf. Bowman, Documents, v-vi). |
| 117 . Glanzman 1959: The Origin and Date of the Book of Ruth/George S. Glanzman//CBQ. – 1959. – Vol. 21. – p. 201–207. 118 . Glover 2009: Your people, my people: an exploration of ethnicity in Ruth/Neil Glover//JSOT. – 2009. – Vol. 33, 3. – p. 293–313. 119 . Goodman 1989: Proselytising in Rabbinic Judaism/M. Goodman//JJS. – 1989. – Vol. 38. – p. 175–185. 120 . Goodman 1992: Jewish Proselyting in the First Century/M. Goodman//The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire/Ed. J. Lieu, J. North, T. Rajak. – London; New York: Routledge, 1992. – p. 55–78. 121 . Goodman 1994: Mission and Conversion: Proselytizing in the Religious History of the Roman Empire/Martin Goodman. – Oxford; New York: Clarendon Press; Oxford University Press, 1994. – XIV, 194 p. 122 . Gow 1992: The book of Ruth: its structure, theme and purpose/Murray D. Gow. – Leicester: Apollos, 1992. – 240 p. 123 . Grabbe 1991: Reconstructing History from the Book of Erzra/Lester L. Grabbe//Second temple studies I. Persian period/Ed. by Philip R. Davies. – Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991. – P. 98–107. – (JSOTSup.; 117). 124 . Grabbe 2001: Did Moses speak Attic?: Jewish historiography and scripture in the Hellenistic period/Ed. by Lester L. Grabbe – Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. – 352 p. – (JSOTSup; 317). – (European seminar in historical methodology; 3). 125 . Grabbe 2004: A history of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple period/Lester L. Grabbe. – London: T. & T. Clark International, 2004. – 471 p. – (Library of Second Temple studies; 47). 126 . Grabbe 2008: Sanhedrin, Sanhedriyyot, or Mere Invention/Lester L. Grabbe//JSJ. – 2008. – Vol. 39, 1. – p. 1–19. 127 . Grant 1991: Literary structure in the Book of Ruth/Reg Grant//Bibliotheca Sacra. – 1991. – Vol. 592. – p. 424–441. 128 . Green 1994–2004: Heresy, Apostasy in Judaism/William S. Green//The Encyclopedia of Judaism/Ed. by Jacob Neusner, Alan J. Avery-Peck, William Scott Green. – 2-nd ed. – Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2005. – Vol. 2. – p. 980–994. |
| 4195 As in Neusner " s translation (4:39) of t. B. Qam. 7:10. 4196 Sample notes from my own reading through the Talmud: b. c Arak. lib; 12a; 2ab; 24b; 25b; 26b; c Abod. Zar. 6a; lib; 16a; 22a; 24b; 30a; 32a; 53a; 70b; 71b; 72ab; 73a; 76a; B. Bat. 2b; 5b; 6a; 13ab; 17b; 18a; 19b; 21a; 22b; 23b; 25a; 27ab; 43a; 63b; 64a; 78ab; 83a; 84b; 85a; 86ab; 87b; 92b; 93a; 94b; 95a; 103b; 104a; 116b; 123a; 129b; 131a; 132a; 133b; 140a; 146a; 148b; 149a; 150a; 157ab; 162b; 176a; Bek. 2ab; 3a; 6a; 7a; 10a; 12ab; 14b; 17ab; 24a; 25a; 26b; 28ab; 38b; 39a; 41b; 42a; 47a; 49b; 60a; Ber. 12a; 18b; 19b; 45a; 62a; 63a; Besah 16b; 17ab; 31a; 35a; 40a; B. Qam. 15ab; 17b; 18ab; 19a; 20b; 22ab; 23b; 24b; 28a; 30ab; 31a; 37a; 47b; 48a; 52b; 65a; 68a; 85b; 86b; 91a; 94b; 95ab; 96ab; 97b; 101a; 108a; 109b; 114ab; 119b; see other references under John 1:46 . 4197 Witherington, Wisdom, 69–70; Blomberg, Reliability, 81. 4198 Thus, e.g., Democritus kept at his own home a disciple who studied with him (Aulus Gellius 5.3.6). 4199 Even when used physically, John " s use of μνω often connotes intimacy (cf. Potterie, «Demeurer»). For the discipleship model here, see also Collins, Written, 53. 4200 Cf. the observations of Michaels, John, 20. 4201 As Shammai, schematically contrasted with the gentle Hillel in rabbinic tradition, is said to have done with prospective converts (the later tradition, dominated by Hillel " s followers [cf., e.g., t. c Ed. 2:3], naturally viewed this negatively, though Shammaites earlier predominated [e.g., t. Šabb. 1:16; b. Besah 20a]; see comments from various perspectives in Urbach, Sages, 1:589; Falk, Jesus, 49–53, 75; Bowker, Pharisees, 43). On most points (e.g., b. Ber. 23b) Beth Shammai was stricter, but there were exceptions (e.g., b. Hu1. 104b). 4202 Cf. Safrai, «Education,» 965. 4203 Sandmel, Judaism, 246–47, citing b. Ned. 50a; cf. Witherington, Women, 10, citing b. Ketub. 62b-63a. On the enormous number of disciples (and explanations of how they all died off), see b. Yebam. 62b; Gen. Rab. 61:3; Ecc1. Rab. 11:6, §1. |
| 4538 Besides the note on the design of mikvaot above, see esp. Avigad, Jerusalem, 139; Pearlman, Zealots, 180–81; Yadin, Masada, 166; Hachlili and Killebrew, «Saga,» 44,46. 4539 Neusner, Beginning, 24–25. Variations within upper-city Jerusalem mikvaot were between those that met the minimal requirements and those that exceeded them (Avigad, Jerusalem, 142). 4540 The use of the water in the synagogues of Arsinoe, 113 C.E., may not be for mikvaot, but since they each pay about twice as much as the local baths for their water pumped in, their great consumption is probably more than a reflection of mere hospitality or boarding houses; see CPJ 2:220–24, §432. 4541 Masada is in an area that currently receives less than 5 inches (100 mm.) of rainfall annually (May, Atlas, 51), but interestingly enough for our treatment of Cana, below, the probable site of Cana receives 20–25 inches (500–600 mm.). 4542 Scholars often suggest that «drawn» water presumably implies a well or spring here, as usually in the LXX and NT (Olsson, Structure, 55); e.g., John 4:7, 11, 15 (4:7, 15 employ ντλω as in 2:8–9); Γ. Ab. 3:7Α (ντλησον δωρ π του φρατος). This may be the source from which the pots are «filled» ( John 2:7 ), but there is no indication in 2that the servants «draw» water from another source than the pots (unless Jesus simply provides purificatory water before transforming the rest of the well); if the term is unnatural for «drawing» from pots, it may suggest a symbolic allusion (Isa 12:3) or refer forward to 4:7,15 (hence backward to Gen 24:13, 20 ; Exod 2:16–19). 4544 Villescas, «Jars»; Toussaint, «Significance,» 49; Schnackenburg, John, 1n. 25; Bultmann, John, 117 n. 3; Brown, John, 1:100; Hunter, John, 31. 4545 Some mikvaot would have more than the prescribed amount, which was only a minimum; see Avigad, Jerusalem, 139. 4546 Forty séahs was the required minimum: m. Miqw. 2:1–2, 7:6–7; t. Ber. 2:12; Sipra VDDen. pq. 6.9.7.1; Sipra Sh. par. 9.118.1.1; Sipra Zabim pq.6.158.2.1–2; b. Ber. 22ab; Qidd. 66b, 79a; c Erub. 35b (purportedly Tanmaitic); Pesah. 109; Yoma 31; Zebah. 22a; Hu1. 31a; p. Hag. 2:5, §3; Yadin, Masada, 166. The important halakic point was that the water covered the entire body; m. Miqw. 9:1–4; Sipra Zabim pq. 6.158.2.1–2,3.5; b. Hu1. 10a, 106b; Qidd. 25a; cf. m. Tehar. 8(the whole immersion of objects); CD 10.10–11; Kotlar, «Mikveh,» 588. The tradition from one Amora that the Law weighed 40 séahs (p. Ta c an. 4:5, §1) could be a play on the idea of purification, but given the fact that this is also the weight of pigeons for sacrifice in p. Ta c an. 4:5, §13, this is unlikely. |
| Review of R. Fenn, The Death of Herod: an essay in the sociology of religion in Critical Review of Books in Religion 1994 vol. 7, 470-71 Review of J.C. Campbell, The Use of Scripture in the Damascus Document 1-8, 19-20 in Catholic Biblical Quarterly 58, 503-504 Review of G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English (4th ed.) in Dead Sea Discoveries 3, 214-17 Review of J. Neusner, Israel After Calamity: The Book of Lamentations in Calvin Theological Journal 31, 589-90 1997 " The Calendar, 4Q327, and 4Q394 " in Legal Texts and Legal Issues: Proceedings of the Second Meeting of the International Organization for Qumran Studies, Published in Honour of Joseph M. Baumgarten (ed. M. Bernstein, F. García Martínez and J. Kampen; Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 23) 179-94 " The Aqedah , Jubilees , and PseudoJubilees " in The Quest for Context and Meaning: Studies in Biblical Intertextuality in Honor of James A. Sanders (edited by C. A. Evans and S. Talmon; Biblical Interpretation 28; Leiden/New York/Köln: Brill, 1997) 241-61 " Exile in Jewish Apocalyptic Literature " in Exile: Old Testament, Jewish, and Christian Conceptions (edited by J. Scott; Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism 56; Leiden/New York/Köln: Brill) 89-109 " Mantic Wisdom in the Dead Sea Scrolls, " in Dead Sea Discoveries 4, 336-53 " The Origins and Purposes of the Book of Jubilees " in Studies in the Book of Jubilees (TSAJ 65; edited by M. Albani, J. Frey, and A. Lange; Tübingen: Mohr, 1997) 3-24 Review of C.T.R Hayward, Jerome " s Hebrew Questions on Genesis in Journal of Semitic Strudies 42, 160-62 Review of B. Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 12) in Bibliotheca Orientalis 54, 475-76 Review of H.-J. Fabry et al ., editors, Qumranstudien in the Catholic Biblical Quarterly 59, 413-15 Review of D. Parry and S. Ricks, editors, Current Research and Technological Developments on the Dead Sea Scrolls in Dead Sea Discoveries 4, 226-29 1998 Calendars in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Measuring Time (The Literature of the Dead Sea Scrolls; London and New York: Routledge) |
| Review of É. Puech, La croyance des Esséniens en la vie future: Immortalité, résurrection, Vie Éternelle? Histoire d " une croyance dans le Judaïsme Ancien (2 vols.) in Journal of Biblical Literature 114,320-22 Review of M. Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses in Journal of Biblical Literature 114, 323-24 Review of K. Grünwaldt, Exil und Identität: Beschneidung, Passa und Sabbat in der Priesterschrift (Bonner Biblische Beiträge 85) in Journal of Biblical Literature 114, 493-95 Review of E. Qimron and J. Strugnell, Qumran Cave 4 - V: Miqs > at Ma " as ; e Ha-Torah (DJD X) in The Journal of Religion 75, 548-50 Review of A. Steudel, Der Midrasch zur Eschatologie aus der Qumrangemeinde (4QMidrEschata.b) in Catholic Biblical Quarterly 57, 576-77 1996 The Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Christianity (edited by James C. VanderKam and William Adler; Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum III.4; Assen: van Gorcum/Minneapolis: Fortress) Editor, Qumran Cave 4 XVII: Parabiblical Texts, Part 3 (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert XXII; Oxford: Clarendon Press) Manuskrypty znad Morza Martwego (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Cyklady). Polish translation of The Dead Sea Scrolls Today . " 1 Enoch, Enochic Motifs, and Enoch in Early Christian Literature " in The Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Christianity , 33-101 " Jubilees " Exegetical Creation of Levi the Priest, " Revue de Qumran (Hommage à Józef T. Milik) 17, 359-73 19 short articles in the Dictionary of Judaism in the Biblical Period 450 B.C.E. to 600 C.E. (ed. J. Neusner and W.S. Green; New York: Simon & Schuster MacMillan): " Astronomy " (p. 64); " Calendar " (p.p. 110-11); " covenant renewal " (p. 137); " Cult " (p. 140); " Election " (p. 187); " Enoch " (p. 194); " firstfruits " (p. 228); " free will " (pp. 235-36); " Israel, Land of, 1. in Second Temple literature " (pp. 322-23); " Israel. people of, 1. in Second Temple times " (pp. 323-24); " Jubilees, Book of " (p. 344); " Moses " (pp. 437-38); " name " (p. 448); " predestination " (p. 499); " remnant " (p. 524); " sacrifices and offerings " (p. 540); " temptation " (p. 627); " tribes, ten " (pp. 648-49 " ; " tribes, twelve " (p. 649) |
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