| 6753 See Schnackenburg, John, 2:207; cf. Sanders, John, 227. 6754 E.g., Borchert, John, 304. 6755 See, e.g., Urbach, Sages, 1(citing Sipre Shelah 115). This is not a dominant motif in Deuteronomy, where λευθερ- is always used for literal slaves. 6756 E.g., m. " Abot 6:2; b. B. Mesi c a 85b; Qidd. 22b (attributed to ben Zakkai); Gen. Rab. 92:1; Num. Rab. 10:8; Pesiq. Rab. 15:2; see further Abrahams, Studies, 2:213; Odeberg, Pharisaism, 50. 6757 Crates Ep. 8, to Diogenes; Epictetus Diatr. 4.7.17; cf. similarly Epictetus Diatr. 3.24.68; Iamblichus V.P. 7.33; 17.78. Euripides Hec. 864–867 says all are enslaved by something (money, fate, or law). 6758 E.g., Arrian Alex. 3.11.2; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.7; 27.4; Plutarch Lect. 1, Mor. 37E; Superst. 5, Mor. 167B. One is also a slave of goals one serves (Philostratus Hrk. 53.2). 6759 A pervasive topic, e.g., Aeschines Timarchus 42; Xenophon Oec. 1.22–23; Hel1. 4.8.22; Apo1. 16; Mem. 1.3.8, 11; 1.5.1, 5; 4.5.3, 5; Sophocles Ant. 756; Trach. 488–489; Plato Phaedrus 238E; Isocrates Demon. 21, Or. 1; Nic. 39, Or. 3.34; Arrian Alex. 4.9.1; Diodorus Siculus 10.9.4; 32.10.9; Sallust Cati1. 2.8; Speech to CaesarS.2; Cicero Amte. 22.82; Off. 1.29.102; 1.38.136; 2.5.18; Sen. 14.47; Horace Sat. 2.7.83–87; Tibullus 2.4.1–3; Cicero Prov. cons. 1.2; Appian C.W. 5.1.8–9; Musonius Rufus 3, p. 40.19; Seneca Benef. 3.28.4; Ep. Luci1. 14.1; 39.6; 47.17; 110.9–10; 116.1; Nat. 1.16.1; Epictetus Diatr. 3.24.70–71, 75; Plutarch Bride 33, Mor. 142E; Maximus of Tyre Or. 36.6; Porphyry Marc. 34.523–525; Achilles Tatius 1.7.2–3; 5.25.6; Longinus Sub1. 44.6; Diogenes Laertius 2.75; 6.2.66; Diogenes Ep. 12; Heraclitus Ep. 9; Socratics Ep. 14; Pyth. Sent. 21,23; Apuleius Metam. 11.15; Arius Didymus Epitome 1 lh, pp. 76–77.10–11; Sir 47:19 . Derrett, « John 8,32–36 ,» also finds the idea in ancient Buddhist texts, though these are much further removed geographically. 6760 E.g., Seneca Benef 3.20.1–2; Epictetus Diatr. 1.11.37; 1.19.8; 3.24.68; 4.7.16–18; Aulus Gellius 2.18.9–10; Diogenes Laertius 7.1.121–122; cf. Philo Cherubim 107. Epictetus regarded as freedom pursuing only what one can control (see Pérez, «Freedom»). |
| 7852 Riley, Fruits, 29, notes that an embryo is already growing in the wheat seed as it falls; usually after two days in moist soil, it breaks through the seed coating. 7853 Barrett, John, 423, suggests that though the article is generic, it might allude to Christ as the specific grain; but this grammatical explanation is not likely. 7857 Cf. 1 En. 108:10; 2 Bar. 51:15–16; m. «Abot 4:17; »Abot R. Nat. 32, §71B; b. Tamid 32a; Lev. Rab. 3:1; Deut. Rab. 11:10; Ecc1. Rab. 4:6, §1; Daube, Judaism, 137. Boring et a1., Commentary, 106, suggest that the summons of the analogous Matt 16resembles the typical prebattle speech of generals: risking life in battle more often than not yields its preservation (Tyrtaeus frg. 8.11–13). 7860 E.g., the oath to Augustus and his descendants, 3 B.C.E., in IGRR 3.137; OGIS 532; ILS 8781 (Sherk, Empire, 31); or to Gaius, 37 C.E., in CIL 2.172; ILS 190 (Sherk, Empire, 78). 7862 Xenophon Anab. 3.2.39; also Boring et al, Commentary, 106, citing Tyrtaeus frg. 8.11–13 (seventh century C.E.) and Ps.-Menander. See Publilius Syrus 242. 7863 E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.212; 1.191; 2.218–219,233–235. Sanders, Judaism, 239, cites Josephus War 2.169–174; Ant. 15.248; 18.262; Ag. Ap. 2.227–228; Philo Embassy 192; cf. Dio Cassius 66.6.3. 7865 On the two ways in ancient literature, Seneca Ep. Luci1. 8.3; 27.4; Diogenes Ep. 30; Plutarch Demosthenes 26.5; Deut 30:15 ; Ps 1 ; 4Q473 frg. 1 (developing Deut 11:26–28 ; probably also 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 2, lines 1–4); m. «Abot 2:9; T. Ash. 1:3, 5; Ecc1. Rab. 1:14, §1; Lev. Rab. 30:2; Deut. Rab. 4–3;SongRab. 1:9, §2; Matt 7:13–14; Luke 13:24; Did. 1.1–6.2; Barn. 18.1–21.9; cf. the two roads after death in Virgil Aen. 6.540–543; Cicero Tusc. 1.30.72; 4 Ezra 7:3–16, 60–61; 8:1–3; T. Ab. 11:2–11A; 8:4–16B; »Abot R. Nat. 25A; b. Ber. 28b; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:2; Gen. Rab. 100:2. 7866 Coulot, «Quelqúun,» provides arguments that 12probably stems from Jesus. On serving as following, persevering, and discipleship here, see Cachia, «Servant.» |
| 219 There is s close parallel to the last section of this chapter in Palamas, Triad 1.1.18 (51.18–53.11). 221 This would be in contradiction to Aristotle, Cael. 1.3 (270a5–6), where the fifth or primary body is said to possess no lightness or heaviness at all. 222 For the common notion of the soul as νοερ οσα, see e.g., Pseudo-Athanasius, Quaestiones ad Antiochum 16, pg 28:608a; John Damascene, Expositio fidei 26.16–21, ed. B. Kotter (pts 12). 223 A distinction between the celestial body and the aether would be contrary to Aristotle, Cael. 1.3 (270b20–25). 227 But Aristotle, in Cael. 1.3 (270a5–6), notes that the primary body can possess no lightness or heaviness at all. 231 Cf. Cleomedes, De motu circulari corporum caelestium 1.2, ed. H. Ziegler (Leipzig, 1871). Further references can be found in the notes to the translation by R. Goulet, Cléomède, Théorie élémentaire (Histoire des doctrines de 1 " antiquité classique 3; Paris, 1980), pp. 187–190. 233 Pseudo-Aristotle, De mundo 3 (393a1–4). Note that Palamas mentioned only four elements. Similar confusion over the number of the elements continues into the next chapter. 235 E.g., Euclid, Elementa 12.18, ed. J. L Heiberg and E. S. Stamatis, 5 vols., 2nd edition (Leipzig, 1969–77), 4:134–136. 237 Cf. Palamas, Homily 53.36 (ed. Oikonomos, p. 174.1–2): φαντασα δ π τατης χει τν ρχν, νεργε δ τ αυτς κα ασθητν πντων. 238 Cf. idem, Homily 53.36 (ed. Oikonomos, p. 174.3–4): κα νος μν λγοιτ» ν, δχα τοτων νεργε παθητυς δ μως, ς οκ ξω μεριστν. 240 Even with all his polemic against profane wisdom, Palamas occasionally illustrated his arguments with surprisingly detailed descriptions of astronomical phenomena, and thereby he inadvertently reflected the contemporary revival of interest in astronomy. For another example see Ep I Akindynos 11 (ps 1:215.21–216.6). 241 Gen 1.1 . For θρον see Basil, Hexaemeron 1.6, pg 29:16c-17a (sc 26bis): τχα δι τ καριαον κα χρονον τς δημιουργας ερηται τ, ν ρχ ποησεν, πειδ μερς τι κα διςτατον ρχ... να τονυν διδαχθμεν μο τ βουλςει το θεο χρνως ςυνυφεςτναι τν κςμον ερηται τ, ν ρχ ποησεν...ν κεφαλα ποησεν θες, τουτστιν, θρως κα ν λγ In this last sentence Basil quotes Aquila " s version of Gen 1.1 . Compare Gregory of Nyssa, Hexaemeron, pg 44:72ab. |
| 2257 6 мая – romisch oelmartyrium ante portam latinam, 27 (28) Декабря – Iohannes Evangelist. (assumptio Iohan.), 24 июня – dormitio in Epheso. 2258 Мая 38 Iohannes, май (Paschon) 1116 (Iohannes in Asien), июля (Epiphi) 1016 (Iohannes Evangelist.) Дек. 294 Tudi (Tubch) Iohannes. 2260 Декабря 25-Iohannes Evangelist. См. сравнительный календарь христиан помещенный в 3 т. Липсиуса. cf. Tillemont. Op. cit. t. I. p. 372 sqq. 2261 S. Gregorius. Opp. omn. Lib. III. epist. 3 ad Ioan. (Scilicet. S. Luciae Syracus. cf. 39. lib. VII), t. II, p. 625. Paris. 1705 cf. Tillemont. Op. cit. t. I. p. 372. 640 not. XVI. 2268 Adonis Archiep. Vien. Libellus de festinitatibus B. Apostolorum et reliquorum, qui discipuli aut vicini successoresque ipsorum Apostolorum fuisse. (B. max. t. XVI, p, 824). 2271 Норов. Цит. соч. т. V, стр. 227 слл.; Солярский. т. I, стр. 642; Herzoig. В. IV, Ss. 83. 84; Zeller. В. I. S. 312–313; Lipsius. В. I, Ss. 427. 435. 502. 504. 2277 Этот монастырь был основан в XI в. св. Христодулом, при содействии императора Алексея Комнена. 2280 Дмитриевский. Патмосск. очерки. Тр. Киев. Д. А. 1893 г. т. I, стр. 316 ср. Григорович-Барский. 2282 По свидетельству надписи, найденной в монастыре на одной могиле, храм Артемиды Скифской был построен здесь Орестом, сыном Агамемнона который, после убийства своей матери Клитемнестры, преследуемый Еринниями, убежал на остров Патмос. Эта надпись напечатана Rossii Suscript. Graec. in ed. fasc. II, Athen. 1842; Güerin. Descript. de Iile de Patmos. p. 58; Μαλανδρ. Πτμος κ το γγλικ ο σελ. 42. 2289 Miclos. et Mull. Acta et diplomat. t. III, p. 83–84: ετρα εικν η Στα ρωσις χουσα κα τν γιον Θεολγον. 2290 Μ. Μαλανδρακ. Πτμος κ το αγγλικο σελ. 16. Но автор „Патмосских очерков“ сомневается в принадлежности этой иконы св. Христодулу и относит её появление к более позднему времени. Там-же Стр. 326–327. 2291 Μ. Μαλανδρακ. Ор cit. σελ. 13. Vanutelli. Un quinto Squaido all oriente. Patmos, pag. 78. А. H. Муравьев. Письма с востока. СПБ. 1851 г. ч. II, стр. 60. |
| 7123 Continued by rabbis in the second century (m. Ki1. 8:3; Mak. 1:1–3; 3:1–11; Naz. 4:3; Pesah. 7:11; Tem. 1:1; t. Tern. 1:1; Sipra Qed. pq. 4.200.3.3; Sipre Deut. 286.4.1; 286.5.1) and later (b. B. Mesia 85b; 115b; Hag. 15a; Ker. 15a; Ketub. 33b; Pesah. 24ab; Yoma 77a; p. Besah 5:2, §11; Meg. 1:6, §2; Naz. 4:2, §1; Ter. 7:1; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 4:3; Gen. Rab. 7:2; Num. Rab. 5:4; 19:3,» 19; Deut. Rab. 2:18; Eccl Rab. 7:23, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 14:9; 22:6). 7124 That their words in 9begin with οδαμεν and end with οδαμεν in 9suggests deliberate wording (though the sort of «circle» involved in a period, as in Anderson, Glossary, 69, is much more elaborate; cf. a very broad but not technical usage of anadiplosis); the repetition of the term at the end of two successive clauses in 9also suggests antistrophe, also called epiphora (see Rowe, «Style,» 131; Porter, «Paul and Letters,» 579; Lee, «Translations of OT,» 779; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 86; Anderson, Glossary, 23, 54; idem, Rhetorical Theory, 163). 7125 Marsh, John, 383, suggests that he may not have been much older, but acknowledges that it is impossible to know for sure. 7126 That both his parents remained alive suggests that he was probably not extremely old; to the limited extent that inscriptions can supply us an accurate picture, many adults probably did not have living fathers. 7128 E.g., Plutarch Cimon 6.4; this violated ideals of virtue (cf. e.g., Musonius Rufus 3, p. 40.32). 7129 Structurally this may also place 9at the center of an inclusio (prosapodosis; cf. Rowe, «Style,» 130, for use with clauses; Anderson, Glossary, 105), hence underlining its emphatic position. 7130 See the introduction, pp. 194–227. We say «perhaps» because our knowledge of the conflict is predominantly Syro-Palestinian, and we have less knowledge of the status of synagogue communities in Smyrna and Philadelphia (where conflict was clearly occurring–Rev 2:9–10; 3:8–11) than in Sardis, where we know the synagogue was well situated socially (e.g., CIJ 2:16, §§750–751; Josephus Ant. 14.235,259; Kraabel, «Judaism,» 198–240; Hanfmann, Sardis, 168–90) but hear nothing of a synagogue conflict (Rev 3:2–4). |
| 418 Svidas s. verb. «Tτλoς». Cf. Caesarius, Dialogus I. Respons. 39 (Galland. Biblioth. Vet. patr. T. VI p. 29): τσσαρα μν πρχει εαγγλια, κεφαλαων χιλων κατoν ξxoντα δo. Cf. Epiphan. Aucoratus, cap. 50, p. 54. A. Scholz – N. Testamentum graece. I. Prolegom. p. XXXII. 419 См. таблицу десяти канонов Евсевия вместе с посланием его к Карпиану, объясняющим их происхождение и значение, у Тишендорфа: N. Testamentum graece. Ed. VII. Prolegom. p. LXXIV – LXXXI. 420 Деление это встречается и в некоторых славянских рукописях вместе с переводом Евсевиева послания к Карпиану. См. «Описание славянских рукописей Москов. Синодальной библиотеки», I. стр. 138, 208, 272 и др. 421 Svidas, verb. «Tτλoς». Mill – N. Testamentum. Prolegom. р. XXXIX; А. Scholz – N. Testamentum. I. Proleg. p. XXXIII. 422 Об употреблении этого деления текста Евангелий в славянских рукописях см. в «Описании славянск. рукописей М. Синод, библиотеки». I. Стр. 139, 209, 266 и др. 423 Galland. Biblioth. veter, pair. T. X. p. 208, 227. По мнению Веттштейна, Евталию принадлежит не оглавление только, но в самое деление вышеозначенных книг на известные под его именем главы (Prolegomena in N. Testamentum. Ed. I. Semleri, p. 197). 424 Galland. T. X. p. 217: xαϑ κστην δ συντμως πιστoλν (Παλου) ν τoς ξς προτξoμεν τν τν κεφαλαων κϑεσιν, ν τν σoφωττων τιν κα φιλoχρστ πατρων μν πεπoνημνην. A. Scholz N. T. I. p. XXXIII. Из греческих рукописей главы Евталия вместе с указанием содержания их перешли и в наши славянские. См. «Описание славянск. рукописей М. Синод. библиотеки»Т. I, стр. 148, 151, 270 и др. 427 Истинным виновником этого общепринятого ныне деления был, по Веттштейну, кардинал Стефан Лэнгтон (ок. 1150 – 1228, англ. Stephen Langton, Стивен Лэнгтон) – английский богослов и политический деятель) архиепископ Кентерберийский (XII в.); Гуго же лишь удачно воспользовался им при составлении своей библейской конкорданции (Concordantia Biblica), познакомив с ним Западную Церковь ; потом оно перешло и в печатные издания Вульгаты. Ioan.Iac.Wetstenii Prolegomena in N.Testamentum. Ed.I.Sal.Semleri,1764. p.233. |
| 41 Published by I. Hausherr in «La Méthode d " oraison hésychaste», Orientalia Christiana Periodica 9, 2 (1927). 43 Tr. in J. Meyendorff, St. Gregory Palamas and Orthodox Spirituality (Crestwood, N.Y.; St. Vladimir " s Seminary Press, 1974), pp. 59–60. 47 More references and discussion in J. Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology. Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes (New York: 2nd ed., 1979), pp. 138–150. 48 For the principles and terminology of post-Chalcedonian Christology, see J. Meyendorff, Christ in Eastern Christian Thought (New York: St. Vladimir " s Seminary Press, 1975), particularly the chapter on St. Maximus, pp. 131–151. 49 Tr. I, 3, 38, ed. J. Meyendorff, p. 193; cf. tr. and commentary in A Study of Gregory Palamas, pp. 150ff. 50 This theme is particularly emphasized in the Hagioreitic Tome, or «Tome of the Holy Mountain», a document drafted by Palamas and signed in 1340 by representatives of the monasteries of Mount Athos in support of his theology (text in Migne, PG 150, col. 1225–1236; cf. J. Meyendorff, A Study of Gregory Palamas, pp. 48–49, 193–196). 51 Earlier in this century, the distinction was fiercely criticized by French Assumptionists S. Guichardan and M. Jugie, primarily in the name of the notion of simplicity of God, as defined in Latin scholastic thought. For my own presentation of the issue, see A Study of Gregory Palamas, pp. 202–227. For the abundant bibliography that has appeared since then, see D. Stiernon, «Bulletin sur le palamisme», Revue des études byzantines 30 (1972): 231–337. But the debate continues; see, for example, A. de Halleux, «Palamisme et Tradition», Irénikon 4 (1975): 479–493. 52 See J. Meyendorff, «Notes sur l " influence dionysienne en Orient», in Studia patristica. Texte und Untersuchungen 64 (Berlin, 1957), pp. 547–552. The «I» of the questions is meant to be the bewildered disciple who appeals to Palamas for guidance in face of the attack on the monks made by Barlaam and his supporters. 53 Apatheia: freedom from the tyranny of the passions: an interior liberation that is the goal of monastic ascesis. It involves a state of stability in the virtues (not insensibility), in which one is no longer dominated by such impulses as anger, lust and fear, but has acquired the inner peace that frees one to love. |
| 288 Fr. Sergii Bulgakov, Agnets Bozhii (Paris, 1933), p. 191 ff. (in Russian). French translation, Du Verbe Incarné (Paris, 1943). 289 Dr. Spindler was the only student of the problem using the proper historical method in handling the texts. 290 Cf. Hans Urs von Balthasar, Liturgie Cosmique: Maxime le Confesseur (Paris, Aubier, 1947), pp. 204–205; Father Balthasar quotes Qu. ad Talass. 60 and adds that St. Maximus would have taken the Scotist side in the scholastic controversy, yet with an important qualification: «Maxime de reste est totalement étranger au postulat de ce débat scholastique qui imagine la possibilité d’un autre ordre du monde sans péché et totalement irréel. Pour lui la ‘volonté préexistante’ de Dieu est identique au monde des ‘idées’ et des ‘possibles’: l’ordre des essences et l’ordre des faits coincident en ce point suprème» (in the German edition, Kosmische Liturgie, s. 267–268). See also Dom Polycarp Sherwood, O.S.B., «The Earlier Ambigua of Saint Maximus the Confessor» in Studia Anselmiana (Romae, 1955), fasc. 36, ch. 4, pp. 155ff. 291 The best exposition of the theology of St. Maximus is by S. L. Epifanovich, St. Maximus the Confessor and Byzantine Theology (Kiev, 1915; in Russian); cf. also the chapter on St. Maximus in my book, The Byzantine Fathers (Paris, 1933), pp. 200–227 (in Russian). In addition to the book of Father von Balthasar, quoted above, one may consult with profit the «Introduction» of Dom Polycarp Sherwood to his translation of The Four Centuries on Charity of St. Maximus, Ancient Christian Writers, No. 21 (London and Westminster, Md., 1955). See also Lars Thunberg, Microcosm and Mediator: The Theological Anthropology of Maximus the Confessor (Lund, 1965). 292 See the definition of «theologoumena» by Bolotov, Thesen über das «Filioque,» first published without the name of the author («von einem russischen Theologen») in Revue Internationale de Théologie, No. 24 (Oct.-Dec., 1898), p. 682: «Man kann fragen, was ich unter Theologoumenon verstehe? Seinem Wesen nach ist es auch eine theologische Meinung, aber eine theologische Meinung derer, welche für einen jeden ‘Katholiken’ mehr bedeuten als gewöhnliche Theologen; es sind die theologische Meinungen der hl. Väter der einen ungeteilten Kirche; es sind die Meinungen der Männer, unter denen auch die mit Recht hoi didaskaloi tês oikoumenes genannten sich befinden.» No «theologoumenon» can claim more than «probability,» and no «theologoumenon» should be accepted if it has been clearly disavowed by an authoritative or «dogmatic» pronouncement of the Church. |
| Писания» (Harris, II, 205). Другое – и по нашему мнению более вероятное – объяснение дает д’Аббади (р. 218): слово „карра” (нож) – прозвище, которым обзывают тыграйцев за их особую манеру носить кинжал при сабле. 136 Gobat, 202: с целью выяснения вопроса о «помазании», ычаге Филпос спрашивает Гоба: «чем был Адам до падения?» (Отв.: он сотворен, чтобы быть царем, священником и пророком) [Cf. Wr. 16а]. Gobat, 196 cf. 225. Квысквамские священники, признающие только «два рождения», спрашивают Гоба: «Адам повелевал ли (rule over) ангелами? И. Христос повелевает ангелами как человек, в силу сообщенного Ему дара, или как Бог?» Ср. § 12; Wr. 203, cod. 312, 4; ср. тыграйский вывод в §§ 68. 69. 137 Такое разъяснение мессианского служения выслушали от Гоба с чувством удовольствия и сам ычаге Филпос и многие гондарские священники. А Хабта-Сыласе сказал: „именно так и мы веруем”, и из-за этого-то и не можем сойтись ни с коптами, ни с тыграйцами и гожамцами. Gobat, 189. 236. 242. 95. 190. 170. 139 Ычаге Филпос ставит Гоба след. вопросы: «В каком смысле Христос есть брат наш: по плоти или по Духу?» (И по плоти, Евр. 2,17 , и по Духу, Иоанн. 20, 17). «Как человек может сделаться братом Христа по Духу?» (Иоанн. 1, 13; 3, 5). «От кого началось видимо дело новозаветного возрождения: от Самого Христа иди от апостолов?» ( Матф. 19, 28 : μοι) А 7 (19) июня 1830 г. сам ычаге Филпос, разъясняя Гоба свое воззрение, высказал, что Христос [в третий раз] «родился свыше действием Св. Духа, чтобы быть первородным между многими братиями; что после падения Адама не было на земле чад Божиих, иначе Христос не был бы первородным». – Правда, гондарские священники считают спорным вопрос, в каком смысле Христос брат наш, и одни [но из партии ли «трех рождений»?] говорили: [только] по плоти, другие же: [только?] чрез помазание Духом. Но Хабта Сыласе остался диспутом их очень недоволен. Gobat. 126. 227. 223. 140 Это выражение конечно равносильно словам: Он – Сын Божий по благодати §§ 90. 93. Однако это не адопцианизм. |
| Epist. 66 (69), 5: The Lord’s words to the Apostles ( Lk. 10:16 ) were addressed to all the Bishops. It should be noted how Cyprian refers to the Apostle Peter as the foundation of the Church’s unity: “God is one, and Christ is one, and the Church is one, and one is the throne (cathedra) which the Lord’s word founded upon Peter” (“Deus unus est et Christus unus et una ecclesia cathedra una super Petrum Domini voce fundata”) (Epist. 43 (40), 5). The nature of this one Church founded upon Peter is made clear by a careful study of the passage immediately following: “no other altar can be instituted, no other priesthood can be established apart from the one single altar, the one single priesthood” (“Aliud altare constitui aut aliud sacerdotium novum fieri praeter unum altare et unum sacerdotium non potest”) (ibid.). From this it is quite clear that Cyprian has in mind here the proliferation of altars within one and the same local Church because of schisms (besides, it is clear from the whole text of the letter that this is what it is talking about); and consequently the ecclesial unity founded on the one throne of Peter is to be found in the episcopal Church which does not admit a second altar. In consequence, each bishop sits on the one throne of Peter. Cf. also De Unit., 4. In view of this, one is justified in asking whether there is any ground, at least as far as the sources of the first three centuries go, for the view (see also in Archim. S.Harkianakis, op.cit, p.44f.) that the hierarchy “in its entirety” constitutes the successor of the Apostles in such a way that the college or “choir” of the Twelve is shared out in the succession to the particular Bishops. Such a collective unity of the episcopate, a unity by addition which easily permits the maintenance of a special office for the Pope as unifying in his person the College of the Apostles which is parcelled out among the various Bishops, is the underlying basis for the theory which has recently appeared among Roman Catholic theologians concerning the “collegiality” of the Bishops. On this see inter alia the collections Le Concile et les Conciles, B.Botte et al., 1960; and L’Épiscopat de l’Église Universelle, ed. Y.Congar and B.Dupuy, 1962, esp. pp.17–28, 227–328, 481–535, and also J.Colson, L’Épiscopat Catholique: Collégialité et Primauté dans les Trois Premiers Siècles de L’Église, 1963; J.Hamer, op.cit., p.237f.; P.Stockmeier, “Bischofsamt und Kircheneinheit bei den apostolischen Vätern” in Trier Theologische Zeitschrift 73 (1964), 321/35; W.de Ries, “Die Kollegiale Struktur der Kirche in den ersten Jahrhunderten” in Una Sancta, 19 (1964), pp.296–317, and P.Rusch, “Bischof. Die Kollegiale Struktur des Bischofsamtes” in Zeitschrift für Kathol. Theologie, 89 (1964), pp.257–85. On this theory from the viewpoint of the conclusions of our research, see general remarks below (General Conclusions) |
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