| 9006 Diodorus Siculus 17.31.6; 17.39.2; 17.100.1. For friends of Cassander, see Diodorus Siculus 18.55.1. 9008 Epictetus Diatr. 4.1.45–50; Martial Epigr. 5.19.15–16; Herodian 4.3.5; inscriptions in Deissmann, Light, 378; cf. Friedländer, Life, 1:70–82, 4:58–74. Of Jewish tetrarchs and rulers, only King Agrippa I adopted this title in his coins; see Meyshan, «Coins.» The probably late and fabricated evidence of CPJ2:71–72, § 156a, and 2:76, §156b, nevertheless reflect earlier custom. 9009 1Macc 10:20; 15:28, 32; 2Macc 7:24; Let. Aris. 40–41, 44, 190,208, 225, 228, 318; Josephus Ant. 12.366 (though cf. 12.391); 13.146, 225; Life 131; Cornelius Nepos 9 (Conon), 2.2; 18 (Eumenes), 1.6; Chariton 8.8.10; cf. Sipre Deut. 53.1.3; Gen. Rab. 34:9. Cf. perhaps Sib. Or. 3.756 (probably second-century B.C.E. Alexandria); Deissmann, Studies, 167–68. The Roman title «Friends of the People» reflects an office advocating for the people but of less rank than being a leader in the Senate (Cicero Sest. 49.105; Prov. cons. 16.38). 9011 See Sherwin-White, Society, 47; also many commentators (Brown, John, 2:879; Barrett, John, 543; Michaels, John, 309; Stauffer, Jesus, 133). By contrast, Westcott, John, 271, thinks that in 19the phrase is «used in a general and not in a technical sense.» 9012 Cf. Strachan, Fourth Gospel, 179. That a contrast between closeness to Caesar and closeness to God " s agent could be intended is not impossible; cf. Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.7. 9015 E.g., Lysias Or. 2.2, §192; Aeschines False Embassy 30, 39; Demosthenes On the Navy-Boards 5; On the Embassy 62; Ep. 3.27; Strabo Geog. 8.5.5; Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.109 (but cf. similar interests in 1.111); 2.83; cf. Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.3.4 (societates atque amicitias); Maximus of Tyre Or. 35.7–8; Philostratus Hrk. 35.4 (for individuals). 9016 E.g., Xenophon Cyr. 3.2.23; Arrian Alex. 1.28.1; 4.15.2, 5; 4.21.8; 7.15.4; Plutarch Comparison of Lycurgus and Numa 4.6; Plutarch Pelopidas 5.1, 29.4; Epameinondas 17 in Plutarch S.K., Mor. 193DE; Cornelius Nepos 7 (Alcibiades), 4.7; 5.3; 7.5; 14 (Datames), 8.5; 23 (Hannibal), 10.2; Josephus Life 30, 124. |
| Another text, however, has received some (though less) attention in this connection, namely Gen 22:2 . 4138 The differences between this text and the Markan acclamation are considerably less pronounced. Although γαπητς could conceivably reflect a variant of κλεκτς (cf. Luke 9:35; other manuscripts of John 1:34 ), 4139 in the LXX it sometimes is used to translate yahid (an only son), including in Gen 22 , 4140 where it adds to the pathos of God " s call to a father to sacrifice His son; for Mark, in which Jesus» Sonship is defined in terms of the cross (14:36; 15:39), this makes good sense. That the Fourth Gospel would draw on such a tradition also makes sense, given the prevalence of the «only, that is, beloved» son motif of 1:14,18. New Disciples (1:35–42) The Baptist " s general testimony to the reader (1:29–34) gives way to a specific testimony to his disciples (1:35–36), who trust his witness (contrast 1:19–28) and experience Jesus for themselves (1:37–39; cf. 3:25–30). These disciples in turn become witnesses themselves (1:40–42). John weaves his sources into a theology of witness here, and emphasizes that even those who tentatively accept another " s witness must also experience Jesus for themselves to be fully convinced (1:39,46). On 1:36, see comment on 1:29. 1. Historical Plausibility In contrast to the previous paragraphs of the Fourth Gospel, we lack corroboration from the Synoptic accounts here (a matter which seems not to trouble the writer, in whose day perhaps numerous other sources besides the Synoptics and his own eyewitness traditions were extant; cf. already Luke 1:1). 4141 Although the Fourth Gospel is well aware of the historical tradition of the Twelve (6), 4142 he shows no interest in recounting the occasion of their call ( Mark 3:13–19 ; Matt 10:1–4; Luke 6:12–16) or the Synoptic call stories of the fishermen ( Mark 1:16–20 ; Matt 4:18–22; Luke 5:1–11; although the writer is well aware that some are fishermen and may know the Lukan tradition– John 21:3–6 ). The readiness of those disciples to abandon their livelihoods on the occasion depicted in Markan tradition (or to lend Jesus use of their boat in Luke) may actually make more sense historically if they had encountered Jesus on a prior occasion, as this narrative in John would suggest. 4143 |
| 97, n. 119 for further bibliography. For the unique status of holiness enjoyed by the Holy Sepulchre, see also: MacCormack S. Loca Sancta: The Organisation of Sacred Topography in Late Antiquity//The Blessing of Pilgrimage, p. 28. For a recent study on the architectural history of the monument, see: Biddle M. The Tomb of Christ. Thrupp – Stround, Gloucestershire, 1999. 489 Biddle, 1999,p. 24,fig.22,n. of the Holy Sepulchre with the Christian New Jerusalem (as opposed to the Jewish and pagan Jerusalem) and with the entire Holy Land, see Kühnel, 1987, p. 82–111, and Ousterhout, 1990, p. 114. 490 For the holiness of objects and sites that had come into contact with Jesus, see Wilkinson, 1977, p. 40–41. Simple contact was enough for holiness to pass from not only a saintly body to an object or a place, but also from such a sanctified “container” to anew “recipient”, for example to a pilgrim who was blessed by touching the relic directly or even indirectly, through the intermediary of blessed oil, earth, etc. See: Vikan, 1982, p. 5, 11; also Vikan G. Pilgrims in Magi’s Clothing: The Impact of Mimesis on Early Byzantine Pilgrimage Art//The Blessing of Pilgrimage, p. 97–107, esp. 103; Hahn C. Loca Sancta Souvenirs: Sealing the Pilgrim’s Experience//Ibid., p. 85–96, esp. 90; MacCormack, 1990,p. 21–22. Forthe Byzantine perception of the Holy Sepulchre not as a building but as a large and most venerable relic see: Vikan, 1982, p. 20. 492 MacCormack, 1990, p. 21,29; Vikan, 1990, p. 98; Loerke W. ‘Real Presence’ in Early Christian Art//Monasticism and the Arts/Ed. T. G. Verdon, J. Dally. New York, 1984, p. 29–51, esp. 34–37. 493 Grabar A. Ampoules de Terre Sainte (Monza – Bobbio). Paris, 1958, flasks no. 2, 3, 5, 6, 8–15 from Monza, and 3–7, 15, 16, 18 from Bobbio, pp. 18 ff., 34 ff., 58, plates V, 1X–XIV, XVI, XVII, XXIV, XXVIII, XXXIV–XXXVIII, XL, XLV, XLVII, XLVIII. 494 Biddle, 1999, p. 20–28 forthe surviving representations ofthe Sepulchre in various works of art; for a detail from the Sancta Sanctorum reliquary box, seep. |
| 8489 In Philo Spec. Laws 1.41 and Posterity 16, Moses» request becomes, εμφνισαν μοι σαυτν; Philo may have also viewed Moses» prophetic ecstasy as milder than Abraham " s or Balaam " s (Levison, «Prophecy in Philo»). For Israel " s desire to see God at the giving of the law, see, e.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3. 8490 For Philo, one could see God only if God manifested himself (Abraham 80; cf. Posterity 16); cf. Wis 1(God εμφανζεται himself to those who do not disbelieve him). 8495 For the Son acting only at the Father " s will, see further comment on 5:19, 30. «The words I speak to you» reflects consistent Johannine idiom (6:63). 8499 E.g., Aristotle Rhet. 2.20.4,1393b; see further Anderson, Glossary, 110–11, and sources there (esp. Quintilian 9.2.100–101). 8502 See, e.g., Kydd, Gifts; Irvin and Sunquist, Movement, 145–47; Shogren, «Prophecy»; sources in Schatzmann, Theology, 82 n. 40. 8510 Dietzfelbinger, «Werke.» On Jesus» activity as a broker or mediator, see more extended comment on 15:15. 8511 Ancients might attribute miracles to disciples of miracle workers, though usually somewhat less dramatically (Iamblichus V.P. 28.135; p. Ta c an. 3:8, §2). 8513 PGM 1.160–161,167,216–217; 12.316; Lucan C.W. 6.732–734; Apuleius Metam. 2.28; 3.29. Pulleyn, «Names,» however, doubts that Greek religion attached magical efficacy to name invocation of its gods. 8514 For the sacred name of Israel " s God, Incant. Text 20.11–12; 69.6–7; CIJ 1:485, §673; 1:486, §674; 1:490, §679; 1:517, §717; 1:523, §724; 2:62–65, §819; 2:90–91, §849; 2:92, §851; 2:217, §1168; Γ. So1. 18:15–16; Pr. Jos. 9; b. Git. 68ab; Num. Rab. 16:24; also revelatory texts in Scholem, Gnosticism, 32–33. For Jewish support of, and opposition to, magic, see sources in Keener, Spirit, 29–30 n. 21. 8517 Though in a later period, Christian magical syncretism also appeared (see, e.g., Gitler, «Amulets»). 8518 Some were against petitionary prayer (Van der Horst, «Maximus»), but this was surely the exception. 8519 E.g., Homer I1. 1.37–38,451–452; 2.412; PGM 4.2916–2927; Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus; more restrained, ILS 190; cf. Apoc. Zeph. 6:7; Apoc. Ab. 17:8, 13. Garland, Matthew, 79 notes that after Catullus piles up titles of Diana, he concludes, «whatever name you prefer» (Poems 34). |
| 10548 Cf. Grant, Gods, 66, 54–55,64–65. 10549 So, e.g., Plutarch Cor. 3.4 (writing of the time of Tarquin, 3.1); or, less dramatically, the appearance of the Dioscurís stars (Plutarch Lysander 12.1; 18.1). 10550 E.g., Schweizer, Jesus, 48–49. 10551 Grayzel, History, 516; Bamberger, Story, 240. 10552 Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi, 920; Greenstone, Messiah, 225–30. 10553 Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 182–84. 10554 Somewhat similarly, Saulnier, «Josephe,» suggests that Josephus borrows the tradition from Flavian propaganda. 10555 Tacitus Hist. 5.13.2–7 likely depends on Josephus War 6.288–315. 10556 E.g., Aulus Gellius 4.6.2. 10557 E.g., Lucan C.W. 1.526–557; most obviously, who reported on Charybdis (1.547–548)? 10558 Lucan C.W. 1.572–573. 10559 E.g., many of the portents listed in Livy 21.62.5; 24.10.7–10; 25.7.7–8; 26.23.4–5; 27.4.11–14; 27.11.2–5; 29.37.1–5; 29.14.3; 32.1.10–12; 33.26.7–8; 34.45.6–7; 35.9.2–3; 35.21.3–6; 36.37.2–3; 40.45.1–4; 41.21.12–13; 43.13.3–6; 45.16.5; Lucan C.W. 1.562–563. 10560 E.g., Livy 21.62.4–5; 24.10.10; 42.2.4; Plutarch Themistocles 15.1; Herodian 8.3.8–9. 10561 Appian C.W. 4.1.4 (43 B.C.E.); one of the portents in Livy 24.44.8 (213 B.C.E.); Caesar C.W. 3.105; Philostratus Hrk. 56.2. 10562 E.g., Livy 24.10.11; 24.44.8. If I correctly interpret Livy " s summaries, in some cases some reported seeing figures at another location when those present at that location could not confirm them. 10563 Livy 21.62.5. 10564 E.g., Livy 21.62.1; Herodian 8.3.8 (though he concludes that it is credible, 8.3.9). 10565 Livy 21.62.1; 24.10.6; 27.37.2; 29.14.2. 10566 Simenel, «lean 20,» compares the position of the cherubim on the mercy seat, hence the tomb with the ark of the covenant; this is possible but may be overreaching; after all, Jesus» presence was gone from the site. 10567 E.g., Euripides Bacch. 112; Livy 27.37.11–12. Cf. the temple of Jupiter (Livy 40.51.3). 10568 Plutarch Isis 3–4, Mor. 352C; Appian C. W. 4.6.47; Apuleius Metam. 11.10,23; Lewis, Life, 92; other worshipers of Io (apparently Isis) in Ovid Metam. 1.747. |
| 2703 P. Git. 1:1, §1. For discussion of how a sender could nullify an agent " s task, see p. Git. 4:1, §1; the stricter rule required speaking to the agent (see m. Git. 4:1). 2704 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 6.88.2; Diodorus Siculus 40.1.1; Josephus Life 65, 72–73, 196–198; 2Macc 1:20. Cf. Zenós dispatch of two fellow scholars in his place in Diogenes Laertius 7.1.9. 2705 Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Josephus Ant. 8.220–221. 2706 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 272; Xenophon Anab. 5.7.18–19, 34; Apollodorus Epitome 3.28–29: Polybius 15.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 8.43.4; Diodorus Siculus 36.15.1–2; Dio Cassius 19.61; Appian R.H. 3.6.1–2; 3.7.2–3; 4.11; 8.8.53; Valerius Maximus 6.6.3–4. This was important, since receivers of news sometimes responded positively or negatively to messengers depending on the news they received (e.g., Homer Il. 17.694–696; 18.15–21; Euripides Medea 1125–1129; Appian R.H. 12.12.84; Arrian Ind. 34.4; 35.1; 2Sam 1:15; 18:20, 22 ; Ps.-Callisthenes Alex. 1.35, 37). 2707 Homer Il. 1.334; 7.274–282; 8.517; Aeschines Timarchus 21; Cicero Phi1. 13.21.47; Herodian 6.4.6. Ambassadors who risked their lives merited special honor ( Phil 2:25–30 ; Cicero Phi1. 9.1.2). 2708 M. Demai 4:5; t. Demai 2:20; cf. also Aeschines Timarchus 21. 2709 B. B. Qam. 102ab. 2710 Wenham, Bible, 114–15. In the broader Mediterranean culture, cf., e.g., Demosthenes Or the Embassy 4–5. 2711 E.g., Appian R.H. 9.9.3 (196 B.C.E.). 2712 E.g., the ideal herald Aethalides in Apollonius of Rhodes 1.640–648. 2713 Cf. Euripides Herac1. 292–293. 2714 The sense of a cognate noun and verb need not agree, but given the noun " s absence in the LXX and the verb s prominence there in a manner analogous to early Christian usage, it seems likelv that the noun here reflects a Christian usage coined to match the cognate LXX verb (albeit in less technical use in secular vocabulary). 2715 Joshua by Moses (Josh 14:7; cf. Josh 11:15); Barak by Deborah ( Judg 4:6 ); Saul " s messenger? ( 1Sam 19:20 ); David (allegedly) by Saul ( 1Sam 21:2 ); angels from God (e.g., Judg 13:8 ; Tob 12cf. Gen 24:7 ); cf. messengers in 1 Kgs 18:10; 19:2;2Kgs 1:2,6,9,11,13; etc. A disciple may be " sent» as his master " s representative (the false but believable claim in 2 Kgs 5:22; cf. 2 Kgs 9:1–4). |
| 9017 E.g., Polybius 1.62.8; 14.1; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 3.28.7; 3.51.1; 5.26.4; 5.50.3; 6.21.2; 6.95.1; 8.9.3; 8.36.3; 15.7.2; Diodorus Siculus 14.30.4; 14.56.2; 17.39.1; 17.54.2; 19.66.6; 19.67.1; 21.12.6; 31.5.3; 32.16.1; 33.28b.4; 40.1.2; Livy 6.2.3; 27.4.6; 43.6.9; 45.12.6; Sallust Jug. 14.17; 102.6; Herodian 4.7.3; 4.15.8; 1Macc 12:1,3,8; 14:40; cf. 1 Kgs 5:1; 2Macc 11:14. For further discussion in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, see Balch, «Friendship.» 9018 Often in Plutarch (e.g., Agesilaus 23.6; Pompey 70.4; Statecraft 13, Mor. 806F-809B; Philosophers and Men in Power 1, Mor. 776AB; O.M.P.A. 6, Mor. 787B); but also elsewhere (e.g., Achilles Tatius 4.6.1–3). Contrast the older Stoic values of Chrysippus in Diogenes Laertius 7.7.189; but cf. Engberg-Pedersen, Paul and Stoics, 74. Even among Greeks, whereas Aristotle notes friendships based on goodness, pleasure, or utility (E.E. 7.2.9–13,1236a; 7.10.10,1242b; N.E. 8.13.1,1162ab), he assigns most to utility (E.E. 7.2.14, 1236a). 9020 Friedländer, Life, 1:225. Cf. Judge, Pattern, 33–34 (in the context of imperial friendships): «not simply a spontaneous relationship of mutual affection. It was a status of intimacy conferred on trusted companions.» 9021 Cf. Stowers, Letter Writing, 29: «It is doubtful that any but those with some wealth and leisure could attain either the Greek or the Roman ideal of friendship.» 9022 Also Cicero Verr. 1.7.18 (one must be careful what one says about friends of rank); on friendship in his letters, see Fiore, «Theory.» 9023 E.g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lit. Comp. 1; Valerius Maximus 7.8.7; Philostratus Hrk. 4.3; 10.2; Acts 19:31; cf. AE 1912.171 (in Sherk, Empire, 235). Iamblichus V.P. 22.101; 33.230, admonishes respect for benefactors in a friendship. 9024 Martial Epigr. 3.36.1–3; 3Macc 5:26; probably P.Oxy. 2861 (in Stowers, Letter Writing, 63); cf. Musonius Rufus 15, p. 98.5–6; DeSilva, Honor, 99. See also, e.g., a magician dependent on a spirit (PGM 1.172, 190–191). 9028 |
| Афанасию диалогам, Иов 27. 2-4 - свидетельство божественности Сына и Св. Духа ( Ps.-Athanas. Contra Macedon. Dialogus I 15//PG. 28. Col. 1316; Idem. De sancta Trinitate. Dialogus I 7; III 19//Ibid. Col. 1128, 1232). Иов 38. 17 LXX свт. Афанасий понимает как указание на силу Христа, преодолевающую смерть ( Idem. Or. contr. arian. 3. 54, 56; ср.: Ps.-Athanas. Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem. 137. 11//PG. 28. Col. 697). В нек-рых местах Александрийский святитель видит указания на природу Сына, на ангелов и демонов ( Athanas. Alex. Fragmenta in Job//PG. 27. Col. 1345; ср.: Иов 1. 7; 4. 18). Согласно Иов 25. 5 («Вот, даже луна, и та не светла, и звезды не чисты пред очами Его»), все творения изменяются, и даже нек-рые ангелы не устояли в своем положении ( Athanas. Alex. Ep. ad Serap. 2. 3); диавол же (Иов 40. 19 LXX), 1-е творение Божие, был создан, чтобы быть посмешищем ангелов ( Ps.-Athanas. De trinitate et spirito sancto. 20//PG. 26. Col. 1215; Athanas. Alex. Disputatio contra Arium. 15//PG. 28. Col. 453). Внешний вид диавола свт. Афанасий сравнивает с описанием левиафана в Иов 41. 9-11 («...очи его видение денницы. Из уст его исходят, как свечи горящие, и разметаются, как искры огненные; из ноздрей его исходит дым печи, горящие огнем угли: душа его, как уголь, и, как пламя, из уст его исходит» - Athanas. Alex. Vita Antonii. 24). Но Бог кладет предел силе искушений диавола. Подобно Иову, прп. Антоний Великий, к-рого свт. Афанасий постоянно сравнивает с ветхозаветным праведником, и прочие праведники смогли противостоять искушениям (Ibid. 29, 34, 44, 51; Idem. Epistolae heortasticae II 13. 1-2//PG. 26. Col. 1415). Иов у свт. Афанасия - образ терпения, смирения, готовности прощать, он победитель в искушении (θλητς το πειρασμο - Idem. Fragmenta in Job//PG. 27. Col. 1345B; Idem. Or. contr. arian. 1. 63). Один фрагмент катен содержит сравнение Евы с женой Иова ( Athanas. Alex. Fragmenta in Job//PG. 27. Col. 1345C). У свт. Кирилла Александрийского и в приписываемых ему произведениях И. |
| Соединяясь в Богослужении с другими книгами, он всегда имеет первенство, поскольку его службы предшествуют службам прочих книг. Эти достоинства Октоиха весьма важны для чад Православной Церкви. Древнее происхождение его может укреплять их веру в неизменность древнего Богослужения нашей Церкви. Учение, содержащееся в нем, может убедить их в той непреложной истине, что наша Церковь есть истинно вселенская, от рода в род словом, писанием и своими священными песнями неизменно передающая истинное учение Веры и деятельности Христианской. 3 Constit. Apost. lib. VIII, с. 34, Binham. Orig. Eccl. lib. XIII,’e. IX, § pag. 300, Edit, secund. Halae Magd. 1754 ann 7 Basil, de spirit. S.ad. Amphil. c. 29, p. 86, Tom III, edit. Paris. 1839, Binh. or. Eccl. lib. XII, с. X. § IX, p. 324. 8 Const. Apost. lib. VII, c. 48, Binh. orig. Eccl. ibid.–Эmo следующее славословие: «Хвалите, отроцы, Господа, хвалите имя Господне. Хвалим Тя, славословим Тя, великия ради славы Твоея, Господи, Царю, Отче Христа, Агнца непорочнаго, вземлющего грех мира. Тебе подобает хвала, Тебе подобает слава, Богу и Отцу через Сына в Духе всесвятом, во веки веков, Аминь». 12 Instit. Cassian. lib. II, с. 57, Edit. Paris 1642 an. Joan. Bonae de divin. Psalm, p. 30, Edit, Colon. Agripnin. 1677 an. Const. Ap. lib. II, c. 57. 15 Это славословие читается так: «Слава в вышних Богу и на земли мир, в человецех благоволение, песнями прославляем Тя, благодарим Тя, славословим Тя, покланяемся Тебе, истинному Богу, Единому нерожденному, Единому неприступному, велнкия ради славы Твоея, Господи Царю Небесный, Боже, Отче Христа, Агнца непорочного, вземлющего грехи мира. Прими молитву нашу, седяй на Херувимех. Яко Ты един Свят, Ты един Господь Иисуса Христа, Бога всей сотворенной твари, Царя нашего, через Него же Тебе слава, честь и поклонение». Const, Ар. lib. VII, с. 47. Binh. Or. Eccl. lib. XIII, с. X, p. 324. 21 Consil. Antioch. Epist. SSnod. apud Euseb. lib. VII, c. SO. дам. Xp. Том. Ill, стр. 5a. 23 В одних из Египетских монастырей во время ночных собраний пели 20, а в других 30, 40, 50 и псалмов (Cass. lib. II, с. et. 5); в иных всякий час пели по 6 псалмов или умножали псалмы по числу часов; в 3-й час пели 3 псалма, в 6-й 6; и так далее (Binham. Orig. Eccl. lib. XXIV с. I, § VII). |
| 29 Monroe’s observation, made also by many other experimenters in this area, that “out-of-body” experiences are invariably accompanied by a high degree of sexual excitement, only confirms the fact that these experiences attract the lower side of man’s nature and have nothing whatever spiritual about them. 30 Stanislav Grof and Joan Halifax, The Human Encounter with Death, E.P. Dutton, New York, 1977. 32 Apuleius, The Golden Ass, tr. by Robert Graves, Farrar, Straus and Young, New York, 1951, p. 280. Proserpine (or Persephone) was the Queen of Hades in Greek and Roman mythology. 33 David Winter, Hereafter: What Happens after Death? Harold Shaw Publishers, Wheaton, Ill., 1977, p. 90. 34 J. Allen Hynek and Jacques Vallee, The Edge of Reality, Henry Regnery Co., Chicago, 1975, p. 107. 37 See the Life of St. Patricius of Prussa, May 19; St. Gregory’s Dialogues, IV, 36 and 44; Bishop Ignatius Brianchaninov, vol. III, p. 98. 38 See the Life of Blessed Theophilus (Feofil), Holy Trinity Monastery, Jordanville, N.Y., 1970, p. 125. 40 St. Gregory of Tours, The History of the Franks, Book VII, 1; Vita Patrum, St. Herman Monastery Press, 1988, pp. 296–97. 41 Lives of Saints, October 2; English translation in The Orthodox Word, 1979, no. 86, pp. 125–27. 42 From the Life of Optina Elder Leonid, St. Herman Brotherhood, 1976, pp. 275–76 (in Russian). English edition, 1990, pp. 223–34. 43 Homily “To the People of Antioch,” III, “On Lazarus,” II, as cited in Metr. Macarius, Orthodox Dogmatic Theology , II, p. 536. 44 Bede, A History of the English Church and People, tr. by Leo Sherley-Price, Penguin Books, 1975, Book V, 12, pp. 290–91. 47 Interview by James Pearre of the Chicago Tribune, printed in the San Francisco Sunday Examiner and Chronicle, Nov. 14, 1976, Section B, p. 7. 52 An examination of the “charismatic” movement as a mediumistic phenomenon may be read in Orthodoxy and the Religion of the Future, St. Herman Monastery Press, 1979, ch. VII. 55 Quoted in George Trobridge, Swedenborg: Life and Teaching, Swedenborg Foundation, New York, 1968, pp. 175, 276. |
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