| 5842 Though ργον is a common term (over 130 occurrences in the LXX of the Pentateuch alone) it is significant here that it can apply to God " s act of creation ( Gen 2:2–3 LXX; Wis 13:1; Sib. Or. 1.22; cf. the verb in Philostratus Hrk. 25.8). Less likely is the proposal of Manns, «Oeuvres,» that Jesus carries out Jewish tradition " s «works of mercy.» 5843 For a probable implicit traditional link between Gen 2and Ezek 37 , see comment on John 20:22 . 5844 E.g., L.A.E. 51:1–2; 2 En. 33:1–2 J; Barn. 15.8; possibly T. Ab. 19:7A; 7:16B; see further the comment on John 5:25–30 . 5845 It may be associated with the feast in 7and perhaps identified as the (partly realized) eschatological «day» in John 8:56; 9:4; 11:9; 14:20; 16:23,26 ), perhaps partly associated with the cross (12:7; 19:31) and/or resurrection (the first day, 20:1,19). 5846 John 6does not count because «make» is properly attached to «sit down.» 5847 Elsewhere God «made» the human mouth, a synecdoche for God making people in various physical conditions (Exod 4:11). 5848 Such a relationship often invited reciprocity: Israel must love God ( ; Josh 22:5; 23:11; Neh 1:5; Dan 9:4 ). 5849 Possibly Ign. Magn. 7.1 (δι» εαυτο) alludes to John here (even in the shorter recension), especially in view of Ignatius " s νευ του πατρς οδν εποησεν. 5850 Meeks, «Agent,» 55. On the activity of the agent, see «agency» under Christology in our introduction, pp. 310–17. 5851 E.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.32, εξ εμαυτο (John consistently prefers π, as in, e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 396, §135D). In John 10it indicates Jesus» independence from those who want him dead, but explicitly not independence from the Father; cf. 18:34. 5852 Sipre Deut. 5.1.1; 19.1.1; 25.5.1. 5853 Talbert, John, 125–26, takes the language of honor here as cultic (citing Josephus Ant. 1.156; 6.21; 1Tim 1:17; 6:16 ; Rev 4:9, 11; 5:12). On the early Christian understanding of Jesus receiving worship within the identity of the one God, see Bauckham, God Crucified, 34–35. |
| 6408 Duke, Irony, 73. 6409 Sophocles Ajax 185; Ant. 955–965; similarly being detained by a deity, P.Lond. 23.5–35; 42.9–13; Nilsson, Piety, 172. Cross-cultural anthropological studies indicate hyperarousal and changes in brain activity during possession trances (Goodman, Demons, 20, 126; cf. further examples in Goodman, Henney and Pressel, Trance). 6410 E.g., Homer Od. 18.15,406; 19.71; much less seriously, cf. 23.166,174,264. Crowds were not always as respectful as teachers would like (e.g., Eunapius Lives 460; Acts 2:13); here some are degrading though not yet fully hostile. 6411 Aune, Environment, 56. Boring et a1., Commentary, 283, cites Porphyry De abstinentia 2.42, although this may betray the influence of Christian ideas. 6412 E.g., PGM 1.80–81, 88–90, 164–166, 181–185, 252–253; 2.52–54; 1 En. 65:6; LA.B. 34:2–3; Ascen. Isa. 2:5; b. Sanh. 67b; cf. CD 12.2–3 (false prophets); T. Jud. 23:1; Irenaeus Haer. 1.13.3–4; Aune, Prophecy, 45. Some pagans felt that particular deities enabled magic (cf. Graf, «Initiation»); the use of angels became dominant in medieval Jewish «good» magic (Fass, «Angels»). 6413 See PGM 5.107–109; 13.345; Gager, «Magician»; idem, Moses, 134–61; on God as magician in some late Jewish sources, see Hayman, «Magician.» 6414 Much Jewish teaching condemned magic, e.g., Exod 22:18; Deut 18:10, 14 ; Wis 17:7; Jub. 48:9; 1 En. 65:6; L.A.B. 34; Ps.-Phoc. 149; Ascen. Isa. 2:5; 2 Bar. 60:2; 66:2; m. Sanh. 7:11; Sipra Qed. pq. 6.203.2.2; b. Sanh. 65b-66a, bar.; 67b; Sebu. 15b; p. Hag. 2:2, §5; Roš Haš 3:8, §1. 6415 E.g., Apuleius Metam. 2.5; Smith, Magician, 75–76; Theissen, Stories, 239–42 (though some regard them as charlatans, e.g., Plato Rep. 2.364BC; Plutarch Bride 48, Mor. 145C). 6416 Nevertheless, in late antiquity many Jews increasingly practiced magic or used amulets to defuse it (e.g., PGM 4.1222, 3040–3041; 13.815–818; CIJ 2:62–65, §819; 2:90f, §849; for more detail, see Jacobson, «Vision»; Isbell, «Story»; Kotansky, «Amulet»; Schäfer, «Magic Literature»; Goodenough, Symbols, 2:153–295; 12:58–63; in the rabbis, cf. " Abot R. Nat. 25A; b. Sanh. 65b; Goldin, «Magic»), as did many Christians in a later period (Gitler, «Amulets»). Pagans also incorporated Jewish elements (e.g., PGM 1.298–305; 4.2355–2356; Deissmann, Studies, 321–36). |
| 7902 Homer Il. 8.31; 22.178; 24.473; Od. 1.45, 81; 5.7; 8.306; 12.377; Aristophanes Wasps 652; even those not descended from him, such as his siblings (Homer I1. 5.757,762; 19.121; Od. 13.128). 7903 Homer Il. 2.371; 7.179, 202, 446; 8.236; 12.164; 13.631; 15.372; 17.19, 645; 19.270; 21.273; 24.461; Od. 12.371; Cleanthes Hymn to Zeus in Stobaeus Ee1. 1.1.12; Sophocles Oed. tyr. 202; Aristophanes Ach. 223–225; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1673; Plutarch R.Q. 40, Mor. 274B; Longinus Sub1. 9.10. 7905 Jub. 1:25, 28; Wis 11:10; Tob 13:4; later, Jos. Asen. 12MSS; T. Job 33MSS, 9; T. Ab. 16:3; 20:13A; cf. Pr. Jos. 1. 7906 Jeremias, Prayers, 15–16; idem, Message, 14. Chilton, Approaches, 59, cites «Father» as a prayer invocation in T. Job and (probably later) the Targumim. Greeks and Romans may have employed the title less pervasively than Judaism and in contrast to Judaism applied the image to the deity " s power rather than to his intimacy with Israel (cf. Johnson, Prayer, 61). 7907 M. Sotah 9:15; t. Ber. 3:14; B. Qam. 7:6; Hag. 2:1; Péah 4:21; Sipra Qed. pq. 9.207.2.13; Behuq.pq. 8.269.2.15; Sipre Deut. 352.1.2; b. Ber. 30a, bar.; p. Sank 10:2, §8; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 24:9; Lev. Rab. 1:3; 7:1; 35:10; SongRab. 7:11, §1. 7908 Marmorstein, Names, 56–60; Moore, Judaism, 2:204–9; McNamara, Targum, 116–18. Jeremias contends that «Father» is rarely attributed to first-century sages (Prayers, 16–17); but this observation omits some evidence (Vermes, Jesus and Judaism, 40) and fails to take into account the sparseness of rabbinic attributions in general in the earlier period. 7911 E.g., Sipre Deut. 27.2.1; " AbotR. Nat. 24, §51B; cf. Jub. 25(«Lord of the age»). Satan assumes this role (kosmokratör) only in some later texts (e.g., Hoskyns, Gospel, 426, cites Exod. Rab. on 24:7, following Billerbeck). Some gnostics later argued that the Jewish God was the lord of the world, whom they identified with Satan, inviting apologetic (Marmorstein, Names, 64, 99). 7912 E.g., 3 En. 1:4. Michael regularly appears as αρχιστρτηγος or similar titles ( Dan 10:13,21; 12:1 ; 2 En. 22:6J; 33:10; 3 Bar. 11:4,6–8; T. Ab. 1:13; 2:1A; 14:7B; Jos. Asen. 14:7; Gk. Apoc. Ezra 4:24; cf. Raphael in Gk. Apoc. Ezra 1:4). |
| 3456 Most commentators take the Revelation reference more literally than meaning inadequate Christology, however (e.g., Bowman, Revelation, 31). For banquets associated with the imperial cult, cf., e.g., CIL 3.550 (Sherk, Empire, §125, p. 165). 3457 Caird, Revelation, 39, noting that Jezebel " s «harlotry» in the OT (2 Kgs 9:22) was only figurative; cf. 4QpNah. 3.4; perhaps Wis 14:12. It could refer to literal cultic or other prostitution, as at Baal-peor (Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 86–87), although this is not attested in conjunction with the imperial cult; both readings (spiritual or physical fornication) seem contextually possible (Meeks, Moral World, 146). 3458 Also Hooker, «Baptist,» 358; Boice, Witness and Revelation, 26; Wink, lohn, 105; Collins, Written, 8–11. 3462 Kraeling, John, 51–52. While historically Johns «eschatological «radicalisation»» lent itself to political misinterpretation (Hengel, Leader, 36), neither political nor moral proclamation characterizes the Fourth Gospel " s Baptist. 3463 Meier, «John,» 234. For the passagés authenticity, see also Feldman, «Methods and Tendencies,» 591. 3465 See 1:7–8,15,19, 34; 2:25; 3:11, 26, 28, 32–33; 4:39,44; 5:31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39; 7:7; 8:13, 14, 17, 18; 10:25; 12:17; 13:21; 15:26–27; 18:23, 37; 19:35; 20:24. Painter, John, 8, counts forty-seven uses in John and only six in the Synoptics, «4 of which refer to the false witnesses at the trial of Jesus» (cf. further ibid., 90); even if John emphasizes separation from the hostile world more than the Synoptics (Goppelt, «Church in History,» 196–97), he seeks to prevent the flow of influence in only one direction. 3467 E.g., Plutarch Apoll 14, Mor. 108E («το θεον also testifies to this»); Oracles at Delphi 22, Mor. 405A (Homer testifies); Nicias 6.3 («events πεμαρτρει to his wisdom,» LCL 3:226–27); Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.4. Aristotle supposed ancient witnesses the most reliable because they could not be corrupted (Rhet. 1.15.13,1375b; 1.15.17). Trites, Witness, 4–15, shows that they were used in both legal and nonlegal (e.g., historiographie) contexts to establish data. |
| 2340 Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 3. Cf., e.g., Vermes, Religion, 5,73–74; Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, 257. 2342 For Elijah and Elisha as examples of healing miracles in Josephus, see Betz, «Miracles,» 219–20. 2346 Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 171; Meeks, Prophet-King, 163–64; Horsley, «Prophets»; see Josephus Ant. 20.97–99, 168–172; War 2.259, 261–263; 6.283ff. For a Greco-Roman context for signs-prophets, consult Kolenkow, «Miracle» (her Jewish examples are actually less convincing). 2348 See further Betz, «Miracles,» 222–30, on the «signs» (smeia) of the messianic prophets; their signs invited faith, but some responded with unbelief (pp. 224–25). 2350 E.g., Isa 12:2; 35:1, 8–10; 40:3; 51:11; Hos 2:14–15; 11:1–5, 10–11 ; Zech 10:10. In Isaiah, see Glasson, Moses, 15–19. Daube, Pattern, addresses exodus typology through the OT; he notes that no other OT patterns of deliverance are comparable to the exodus motif (11–12). 2351 E.g., t. Ber. 1:10; b. Ber. 12b (attributed to Ben Zoma); Exod. Rab. 2:6; Lev. Rab. 27:4; Deut. Rab. 9:9; Pesiq. Rab. 31:10; Teeple, Prophet, 51; in Matthew, see Davies, Setting, 25–93. Note the exodus as «Israel " s first salvation» (CD 5.19) and «first visitation» (CD 7.21). 2352 Deut 18:18 ; Gen. Rab. 100:10; Deut. Rab. 9:9; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 5:8; see further Meeks, Prophet-King, 246–54; Longenecker, Christology, 34–37,72–73; Mauser, Wilderness, 55–56; Patte, Hermeneutic, 173 (on Pss. Sol); and on the «hidden Messiah» tradition some commentators find in John 7 ; in the DSS, see Aune, Prophecy, 126 (who cites 1QS 9.10–11; 4QTest 1–20). Many scholars appeal to the new Moses picture in NT interpretation (e.g., Georgi, Opponents, 174; Hengel, Mark, 56), although its prominence in Judaism increased in the later period. 2353 Jub. 48:4; L.A.B. 9:7; Sipre Deut. 9.2.1; 4Q422 frg. 10 line 5; see further Meeks, Prophet-King, 162–63. 2356 Cf., e.g., Smith, «Typology,» 334–39; Meeks, Prophet-King, passim; Schnackenburg, John, 1:527. The ten plagues of Exodus (cf. the ten miracles for Israel at the sea in Mek. Bes. 5.1, Lauterbach 1:223) are paralleled in the seven plagues of Revelation, but probably also in the Fourth Gospel " s seven signs; compare the water turned to blood with water turned to wine as the first sign in each (Smith, «Typology,» 334–35, on John 2:1–11 and Exod 7:14–24). The seven signs may follow the midrash on Exodus implied in Wis 11–19 (Clark, «Signs»); the seven miracles of Pirqe R. E1. 52 are probably irrelevant (the document probably dates to the ninth century; see Strack, Introduction, 225–26). |
| 3400 Sir 50:6–7 (Simon ben Onias like the sun); L.A.B. 51(possibly Samuel); «Abot R. Nat. 25 A and b. Ber. 28b (Johanan ben Zakkai); »Abot R. Nat. 9, §25 Β (Adam as a lamp; p. Šabb. 2:6, §2); 13, §32 Β (R. Eliezer); p. Ta c an. 3:9, §4 (Honi the circle-drawer); Exod. Rab. 15(Daniel " s friends in Dan 3:27 ); Pesiq. Rab. 8(the patriarchs); priests (possibly 4Q504–506); cf. " Abot R. Nat. 24 A and Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 40(righteous in general); Gen. Rab. 1(righteous deeds). The expression must have been fairly widespread; Anna considers her son Tobias «the light of my eyes» (Tob 10:5); a source may have been 2Sam 21 (cf. 1 Kgs 11:36; 15:4; 2 Kgs 8:19). In the eschatological time, see Wis 3:7–8 (cf. 5:6); Matt 13:43; Rev 22:5; L.A.B. 26:13; 4 Ezra 7:97; 2 En. 65A; Sipre Deut. 47.2.1–2; b. Sanh. 100a; Lev. Rab. 30:2; Ecc1. Rab. 1:7, §9; Abelson, Immanence, 89, cites Ya1. Ps. 72. Cf. a pagan metaphor for a skillful sophist (Eunapius Lives 495) or heroes (Menander Rhetor 2.11, 419.18–20; Philostratus Hrk. 44.5; 45.5). 3405 1 En. 48(from the Similitudes, alluding to Isa 42:6; 49:6); the eschatological high priest in lQSb 4.27; and Amoraic sources in Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 6:5; Gen. Rab. 1:6; 85:1; Pesiq. Rab. 36:1–2; 37:2; kingship in general in Tg. 1 Chr. SM. 3409 1QH 7.24–25; 4 Bar. 9:3; L.A.B. 12:9; L.A.E. 28:2; T. Zeb. 9(paraphrasing Mai 4:2); PGM 4.1219–1222; perhaps 4Q451, frg. 24, line 7; cf. Sib. Or. 3:285; b. Menah. 88b (late second century); Gen. Rab. 3(third century, citing Ps 104:2 ; also in Exod. Rab. 50:1); Gen. Rab. 59(citing Isa 60:19); Num. Rab. 15:2; Pesiq. Rab. 8(citing Ps 27:1; 119:105 ); 21(citing Isa 60:19); Rev 21:23. In rabbinic texts, this often alludes to the Shekinah (the divine presence, closely connected with his glory, although Urbach, Sages, 1:44–47, disputes Abelson " s view of its physical nuances), e.g., Sipre Num. 41.1.1; b. Ber. 60b; the Shekinah of the first exodus is also depicted as light (e.g., Wis 17; 18:1–3; b. Menah. 86b; Exod. Rab. 14:3). |
| Bread in the wilderness thus recalls the exodus (including for John s likely audience; cf. Rev 12:14); but it should also not surprise us that John intends a further symbolic level of meaning that his contemporaries would have understood. 6130 The most basic metaphorical function of comparing Jesus with bread (available even to the least-informed elements of Johns audience) is the suggestion that Jesus «sustains life,» 6131 which in this Gospel suggests the life of the world to come, available in the present (cf. 3:16,36; 10:10). Because water and bread were primary necessities for life ( Sir 29:21 ), it is not surprising that they often became emblems of other needs. Like water (see comment on 1:25–26, 31; 4:14), bread came to be widely employed as a symbo1. 6132 Manna was «from heaven» (Josephus Ant. 3.32), 6133 and in some traditions the bread sent from (π) heaven was angels» food (Wis 16:20). 6134 If Joseph and Aseneth reflects pre-Christian ideas here, 6135 this bread may imply the «bread which gives eternal life.» 6136 (That document " s emphasis on honey may also be relevant, 6137 though it probably draws on the Greek image of «nectar and ambrosia.») Thus bread, like water, is anevocative image, not meant to be «understood» in terms of background so much as embraced by the hungry and thirsty; John invites his audience to respond with faith more than with contemplation. Only those with such thirsty and hungry passion ( Ps 42:1–2; 63:1; 73:25; 119:40,174; 143:6 ) will come to him and bear fruit. But this commentary focuses on cultural context, hence it is particularly important for us to emphasize that bread often related to wisdom: Wisdom will feed a person with the «bread» of understanding ( Sir 15:3 ); in words on which John 6almost surely depends (treated below), Wisdom declares that whoever eats and drinks from her will hunger and thirst for more ( Sir 24:21 ). Philo affirmed wisdom and discourses of wisdom to be heavenly food (ορνιον τροφν). 6138 Philo also declared that the bread that God gave his people was the souls food, the heavenly, divine word. 6139 The law itself could be understood as comparing God s words with bread, declaring the former to be greater than the latter ( Deut 8:3 ). 6140 Given the identification of wisdom and Torah in the rabbis (see also Sir 24:23 ; comment on John 1:1–18 ), it is not surprising that they employed bread as an emblem of the Torah. 6141 Scholars often emphasize the connection. 6142 Jewish tradition also emphasized that Wisdom descended from heaven (Wis 9:10) and that the law was «from heaven.» 6143 Jesus is not only greater than Moses; he epitomized the very wisdom or Torah that God sent through Moses. In one of the most «Johannine " -sounding passages in the Synoptics, Jesus invites people to «come» to him for rest (Matt 11:28). 6144 |
| The Spirit is here the «Holy Spirit,» as elsewhere in John only in the Gospel " s first and last references to the Spirit (1:33; 20:22); the full title may help draw attention to the statement. As in the Dead Sea Scrolls, the Holy Spirit could appear as a teacher (e.g., 1QS 2.3). 8751 Given the difficulty of distinguishing between the Spirit as provider of inspired wisdom or insights 8752 and the Spirit as inspirer of prophecy, I have elsewhere treated these categories together. 8753 The Paraclete had been sent not only to continue Jesus» presence in the experience of the community but also to expound the teachings of Jesus within the proper confines set by those teachings. Such teaching, like haggadic midrash, 8754 could no doubt be expansive; 8755 but it would have to remain faithful to the Johannine Jesus tradition held by the community. 8756 The Fourth Gospel itself might be seen as such a valid articulation of the Jesus tradition. 8757 This, too, is closely connected with the context, 8758 which concerns keeping Jesus» commandments (14:15–25); the Johannine community " s equivalent of traditional halakah was the guidance of the Spirit. The Spirit was going to teach (διδξει) them πντα (a familiar term with more limited nuances than the term itself need suggest; cf. 16[πση,with v. 15]; 1 John 2:20,27) and bring to their remembrance πντα that Jesus had spoken. Probably the phrase «which Jesus had spoken» should delimit both uses of πντα here, so that the Spirit " s teaching is neither wholly innovative nor simply repetitive (for the latter, «bring to remembrance» would have sufficed) but explanatory and applicational, like the exposition of Jewish sages. 8759 The idea that the Spirit is «sent» 8760 subordinates the Spirit to the sender " s purpose as his agent, just as Jesus is also the Father " s agent; 8761 that he is sent «in Jesus» name» guarantees fidelity to the original message in the same way. 8762 The Spirit " s «teaching» activity probably stems from authentic Jesus tradition (Luke 12:12) 8763 and also draws on a function of the Spirit and Wisdom in Wisdom texts. In Wis 7:21, Wisdom δδαξε Solomon; in Wis 8:7, Wisdom κδιδσκει φρνησιν; in 9:17–18, God sent (επεμψας) his Holy Spirit from above and thus they were taught (διδχθησαν). 8764 For John, teaching must stem from God (6:45) and not merely fleshly human intellect (3:10). The Spirit " s teaching role also appears as the «anointing» in 1 John 2:27 , where the anointing teaches discernment between truth and error (2:26). |
| 6861 Hoskyns, Gospel, 343; Lightfoot, Gospel, 197; Hunter, John, 93; Barrett, John, 349. For Satan " s origination of such activity in rabbinic sources, see Odeberg, Gospel, 303. Early Judaism associated sin " s origin with Adam, the devil, and/or the evil yetzer (see Baudry, «Péché»). 6862 On Satan " s involvement in deception, see, e.g., T. Dan 3:6; T. Job 3:6/3:5. 6863 E.g., Wis 2:23–24; Rev 12:9; Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 3in McNamara, Targum, 121 (Ellul, «Targum,» argues here for the angel of death); 3 Bar. 9:7 ; Apoc. Ab. 23:1,11; Apoc. Sedr. 5:1–6; contrast 1 En. 69:6); others saw the serpent as his agent (Apoc. Mos. 16:1, 5); for more general evil associations, cf. Horace Sat. 1.8.33–35; Sir 21:2; 1 En. 69:12; Luke 10:19; 2 Bar. 10:8; Incant. Text 2.3–4; 6.8; Exod. Rab. 9:3. 6864 Though sometimes employed thus, T. Mos. 12:4; Incant. Text 20:11–12; perhaps Rom 1:20 ; 1 En. 69:18; T. Mos. 1:12–13; Diogenes Laertius 10.1.75. 6865 Also in L.A.B. 1:1; Hesiod Theog. 452. «From the beginning» appears often in the Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch (McNamara, Targum, 143) but is a frequent phrase in Johannine texts (6:64; 15:27; 1 John 1:1; 2:7, 13–14, 24; 3:8, 11; 2 John 5–6 ). 6866 Sir 25:24 ; Sib. Or. 2.42–45; L.A.E. 18:1; 35; 38:1–2; 44:1–5; Apoc. Mos. 9; 11:1–2; 14; 31–32; 42–43; Philo Creation 151–152, 165; " Abot R. Nat. 9, §25B; p. Sanh. 2:4, §2; Gen. Rab. 17:8; 21:5; Exod. Rab. 28:2; Lev. Rab. 18:2; 1Tim 2:14 ; perhaps influence from the Greek tradition of Pandora amplified Evés guilt (Hesiod Op. 90–95; cf. Babrius 58). In another line of tradition, he also deceived her sexually (see comment above), but there is no reason to see that idea here. 6867 On other traditions about the devil " s or serpent " s envy, see also Josephus Ant. 1.41; " Abot R. Nat. 1A; b. Sanh. 59b. 6868 In Jubilees, see 11:5,11; 17:16; 18:9; 48:2,9. Yadin, War Scroll 233–34, compares the use of this term in Jubilees with 1QM 13.4, 11; 14.9; Ginsberg, «Scrolls,» 79, compares its use in Jubilees and CD (cf. Driver, Scrolls, 451). Mastemoth in 1QS 3.23 is probably not a proper noun (though associated with Belial and angel of darkness–1QS 1.18,21; 2.19; 3.22) but reflects the same linguistic milieu (cf. also Marcus, «Scrolls,» 12–13). The name may appear in 4QAmram b (Kobelski, «Melchizedek,» 64). |
| 6869 See Jastrow, Dictionary, 1554. Flusser, «Mastema,» 1119–20, prefers «enmity» or «prince of enmity.» Cf. also the «angels of destruction» () in 1QS 4.12. 6870 Brown, John, 1:358. On the close connection between the deception ( Gen 3 ) and homicide ( Gen 4 ), echoed in Jesus» passion, see Thomas, «Menteur.» 6871 Wis 10:3; 4 Macc 18:11; Jub. 4:2–3, 31–32; 1 En. 22:6–7; Josephus Ant. 1.52–59; L.A.B. 16:2; L.A.E. 23; Apoc. Mos. 2–3; Τ Ben). 7:3–5; Philo Worse32; " Abot R. Nat. 31; 41A; Heb 11:4; 12:24; Matt 23:35; Luke 11:51; Jude 11; 1 Clem. 4.1–7; see further Philo LCL l:xxiv-xxv; Grayston, Epistles, 110; Plummer, Epistles, 82; Sidebottom, James, 89. For Abel " s reward, cf. Ascen. Isa. 9:8; Apoc. Mos. 40:4–5; T. Ab. 13:2–3A; 11:2B. For early Syrian Christian application of Cain (including to Jewish opponents of Jesus), see Niklas, «Söhne Kains» (citing Aphrahat Demonstratio 16.8). 6872 Some later rabbis homiletically associated Satan " s creation with Eve (Urbach, Sages, 1:167), but this view is probably late. 6873 Tg. Ps.-J. on Gen 4:1; 5:3 ; see Reim, «Gotteskinder/Teufelskinder,» citing Tg. Neof. on Gen 4:7 ; Dahl, «Manndraperen»; McNamara, Judaism, 223–24. 6874 John 8:44 " s term for murder appears elsewhere in the NT only at 1 John 3and nowhere in the LXX. 6875 E.g., T. Job 3:6/3(του Σαταν ν ω πατηθσονται ο νθρωποι); Τ. Dan 3:6; cf. 1QS 10.21–22. Satan (T. Job 3:6) or the devil (διβολος, T. Job 3:3/4) or demons are behind idols (cf. Deut 32:17 ; Ps 96 Bar 4:7 ; 1 En. 19:1; Jub. 1:11; 7:27; 22:17; T. Job 3:3; T. So1. 5:5; 6:4; Sipre Deut. 318.2.1–2; Gen. Rab. 23:6; 24:6; 1Cor 10:20 ; Athenagoras 26; Tertullian Apol 23.5–6). 6876 Phaedrus 1.17.1. 6877 Falsehood and theft also appear together in t. B. Qam. 7:8; cf. John 10:1–10 . 6878 Only three non-Johannine uses of ψεστης appear in the NT; cf. also ψευδς in Rev 2:2; 21:8, of three uses in the NT. 6879 E.g., Lysias Or. 3.39, §99; 4.13, §101; Cicero Mur. 6.13; Quinct. 6.22; Rose. com. 16.46; Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 33; cf. Isaeus Estate of Astyphilus 19. Writers against Jews tell «lies» about them (Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.79, 147, 289); Apion is a prime example of such a liar (Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.85,90,98,111,115,121,122). Perkins, «John,» 966, points out that Qumran " s opponents are misled «by the Man of Lies of Interpreters of Error (lQpHab 2:2; 5:11; CD 20:15; 1QH 2:13–14; 4:10).» |
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