| Schriften zur Historischen Theologie, hrsg. v. Franz Dünzl/Alfons Fürst/Ferdinand R. Prostmeier, Freiburg 2000, 354 с прим. 31 (первую публикацию этой статьи см.: Karl Kertelge [Hrsg.], Mission im Neuen Testament, QD 93, Freiburg 1982, 190–237). Иустин, Апол. (Just., 1. apol. 16,14). Греч. текст: Minns Parvis , Justin (см. прим. 18), 120. По поводу Иустина см. мою статью: Ethik als Ausweis christlicher Identität bei Justin Martyr//ZEE 50 (2006), 21–28. См. статью: Ilka Ißermann , Did Christian Ethics have any Influence on the Conversion to Christianity?, in: ZAC 16 (2012), 99–112. Скорее всего, будет оправданным предположить, что усиление роли епископа как гаранта правильности веры явилось не в последнюю очередь отражением «эффекта центрифуги», наблюдаемого в связи со стремительным ростом количества христиан в первые века. Во Фригии в середине II в. монтанизм был, видимо, сильно распространен. Что касается маркионитов, то об их распространении можно судить по большому количеству направленных против них сочинений христианских авторов, принадлежавших к «имперской» Церкви (ср. Евсевий: Eus., h.e. IV 11,8; 23,4; 24,1; 30,1; V 8,9; 13,1; VI 22), так что здесь не может идти речи о каком-то маргинальном явлении. Сравнительно большое количество сторонников следует предположить и в гностических (весьма разнообразных) течениях. Лучшим свидетелем невероятного многообразия христианства этого времени является, опять же, Цельс, напр.: Kels. 3,12. Тертуллиан, Апологетик (Tert., Apol. 1,10). Нем.текст: Georges , »Apologeticum« (см.прим. 26), 68. Ориген, Против Цельса (Or., Cels. 1,3.27; 2,13.79; 5,50; 7,26). См.: Fiedrowicz, Apologie (см. прим. 20), 223. См.: Carl Andresen, »Siegreiche Kirche« im Aufstieg des Christentums. Untersuchungen zu Eusebius von Caesarea und Dionysios von Alexandrien//ANRW II 23,1 (1979), 387–459. Августин, О вере в вещи невидимые (Aug., fid. invis. 4,7); пассаж и нем. текст: Fiedrowicz , Apologie (см. прим. 20), 222f. Феодорит (Thdt., affect. 8,5–9; 9,15f.; 12,95). См. Fiedrowicz, Apologie (см. прим. 20), 223 с прим. 55. По поводу апологетики у Феодорита см.: Jörg Ulrich, The Reception of Greek Christian Apologetics in Theodoretus Graecarum affectionum curatio// Jörg Ulrich/Anders-Christian Jacobsen/Maijastinah Kahlos (Hrsg.), Continuity and Discontinuity in Early Christian Apologetics, ECCA 5, Frankfurt/M. 2009, 113–130. |
| Bacteria gradually develop resistance to everything. People will create new antibiotics all the time. Sometimes a person has to use three or four antibiotics at the same time to overcome this resistance. Now people take antibiotics, in part unreasonably, in huge quantities because of the pandemic. And this may be one of the most unfortunate consequences of the pandemic: bacteria increase their resistance. What side effects do antibiotics cause? — Yet, antibiotics will not make everything worse, right? — Quite the opposite. Antibiotics cause various side effects, many of which are rather dangerous. The side effects include allergic reactions, up to anaphylactic shock. The most common side effect is an antibiotic associated diarrhea, which is caused by normal intestinal flora dying under the influence of antibiotics. Antibiotics inhibit the development of bacteria or kill them. They also affect the living organism, in which these bacteria are located. Other flora may develop due to this and it can be very dangerous: for example, clostridium that cause pseudomembranous colitis, which can lead to death. Antibiotics can negatively affect the liver, activate the development of fungal flora, suppress hematopoiesis, affect the central nervous system, and so on. They should be used like any other active medication in cases when the potential benefit of their use exceeds the possible harm. Antibiotics will not be beneficial for COVID-19 treatment, and the harmful side effects of using them are quite real. — Since antibiotics have so many side effects, I will not give them to my children. — There are situations when antibiotics are absolutely necessary for children. For example, bacterial streptococcal angina. This is a bacterial infection that is quite dangerous. It can cause damage to the heart valves and lead to heart defects. If it is a bacterial infection, then you need to take antibiotics. There is no big difference in their administration for children and adults. Translated by Julia Frolova |
| αξα, Anwachsen, Wachstum: NilEp 125B. αξβιος lebensfördernd, lebensverlängernd: σπινθρες JoGaz 197.– (Αξ. Tgl); s. αξβιος. αξιδκης das Recht vermehrend: Zepos I 673 (a.1312–13). αξιλιριος (lat. auxiliaris) zu den Hilfstruppengehörig: LydMag 72,4; 136,10.– DGE, LexLat. αξλιον, τ (lat. auxilium) Hilfstruppe: Suda IV 847,9 (Eunap.). BasB 1283,15f. αξιμεωσις, Zu- und Abnehmen: τν μερν κα νυκτν Dionys. Byzant. 117,17 (Wescher 1874). σελνης TzetzHist IV 816. TzetzAr II 425,16; 479,10.– αξομ. LS, DGE. αξνοος den Verstand fördernd: πσις AnLaur 230,29. αξις, Beförderung: OikList 231,5 (Philoth.).–(LS, DGE, L). αξφυτος Pflanzen wachsen lassend: παλμαι Manas 5715. αξφως an Licht zunehmend: σελνη HephTheb I 214,7.12; 221,12; II 124,10. id. LudwMax 99,21; 100,6.–DGE. αξφωτος an Licht zunehmend: σελνη HeliodCom 69,21. id. HorConst 225 VII 13. id. CodAstr VIII 2,106,32.– LS, LSSup, DGE. αξβιος lebensfördernd, lebensverlängernd: CodAstr VIII 4,160,23 – LS, DGE -βος; s. αξβιος. αξομειωτικος das Zu- und Abnehmen betreffend: LudwMax 107,25. ζδιον CodAstr VII 204,2.– LSSup; vgl. KumN αξοεμειοντο. αξυνομαι (pass.) wachsen, zunehmen: CodAstr VIII 3,168,8; 181,8.–LS, DGE, Kr -νω. αογαρα, (ital. avvogaria) Staatsanwaltschaft: SchreinFin 4,47. πνω schlaflos sein, an Schlaflosigkeit leiden: GregNazPG 37Д170А. ScholIl К 83. NBasOr43,9; 21; 27. Ideler II 194,9.–LS, DGE. αρριοι, o (lat. aurarius, aura) Anhänger, Gefolge: AASS Sept. VI 12F cap.2 (mart. Trophimi).–DGE, (LSSup, L). αρλιος, (mlat. auriolus ?) Goldamsel ? VAndR 533 app. αριγριν, τ (lat. aurigarius) Festgewand des βιγριος: DeCerV II 134,21.25.27. αρζω bis zum Morgen (folgenden Tag) währen: χθρα -ζουσα DujBulg 286,509.– (LS; KumN αριζω). αρικς morgig: PhilMon 181.– Dem. αρινς morgig, den folgenden Tag betreffend: θνατος AnSinSerm III 5,113, id. MirDem 136,4 v.l.– LS, DGE, Kr (+ X TLG. αρκλαβος (lat. auroclavus) mit goldenen Streifen besetzt: βλα σηρικ -βα VEudociae 880 с.24. διβητσιον DeCer I 414,8; 423,2; τ -βα 577,3.– Vgl. χρυσκλαβος Soph. |
| Schiffman, «Crossroads» Schiffman, Lawrence H. «At the Crossroads: Tannaitic Perspectives on the Jewish Christian Schism.» Pages 115–56 in vo1. 2 of Meyer and Sanders, Self-Definition. Schiffman, Jew Schiffman, Lawrence H. Who Was a Jew? Rabbinic and Halakhic Perspectives on the Jewish Christian Schism. Hoboken, N.J.: Ktav, 1985. Schiffman, Law Schiffman, Lawrence H. Sectarian Law in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Courts, Testimony, and the Penal Code. Brown Judaic Studies 33. Chico: Scholars Press, 1983. Schiffman, «Light» Schiffman, Lawrence H. «New Light on the Pharisees–Insights from the Dead Sea Scrolls.» Bible Review 8, no. 3 (June 1992): 30–33, 54. Schiffman, «Paraphrase» Schiffman, Lawrence H. «The Deuteronomic Paraphrase of the Temple Scroll»: RevQ 15 (1991–1992): 543–67. Schiffman, «Scrolls» Schiffman, Lawrence H. «The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Early History of Jewish Liturgy.» Pages 33–48 in The Synagogue in Late Antiquity. Edited by Lee I. Levine. Philadelphia: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1986. Schillebeeckx, Sacrament Schillebeeckx, Edward. Christ the Sacrament of the Encounter with God. New York: Sheed & Ward, 1963. Schineller, «Women» Schineller, Peter. «Women in the Gospels.» Emmanuel 98 (1992): 256–61. Schlatter, «Problem» Schlatter, Frederic W. «The Problem of Jn l:3b-4a.» CBQ 34 (1972): 54–58. Schlier, «Begriff» Schlier, Heinrich. «Zum Begriff des Geistes nach dem Johannesevangelium.» Pages 264–271 in Besinnung auf das Neue Testament. Exegetische Aufsätze und Vorträge II. Freiburg: Herder, 1964. Schlier, «Geist» Schlier, Heinrich. «Der Heilige Geist als Interpret nach dem Johannesevangelium.» Internationale katholische Zeitschrift 2, no. 2 (March 1973): 97–108. Schmeller, «Weg» Schmeller, Thomas. «Der Weg der Jesusbotschaft in die Städte.» Bibel und Kirche 47, no. 1 (1992): 18–24. Schmidt, «Einweihung» Schmidt, Victor. «Apuleius Mef. III 15f: Die Einweihung in die falschen Mysterien (Apuleiana Groningana VII).» Mnemosyne 35 (1982): 269–82. |
| Philip G. Kreyenbroek, Yezidism – Its Background, Observances and Textual Tradition 63 . Michael Azkoul, St. Gregory of Nyssa and the Tradition of the Fathers 64 . John Fulton and Peter Gee (editors), Religion in Contemporary Europe 65 . Robert J. Forman, Augustine and the Making of a Christian Literature: Classical Tradition and Augustinian Aesthetics 66 . Ann Matheson, Theories of Rhetoric in the 18th-Century Scottish Sermon 2 See the July and October Feasts dedicated to the Fathers in the Menaion of the Holy Orthodox Catholic Church. 3 St John of Damascus. Imag. II, 6 PG 94 1288C; St Theodore the Studite. Antirr. II, 18 PG 99 364C; and see the discussion in Jaroslav Pelikan’s The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine (vol. 3): The Spirit of Eastern Christendom (600–1700) . Chicago, 1974, p. 15f. If only for this reason, it is incredible that the Greek Orthodox scholar, Constantine Tsirpanlis, counts heretics (e.g., Origen, Tertullian) among the Fathers of the Church, for then it would be impossible to speak of a patristic consensus “or agreement among the Fathers on the fundamental tenets and beliefs of a Christian Confession” (See his Introduction to Eastern Patristic Thought and Orthodox Theology. Collegeville [Minn.], 1991, pp. 21 –23). Such an “ecumenical” declaration could only fall from the lips of one who fails to recognize the doctrinal and ecclesiological boundaries set up by the Fathers. 5 Editor’s Foreword to Holy Transfiguration Monastery’s revised translation of St John Climacus’ The Ladder of Divine Ascent. Boston, 1991, xxix-xxx. Cf. C.N. Tsirpanlis, Introduction ..., p. 13. Lossky rightly states that it is unfair to speak of “the Platonism of the Fathers every time the subject of ’contemplation’ is raised. Contemplation is not the exclusive appanage of Platonism; and if it were, Platonism in a broad sense would simply mean spirituality which tends towards communion with eternal realities, where the degrees of contemplation correspond to the progressive deification of human beings immersed in the contingent. |
| Didymus in 2 ad Cor,, 39, 1677–1732. Chrysostomus. Нот. 1–44,61,9–382;1–30,381–610. Homiliæ 1–3 de matrimonio (1 Cor., VII), 51 207–42; aliä, 241–72, 64, 466–74. Hamiliæ 1–3 in 2 Cor,, IV, 13, 51, 271–302. Aliæ in 2 Cor., 61, 301–10; 64, 25–34. Theodorus Mops., 66, 877–94; 893–8. Cyrillus Alexandrinus, 74, 855–916; 915–52. Theodoretus, 82, 225–376; 375–460. Gennadius, 85, 1727–30; 1729–30. Joan. Damascenus, 95, 569–706; 705–76. Photius (2a), 101, 1253–54. O_Ecumenius, 118, 635–906; 905–1088. Theophylactus, 124, 559–794: 795–952. Ad Galatas. Origenes. Fg., 14, 1293–8. Chrysostomus, 61, 611–82. Homilia, 51, 371–88. Theodorus Mops., 66, 897–912. Theodoretus, 82, 459–504. Gennadius, 85, 1729–32. Joan. Damascenus, 95, 775–822. O_Ecumenius, 118, 1089–1166. Theophylactus, 124, 951–1032. Ad Ephesios. Origenes. Fg., 14, 1297–8. Chrysostomus. H. 1–24, 62, 9–176. Theodoretus Mops,, 66, 911–22. Theodorus, 82, 505–58. Joan. Damascenus, 95, 821–56. O_Ecumenius, 118, 1165–1256. Theophylactus, 124, 1031–1138. Ad PHILIPPENSES. Chrysostomus, 62. 177–298. Homilia, 51, 311–20. Theodorus Mops., 66, 921–6. Theodoretus, 83, 557–90. Joan. Damascenus, 95, 855–84. O_Ecumenius, 118. 1255–1326. Theophylactus, 124, 1139–1204. Ad Colossenses. Origenes. Fg., 14, 1297–8. Chrysostomus. Horn. 1–12, 82, 299–392. Theodoras Mops., 66, 925–32. Theodoretus, 82, 591–628. Joan. Damascenus, 95, 883–904. O_Ecumenius, 119, 9–56. Theophylactus, 124, 1205–78. Ad Thessalonicenses 1–2. Origenes in (primam) fg., 14, 1297–1304. Chrysostomus. Hom. 1–11, 62, 391–468; Hom. 1–5, 467–500. Theodorus Mops., 66, 931–34; 933–6. Theodoretus, 82, 627–56; 657–74. Joan. Damascenus, 95, 905–18; 917–30. O_Ecumenius, 119, 57–106; 105–134. Theophylactus, 124, 1279–1326; 1327–58. Ad Timotheum 1–2. Chrysostomus 1–18, 62, 501–600. – 1–10, 599–662. Homiliæ, 51, 321–38, 56, 271–80. Theodorus Mops,, 66, 935–44, 945–8. Theodoretus, 82. 787–830, 831–58. Joan. Damascenus, 95, 997–1016. – – 1015–1030. O_Ecumenius, 119, 133–196, 155–240. Theophylactus, 125, 9–88; 87–140. |
| Special Factors in Johannine Discourse If we bracket for the moment the question of transmission, it is possible that Jesus spoke in different ways on different occasions. The location and setting of most of John " s discourses differ from those in which the Synoptics take interest. The action of most of the Fourth Gospel takes place in Judea rather than in Galilee. Such factors cannot explain all the differences, but they may have exercised more effect than we often assume. Thus F. F. Bruce points out that some variation in style may occur because in the Synoptics Jesus converses especially «with the country people of Galilee,» whereas «in the Fourth Gospel he disputes with the religious leaders of Jerusalem or talks intimately to the inner circle of His disciples.» 672 Further, although only John reports lengthy interchanges between Jesus and Jerusalem leaders, there can be no question that interchanges occurred, especially during the Passion Week, and they were undoubtedly longer than the Synoptics report. Luke provides insight into Jesus» Perean and Judean ministries, and the Synoptists concur that Jesus vigorously debated the Jewish leaders in Jerusalem. Although most of the Synoptic records of Jesus» clashes with the authorities there fit the smaller units of tradition through which they came to the Gospels, it is intrinsically likely that some of Jesus» debates would have continued at more length. 673 Some of Jesus» teachings in the Fourth Gospel are also directed especially to the disciples, including a form of the Messianic Secret. This, too, matches the record of the other gospels, perhaps independently confirming their tradition while providing fuller details concerning it. 674 (In John, the secret does not affect Samaritans–4:25–26–as in Mark it does not affect Gentiles– Mark 5:19 ; it also involves divine hardening of the unbelieving in both– John 12:37–43 ; Mark 4:10–12 . 675 But John the Baptist s confession of Jesus becomes more explicit in the Fourth Gospel–1:29; similarly, Peter is no longer the first disciple to confess Jesus» messiahship–1:41, 49.) An eyewitness tradition might diverge particularly with respect to private teachings, providing a much fuller exposition of Jesus» teachings originally circulated only among his disciples. |
| The questions of temporal priority which plague any comparison of Johannine and gnostic texts do not affect a comparison of Johns Logos with that of Stoic thought. Earlier 2924 and even some contemporary 2925 scholars have thus suggested John s dependence on Greek philosophy here, or at least that the Greek origins of the idea should affect our reading of the term in John 1 . 2926 The sixth-century B.C.E. Greek philosopher Heraclitus reportedly spoke of «Thought» as guiding and ordering the universe, 2927 and six of the surviving 130 fragments of his work refer to the Logos, four in the technical sense of being eternal, omnipresent, the divine cause, and so forth. 2928 Nor was Heraclitus alone in classical Greek thought; in Cleanthes» Hymn to Zeus God rules all things and his Logos is present in them; moreover, the hymn apparently identifies this Logos with «the universal law.» 2929 The Stoics developed Heraclituss doctrine. 2930 Zeno, founder of the school, identified Socrates» logos, or rational principle, with that of Heraclitus. 2931 Zeno reportedly urged people to live according to nature, following «the common law,» that is, the law common to all, which he identifies as the pervasive Logos and Zeus. 2932 (This «natural law» also existed in other philosophical circles outside Stoicism.) 2933 Stoics held that the passive principle in the universe was matter; the active principle, Logos, which is in practice identical to God, acts upon matter. 2934 This universal reason or mind was expressed by way of example in human minds. 2935 Cynic literature likewise praises Logos, or reason, as the soul " s guide. 2936 The concept of the Logos naturally spread beyond Stoicism. Amid Plutarch " s philosophical demythologization of Isis and Osiris he declares that «the Divine Word ( θεος λγος) has no need of a voice.» 2937 Likewise, Plutarch could appeal to classical poets to prove that law was written in human hearts, which law he identifies with ensouled Logos, or reason. 2938 middle Platonists or neoplatonists ultimately merged Platós Demiurge and World Soul into the Stoic Logos, adopting the doctrine as their own. 2939 Thus one later writer praises a deity as the divine Mind (νους) pervading the heavens (Menander Rhetor 2.17, 438.13–15) as well as the creator (δημιουργς) or second power (438.16–17). The idea of natural, universal law became so widespread that some Roman legal codes began by distinguishing laws particular to given states from the law of nature (ius naturale), 2940 the law due to natural reason (naturalis ratio). 2941 |
| He held with the Gnostics, that Christ was a mere Phantom; he put it forth that himself was the Christ, and the Comforter (Paraclete): and his twelve Disciples accordingly proscribed marriage as being of the Devil, &c. See Theodoret, Haeret. Fab. I. XXVI. Tom. IV. with the Index. Epiphan. de Mens. et Pond. as cited by Asseman. A Syriac translation of the work of Titus, Bishop of Bozra, against this heresy, is to be found in the volume from which I take this work of Eusebius. All these, according to Hegesippus, as preserved by Eusebius (Eccl. Hist. Lib. IV. cap. XXII.) originated from Thebuthis, who, being mortified because not made a Bishop, set about secretly to corrupt the Church. He was of one of the seven sects then spread abroad among the Jews. Out of which also arose Simon, whence the Simonians: also Cleobius, Dositheus, Gortheus, Masbotheus; whence also Menander, Marcion, Carpocrates, Valentinus, Basilides, &c. &c. Hence also the false Christs, false Apostles, false Prophets, &c. See the notes of Valesius, Ed. 1695, p. 69. seq. 479 Matt. X. 16: comp. Luke X. 3. Cited also by Theodoret, Gr. affect. curat. Ed. Gaisford, p. 446. 480 Syr. [Syriac], which, I think, should be read [Syriac]: the intention of our author evidently being, to give an equivalent to the «amarum et maligni principis apostasies serpentis venenum» of Irenaeus, Edit. Grabe. p. 105. 481 Matt. X. 24, 25, 26. Differing slightly from the Peschito, as before. Cited partly by Theodoret, Gr. affect. curat. Ed. Gaisford, p. 447. 482 Matt. IX. 84; XII. 34. Mark III. 22 . Nothing was more common, among both the Jews and heathens, than the accusation of Magic against the miraculous powers of Christ, and of His immediate followers. (See Wetstein on Matt. XII. 24.) «The Heathen,» says Bingham,... «because our Saviour and his followers did many miracles, which they imputed to evil arts, and the power of magic,....therefore generally declaimed against them as magicians, and under that character exposed them to the fury of the vulgar,» &c. |
| Rengstorf was hardly the first to recognize a connection between Christian apostles and the Jewish legal institution of agency; the latter as the former " s prototype was recognized at least as early as Jerome. 2691 The idea was also recognized by Lightfoot in the nineteenth century, in part through his vast knowledge of patristic sources. 2692 Lake recognized that αποστολ designated a mission in classical Greek, although απστολος means «messenger» only rarely. 2693 The LXX uses αποστλλω so frequently that it rarely employs πμπω, but normally renders «envoy» as γγελος, using απστολος for this only once. 2694 The one use of the term by Josephus, however, for the leader of a Jewish delegation, is significant. 2695 The strongest argument in favor of drawing the connection between apostleship and agency is that Jewish (and more broadly Greco-Roman) agency supplies the most obvious general cultural context for the Christian conception of a commissioned messenger: In every language there is a word to describe a person who is sent by the king or by the magistrates to act as their authorized representative. The Aramaic word for such persons is . There is nothing unusual about it, and if Jesus sent out authorized representatives as Mark says that he did, this is the name which he would naturally have used. In the New Testament this is generally rendered into Greek by απστολος, but this word, though etymologically correct, is not customary in non-Christian Greek. 2696 Having argued that the shaliach provides a general context for the nt idea of agency (particularly apostleship), however, it is also important to recognize the quite different conception of agency in the nt. Conzelmann and Bultmann, for instance, observe that the shaliach is often a temporary position, whereas that of nt apostles is permanent. 2697 While this need not affect the derivation of the image, it does affect the sense. Others also insist that the different nt usage qualifies the meaning, and they are right. 2698 The synthesis noted by J. A. Kirk is helpful; the rabbinic institution provides an analogy to apostleship, but |
|
|
