| 1061 Summons to «behold» in the Gospel (e.g., 1:29) may function pleonastically; for pleonasm in ancient rhetoric, see Quintilian 8.3.53–55; 9.3.46–47; Anderson, Glossary, 102; Black, «Oration at Olivet,» 88. 1062 Caird, Revelation, 5. Fiorenza, Revelation, 16, provides other evidence for the intentionality of Revelations Semitic style, which seems to imitate OT Hebraic patterns. In some conditions rhetoricians could value «radical departure from common idiom» (Anderson, Glossary, 48; cf. also λλοωσις, ibid., 16–17). 1065 Trites, Witness, 154–55, observes both similarities and differences between Revelation and John, allowing that the different emphasis may be due either to different authors or to different genre. 1066 See Hill, Prophecy, 85. Allusions to Jesus» parables also occur in other early Christian texts and interpolations; see Bauckham, «Parables.» 1067 Such chronological markers are admittedly not unique to Johannine literature (2 Bar. 22:1; Josephus Life 427; cf. 1 En. 41:1), and in Revelation they usually denote only the sequence of visions («saw,» 4:1; 7:1,9; 15:5; 18:1; «heard,» 19:1). 1068 Of course, Revelations «come» for revelation harks back to Exod 19:24; 24:12; 34:2, esp. in Rev 4:1. (Jewish texts continued to emphasize that Moses could not ascend until God summoned him, e.g., the Ethiopie title of Jubilees; Abot R. Nat. 2, §11 B; cf. L.A.B. 11:2; in later tradition, he ascended all the way to heaven, Pesiq. Rab. 20:4.) The language is imitated or paralleled in other apocalyptic passages (e.g., 1 En. 14:24–25, 15:1; 2 En. 21:3; 3 En. 41:1, 42:1, 43:1, 44:1, 47:1, 48A; b. Hag. 14b; Plutarch Divine Vengeance 33, Mor. 568A). 1069 On Rev 22:20, see Cullmann, Worship, 13; cf. idem, Christology, 201–10. The Aramaic formula appears in 1Cor. 16:22 ; see Fee, Corinthians, 838–39; Longenecker, Christology, 121; cf. Conzelmann, Corinthians, 300–301; Robinson, Studies, 154–57; idem, Coming, 26–27. 1070 The context probably suggests that love for other believers is in view (Beasley-Murray, Revelation, 75; cf. Robbins, «Apocalyptic,» 160), although love for God cannot be excluded. |
| 5899 E.g., 2 Bar. 51:1–2; cf. t. Ber. 6:6. For distinction after death, see 1 En. 22:9–11; cf. sources in Keener, Matthew, 129, on Gehinnom, and 710–11, on the resurrection of the dead. 5900 It appears in most streams of NT tradition and is denied in none: Acts 24:15; 2Cor 5:10 ; Rev 20:4–6; Matt 25:46; cf. Matt 5:29–30; 10:28; Luke 11:32; Bernard, John, 1:245. 5901 1QS 4.13–14; Gen. Rab. 6:6; most sinners in t. Sanh. 13:3,4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 10:4; Pesiq. Rab. 11:5; cf. 2Macc 12:43–45. By contrast, the souls of the wicked will remain in hell on the day of judgment in 1 En. 22:13; 61:5; 108:6; 4 Macc 9:9; 12:12; t. Sanh. 13:5; probably L.A.B. 38:4; Ascen. Isa. 1:2; 3 En. 44:3; t. Ber. 5:31. 5902 Ps 62:12 ; Prov 24:12 ; Sir 16:12,14 ; Matt 16:27; Rom 2:6 ; 2Cor 11:15 ; Rev 22:12; Pesiq. Rab. 8:2; cf. Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.2.3. 5903 It continued in widespread use (Josephus Life 256; Ant. 4.219; b. Sanh. 37b, bar.; p. Git. 4:1, §2; cf. m. Roš Haš. 1:7; 2:6); see further the comment under 8:13. Early Christians also employed this rule; see 2Cor 13:1 ; 1Tim 5:19 ; Matt 18:16. 5904 Boring et al, Commentary, 270–71, cites Cicero Rose. Amer. 36.103. Witnesses confirmed a matter (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 26), and a claim offered without them might be scathingly contested (Lysias Or. 7.19–23, §110; 7.34–40, §111). 5905 E.g., Lysias Or. 4.5–6, §101; 7.12–18, §§109–110; 12.27–28, §122; 19.24, §154; 29.7, §182; Cicero Quinct. 24.76. Establishing a credible motive was standard procedure for the prosecution (Cicero Rose. Amer. 22.61–62). 5906 E.g., Isaeus Estate of Cleonymus 31–32, §37; Estate of Hagnias 6; Lysias Or. 7.19–23, §110; 7.34–40, §111; 7.43, §112. Cf. the preference for multiple and diverse testimonies, e.g., in Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 61, §19D; for challenging the credibility of opposing witnesses, see, e.g., Hermogenes Issues 45.5–10. 5907 Cicero Quinct. 23.75. 5908 The witness of one person was inadequate in many kinds of cases (Boice, Witness, 47, cites m. Ketub. 2:9; Roè Haï. 3:1); self-accusation, by contrast, could invite condemnation (Achilles Tatius 7.11.1; though in early Judaism cf. Cohn, Trial, 98). In some matters, however, onés self-testimony was held reliable (e.g., m. Ketub. 2:10), even against two witnesses (m. Tehar. 5:9). |
| Again the text is laden with John " s irony: Satan would be defeated and dislodged from his place of authority (12:31) and Jesus glorified and exalted (12:32) through the cross (12:33). 7926 Satan " s activity (13:2,27) would undermine the devil himself. 2E. Jesus» Exaltation by the Cross (12:32–34) God could accomplish his purposes even through acts of human rebellion or folly. 7927 It was not through an act of brutal force but through submission to such force, through his death on the cross, that Jesus would «draw» all humanity (12:32). 7928 His language refers not to the salvation of all individuals (cf. 3:36), but representatives among all peoples (cf. Rev 5:9; 13:7); the context is the Pharisaic complaint that «the world» was now following him (12:19), and Gentiles were now ready to approach Jesus (12:20). Only the cross could make Jesus available to all by means of the Spirit (7:39; 15:26–27; 16:7; 17:20). This is truly Johannine paradox: «exaltation» and «glorification» in their positive sense hardly fit the shame of the cross, even the thought of which typically evoked horror. 7929 An ancient audience would readily grasp the wordplay involved; writers could speak of raising one up on a cross. 7930 A writer could also tell that Alexander promised that whoever had killed Darius would be rewarded by being «lifted up»; when the murderers came forward, he fulfilled his words literally by crucifying them. 7931 More importantly, the Hebrew Bible already played on the double meaning of exalted or hanged ( Gen 40:13, 19–22 ). On «lifting up,» see comments on 3:14; 8:28; on «drawing,» see comment on 6:43–44. Jesus used this «lifting up» to «signify» (σημανων, function as a sign; cf. 2:18–19) the kind of death which he was going to die (12:33; also 18:32); this language could apply to prophetic or apocalyptic symbolism (Rev 1:1; Acts 11:28), 7932 but in the Fourth Gospel (if one accepts our argument that John 21 is part of the Gospel) it applies especially to indicating the manner of impending death, Peter " s as well as Jesus» (21:19). |
| 10569 Also p. Yoma 7:2 (paralleling heavenly priests); Pesiq. Rab. 33:10; Yadin, War Scroll, 219; cf. Exod 39:27–29; Lev 6:10; 16:4, 32 . 10570 Pausanias 2.35.5; 6.20.3; Pythagoras in Diodorus Siculus 10.9.6; Diogenes Laertius 8.1.33; Hipponax frg. 65; Ovid Her. 4.71 (Eleusinian rituals); Athenaeus Deipn. 4.149d; SEG 11.923, in Sherk, Empire, 58; Ramsay, Letters, 386; cf. the change of garments in Olmstead, History, 511. Cf. Rev 3:4–5, 18; 4:4; 6:11; 7:9, 13. Linen was not limited to worship settings, however (e.g., Indians in Arrian Ind. 16.1–2). 10571 Naturally, Archelaus in Josephus War 2.1 could afford a special garment; one doubts that all comers (despite Ant. 11.327) had the same opportunity. 10572 Cf. Homer II. 1.103; Ovid Metam. 2.832; Ex Ponto 2.5.37–38; 4Q183, 2.4–8 (possibly also 4Q185 frg. 1–2, co1. 2, lines 6–7); 4Q544, 1.10–14; 2.3–5 (both depicting the ruler of darkness); 4Q548, lines 10–15; Silius Italicus 11.548; Dupont, Life, 260. Black functions negatively in Aeschylus Sept. 832–833 (a terrible, «black curse»); Ovid Fasti 1.58 (inauspicious); Marcus Aurelius 4.28. Athenians used white ballots for acquittal, black for a death sentence (Plutarch Alc. 22.2). 10573 Cf. Hesiod Op. 154–155; Aeschlyus Eumenides 745 (the Furies spring from Night); Ovid Amores 1.8.3–8 (night as the time for witchcraft); Philostratus Hrk. 33.6 (white associated with the sun god); Lucan C.W. 6.624; Philo thinks black the absence of light and white (Creation 29; Abraham 10). Ephraim Isaac, an Ethiopian translator of 1 Enoch, points out that in 1 En. 87white suggests the image of purity in Ethiopie (OTP 1n.) Against some modern assumptions, these associations with color derive from day/night divisions, not human pigment. White is associated positively with the spirit world in various traditional African societies (Mbiti, Religions, 73, 277; Isichei, History, 64). 10574 In early Christianity, cf. Rev 3:4–5; 4:4; 19:8, 14. 10575 E.g., PGM 4.637–638, 698–699; also an inscription in Grant, Religions, 16. |
| 4036 This portrayal fits other early Christian images (e.g., 1Pet 1:19 ; 4037 Rev 5:6; 7:14). 4038 In Rev 5:6, 9, the «lamb having been slaughtered» is the Passover lamb whose blood delivers God " s people from the coming plagues (7:3), but also (in 6:9) the lamb in union with whom the martyrs are portrayed as sacrifices beneath the altar (where the blood of sacrifices was poured in the Hebrew Bible). 4039 That the Fourth Gospel later portrays Jesus» death in terms of the Passover lamb (18:28; 19:36) and writes in the context of a new exodus and a new redemption (1:23) expected by Judaism indicates that this is the sense of «lamb» in view in the Fourth Gospe1. 4040 1B. Historical Tradition or Johannine Theology? Where John covers the same ground as the Synoptics (e.g., 1:30–33; 12:25), it is clear that even when he employs Johannine idiom, he normally develops earlier tradition. John himself testifies that he employs his traditions very selectively, and had a sufficient number from which to choose those he found most appropriate to his purpose (20:30–31; cf. 21:25). A choice between Johns theology and his tradition is therefore forced. Whether one regards the information in any particular pericope as historical, however, will depend largely on the presuppositions with which one approaches the rest of the materia1. Is the Baptist s confession of Jesus as the lamb ahistorical? Many scholars think so; how could John regard Jesus so highly, yet later doubt that he was the one (Matt 11/Luke 7:20)? 4041 Yet if we accept the Baptists confession that Jesus was mightier than he 4042 and would baptize in the Spirit, that the Baptist was unworthy to be his slave and saw the Spirit descend on Jesus (details recorded in all four extant gospels), 4043 another high christological confession is not impossible. Indeed, we would expect later Christology to emphasize dominant themes like «Christ,» «Lord,» or perhaps «God» or «Son of God» (cf. 1:34) more readily than the less common «lamb.» While the Fourth Gospel " s Tendenz explains why the author omits the Baptists later doubt when Jesus does not inaugurate eschatological judgment, it need not make other pronouncements ahistorica1. |
| 9284 Kuyper, «Grace,» 3–13; Dahl, «History,» 132; Epp, «Wisdom,» 138; Westcott, John, 13; Stuart, «Examination,» 316; Dodd, Studies, 141–42; Dodd, Bible, 75; Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Boismard, Prologue, 54–56; Barrett, John, 167; Hoskyns, Gospel, 150; Lee, Thought, 40; Schnackenburg, John, 1:272; Gaston, Stone, 209; Ladd, Theology, 230. 9287 Metzger, Textual Commentary, 247. Contrast Bammel, «Paraklet,» 205–6, who regards ν as a clarification or explanation of εις. 9289 Cf. Bultmann, John, 574–75, and notes by some of the older commentators, such as Westcott, John, 230; Tholuck, John, 377–78. Contrast Harrison, «Ministry,» 194. 9290 That is, not «on his own authority» (T, Ab. 15:8; 19:4A; Philostratus Hrk. 8.2). This is also characteristic of the role of prophets ( 2Pet 1:21 ; cf. Num. Rab. 18:12); disciples should also speak what they hear (Socrates Ep. 20). See comment on 8:28. 9291 For a similar apologetic (albeit not experiential) chain, cf. Josh 11:15, where God commanded Moses, who commanded Joshua; or Rev 1:1. 9294 If the false prophets of Rev 2–3 advocate compromise with the imperial cult or with non-Christian Judaism and took John the Baptist as one of their models (as suggested above in comment on John 1:6–8 ), ecstatic experience could have been substituted for the objectivity of the Jesus tradition. The Paraclete passages lack any indications of ecstatic activity (Boring, Sayings, 85–86, citing as an analogy of nonecstatic inspiration Herm. Mand. 11.2–9). 9296 Potterie, «Paraklet,» 95, denies that this is simply «une proclamation kérygmatique» and associates it rather with a nuance found in apocalyptic literature, «révéler, dévoiler,» often in Danie1. On p. 96 he observes that this is not always a new revelation but, as in Daniel and elsewhere, it can mean «to give the interpretation of earlier revelation that is obscure and mysterious.» Young, «Isaiah,» 224, roots the term in Isaiah LXX (where it appears fifty-seven times). 9297 Godet, Commentary, 184, argues for their equivalence through the asyndeton between 16and 16:14. |
| 8687 Plutarch Theseus 1.2. The essay Greek and Roman Parallel Stories (Mor. 305A-316B), may not be genuinely from Plutarch " s hand but at least demonstrates that attention was given to his method. 8688 Theon Progymn. 2.86–88, remarking on this in Demosthenes (cf., e.g., Plato Sophist 221D); on comparison (σγκρισις) of characters, Theon Progymn. 10.3–4; subjects, because they can compare characters on the basis of their deeds, can be compared in the same way (10.4–7). See further comment on 13:23. 8689 E.g., Quintilian 10.1.85, comparing the Greek Homer with the Roman Virgil; Appian C.W. 2.21.149, comparing Julius Caesar with Alexander. 8690 Jacobson, «Visions,» though contrasting Greek historiography. Examples abound in the biblical tradition, e.g., Daniel " s use of Joseph motifs, and the parallel of Jeremiah " s reticence at his call to Moses». 8691 Boring, Sayings, 85–86, suggests that the lack of enthusiastic frenzy may characterize Johannine prophetism; cf. also Isaacs, «Spirit,» 406. Berg, «Pneumatology,» 142, could be right that this is mainly a modern distinction, but Herrn. Mand. 11.2–9 (in Boring, Sayings, 85–86) suggests that it was at least considered in the early second century, and the Montanists (Aune, Prophecy, 313) were certainly ready to lay claim to the Fourth Gospe1. 8697 Betz, Paraklet, 128–30, argues for the Spirit " s function as prophet in John and early Judaism (as the teacher, 130–33; the witness, 133–34; and protector of righteousness, 134–36); see also Bornkamm, «Paraklet,» 18–20; Hill, Prophecy, 150; Boring, «Prophecy»; Isaacs, «Spirit,» 392–99; Vawter, «Ezekiel,» 455–58. Prophets» intercessory role in early Judaism (Glatzer, «Prophecy,» 133–35) may also fit the Paracletés activity. 8698 Comparing Jesus» and the Spirit " s prophetic functions in John, see Isaacs, «Spirit,» 399–402; cf. Vawter, «Ezekiel,» 455–58. Compare even the hostility toward Jesus in John 7:20 ; 8with Josephus War 6.303. 8704 For Rev 13, see, e.g., Kraybill, Cult, 161–65; Bauckham, Climax, 423–31; Keener, Revelation, 337–39, 355–56,409–10; for Rev 11, see ibid., 290–93. |
| Об этом подробно писано фельдфебелям и посланы книжные пособия. В письмах приложено на апельсины в Рождественский праздник в Маругаме 15 ен, на 300 человек, в Химедзи 40 ен, на 890 человек, в Фукуцияма 15 ен, человек 300. Учителям на дорогу дано по 30 ен. Побывши каждый в своем месте, они все потом сойдутся в Мацуяма, куда тоже повезли фонарь и 100 картин; там все трое сдадут посылку и научат, как обращаться с нею. О. Симеон Мии из Сидзуока пишет, что совершил там у военнопленных Литургию – это первая там. Все, конечно, были очень рады ему. 18/31 декабря 1904. Суббота. Учащиеся все вчера исповедались, сегодня за Литургией с 7-ми часов приобщились Святых Тайн. Я целый день был занят распределением книг, пришедших из России от Константина Петровича Победоносцева для военнопленных, по 6 городам, где они содержатся, писанием списков книг и отправлением ящиков. 19 декабря 1904/1 января 1905. Воскресенье. Японский новый год. Обычное воскресное богослужение, потом молебен, на который и я выходил. Обычные поздравления и раздачи на «кваси» учащимся и другим. Затем для меня день, как и другие – писание писем к военнопленным. Никуда не выходил с визитами; но карточки с поздравлением разосланы всем, как всегда; к французскому министру тоже. 20 декабря 1904/2 января 1905. Понедельник. Писание писем к военнопленным. С визитом были Rev. King, англиканский миссионер с Rev. Sharpe, тоже англиканский миссионер из Сидзуока. Поболтали о войне и о действиях японцев, причем King, несмотря на всегда являемое сочувствие Русской Церкви, не выдержал от названия войны делом справедливым и делом истины со стороны японцев (just and true). Ренегат Кёбер прислал записку, что «не смеет явиться, но был бы счастлив получить на это позволение». Ответил, что всегда буду рад видеть его. – Как все это скучно и пошло! 21 декабря 1904/3 января 1905. Вторник. Чтение церковных писем. Как мало ныне крещений! Все почти только младенцы. Строгий выговор Стефану Минами (Мацуока), катехизатору в Фукуока на Киусиу, неожиданно очутившемуся здесь по поводу болезни брата. |
| 7046 On «God " s works,» cf. comment on 6:28; Charlesworth, «Comparison,» 415, on 1QS 4.4. John 3also speaks of «manifesting works,» but the parallel is primarily one of idiom rather than of theology (cf. 1 John 3:8 ; Johannine literature employs φανερω frequently: 1:31; 2:11; 7:4; 17:6; 21:1, 14; 1 John 1:2; 2:19, 28; 3:2, 5, 8; 4:9; Rev 3:18; 15:4); the idea in 2is closer. 7049 E.g., Chrysippus contended that Providence did not make sickness but in making good had to allow the bad to be produced (Aulus Gellius 7.1.7–13). 7051 Sipre Deut. 306.30.2, 5, 6. God " s mighty acts could be said to be predestined before creation (Gen. Rab. 5:5). 7052 Martyn, Theology, 28. For the verb «working» with the noun «works,» see also 6:28; Philostratus Hrk. 17.6. 7053 E.g., Homer Il. 2.387; 7.282; 8.529–530; 11.209; 14.259–261; Apollonius of Rhodes 4.1059; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.48.3; Arrian Alex. 1.19.2; Polybius 5.86.1–2; Caesar Alex. W. 1.11; Gallic W. 2.11; Apollodorus Epitome 4.2; Silius Italicus 5.678; 13.254–255; Philostratus Hrk. 58.4; their uncommonness made night attacks all the more devastating (Homer II. 10.100–101; Arrian Alex. 1.4.1); forced dismissal of the Senate (Cicero Earn. 1.2.3). Augustinés interpretation of «night» here as hell (Tract. Ev. Jo. 44.6) is fanciful (Whitacre, John, 238). 7054 Including for the eyes (Tob 11:11–13; CIG 5980, in Deissmann, Light, 135–36; cf. commentaries on Rev 3:18). Proper use of eye salve could help (Epictetus Diatr. 2.21.20; 3.21.21), but use of the wrong substance could produce blindness instead (Diodorus Siculus 22.1.2; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 20.5.2–3; Appian R.H. 3.9.2). 7056 E.g., Theophrastus Char. 16.14. For magical uses, see esp. Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 8–11 (forwarded to me by Daniel Wallace). 7057 Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 170, e.g., cite Pliny Nat. 27.75; 28.5,48,61,77; 29.12,32; 32.39; Boring et a1., Commentary, 284, cite SIG 1173 (138 C.E.; magical). On therapeutic uses, see further Galen N.F. 3.7.163 (for skin diseases); Bourgeois, «Spittle,» 11–16. |
| 4948 Plutarch Exile 17, Mor. 607D, also citing Platós claim (Phaedrus 250C) that the soul is «like an oyster in its shell» (Plutarch, LCL 7:568–71). 4953 Socrates in Xenophon Mem. 4.3.14; the principle may also cast light back on Jesus as the incarnation of the invisible God in 1:18. On the divine winds, see, e.g., Virgil Aen. 1.56–59; Keener, Revelation, 233; for Poseidon allegorized as cosmic breath, Maximus of Tyre Or. 4.8; for a naturalistic explanation (air blowing in a specific direction), see Seneca Nat. 5.1.1. 4955 E.g., Matt 8:27; 15:31; 21:20; Mark 5:20 ; Luke 1:63; 2:18; cf. Rev 13:3; 1 En. 26:6; Sib. Or. 1.32 (Evés creation); T. Ab. 3:11–12A; the response to Apollonius in Greek tradition in Robbins, Jesus, 149. See further comment on 2:11. 4956 Some (e.g., Brown, John, 1:131) attribute Jesus» admonition not to marvel to «a characteristic rabbinic usage»; more naturally, it is a common admonition to those who should not have been taken by surprise (e.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.16.1, Μ θαυμζετ»). 4957 Commentators here often appeal to the community Nicodemus represented in John " s day (e.g., Brown, John, 1:131; Sanders, John, 125; Rensberger, Faith, 38, 56–57, 148; cf. Carreira das Neves, «Pronome»). 4960 The identity of οδα with γινσκω in 3may represent rhetorical metabole or variatio (cf. Lee, «Translations of OT,» 776–77); the repetition of οδα so frequently in the passage may resemble rhetorical diaphora (cf. Rowe, «Style,» 133–34). 4961 Schwarz, «Wind,» translates «blows» as «inspires,» but his recourse to Aramaic would probably be lost on most of John " s ideal audience. 4962 Like the description of Jesus raising whom he wills (θλει, 5:21), it also implies divine omnipotence (cf. Rev 1:8). 4966 E.g., Sophocles Oed. co1. 214–215; Euripides Helen 86; Virgil Aen. 2.74; Pindar Ryth. 4.97–98. One would also ask the person " s name (Euripides Cyc1. 102; Iph. taur. 499; Parthenius L.R. 26.4; cf. Judg 13:6 ). 4968 Diogenes Laertius 6.2.63. For the idea, cf. Diogenes Laertius 2.99; 6.2.72; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 28.4; Epictetus Diatr. 2.10.3; Philo Creation 142; for citizenship in heaven, cf. Diogenes Laertius 2.7; Philo Contempt. Life 90; Phil 3:20 ; Diogn. 5.5. |
|
|
